The Qin jiandu yanjiu 秦簡牘研究 book series, edited by Chen Wei 陳偉, marks the culmination of an ambitious project, first embarked upon a decade ago, to thoroughly arrange and research the entire corpus of published Qin manuscripts written on bamboo and wood strips.Footnote ¹ The team of scholars engaged in this work have previously released updated editions for many of these manuscripts, beginning with annotated transcriptions to the initial batch of Liye 里耶 strips and followed by a four volume set of photographs and annotated transcriptions for seven additional caches of Qin strips.Footnote ² In his review of the four-volume Qin jiandu heji, Olivier Venture justly describes these works as “beyond a doubt the new standard edition for all texts concerned.”Footnote ³ The five books in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series are equally impressive, bringing together the fruits of this team's labor, reaped over the course of many years of careful research.

Organized thematically, each book in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series covers a different discipline: institutional history, law, geography, mantic arts, and linguistics. Case studies are presented on relevant subjects that highlight important findings from the latest research on Qin strips. Although not written as such, the Qin jiandu yanjiu series thus serves as a state of the field for the study of Qin bamboo and wood-manuscripts in China today. It comes at a critical time. As Chen Wei remarks in his series’ preface, the retrieval of a huge assemblage of Qin local administrative documents from a well in Liye at the turn of the millennium, together with the publication of finds such as the Han-period legal texts from Zhangjiashan 張家山 tomb 247 around the same time, not only introduced important new evidence, but also reenergized the study of older collections like that of the Shuihudi Qin strips.Footnote ⁴ The research conducted by Chen's team reveals how this influx of new sources has shaped recent scholarship on Qin manuscripts, from the methodologies being advanced to the disciplines pursued. With the ongoing publication of the Liye and Yuelu Academy caches, and the imminent publication of the Peking University Qin collection and Shuihudi Han tomb 77 manuscripts, further developments are on the horizon.Footnote ⁵

The Qin jiandu yanjiu series is also an indispensable complement to the reference works Liye Qin jiandu jiaoshi (diyi juan) and Qin jiandu heji. The objective of Liye Qin jiandu jiaoshi (diyi juan) and Qin jiandu heji was to present primary source data in a comprehensive, accurate, and accessible fashion. To do so, however, necessarily limited the authors’ capacity for sustained argumentation within brief annotations. The Qin jiandu yanjiu series fleshes out readings given in Liye Qin jiandu jiaoshi (diyi juan) and Qin jiandu heji, and extracts the debates held scattered across their pages. Corrections are made to these previous works as well.Footnote ⁶ Yet the Qin jiandu yanjiu series moves beyond the Liye Qin jiandu jiaoshi (diyi juan) and Qin jiandu heji in the range of sources treated, directly addressing the Yuelu Academy Qin strips, and even discussing materials from the Peking University Qin collection and Tuzishan 兔子山 discovery.Footnote ⁷ Comparisons against earlier Warring States and later Han sources are made frequently as well.

As a summation of ongoing research efforts, it perhaps is not surprising that, in the majority of these five books, large portions of the content are reprints of recent publications. Information about these prior publications is given in the afterword for each book.Footnote ⁸ Despite the availability of older versions to certain chapters, the Qin jiandu yanjiu volumes are useful for number of reasons. Not all of the material is previously published, and there is plentiful new content incorporated throughout. Even for books where the majority of chapters are reprints, however, value is added by pulling together works on similar topics into a single convenient location. This is especially true of previous publications that may be difficult for some scholars to access, such as papers in conference proceedings that are not widely distributed. Often, significant updates were made to prior work for the Qin jiandu yanjiu editions as well. An example may be found with Chen Wei's discussion on the levy of corvée labor in Qin jiandu jiaodu ji suojian zhidu kaocha 秦簡牘校讀及所見制度考察 (Annotated readings of Qin strips and an investigation into institutions seen therein) (chap. 9, pp. 195–206). He has largely rewritten his prior article, “Yuelu shuyuan Qin jian Yaolü de jige wenti” 岳麓書院秦簡徭律的幾個問題, to accommodate the later publication of the Yuelu Academy Yaolü 徭律 articles in full, which supplied him with supplemental evidence and obliged a few corrections.Footnote ⁹ Of course, some of the reprints remain practically verbatim or have only superficial modifications.

To help orient readers interested in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series, a brief survey of each book's contributions follows. The five books are introduced here in the order they are listed by Chen Wei, in the preface appended to each volume (“Xu 序,” p. 2); they are not numbered individually within the series otherwise.

Of the five books, Chen Wei's Qin jiandu jiaodu ji suojian zhidu kaocha is perhaps the broadest in its scope. The “institutions (制度)” featured in the book's title concern both conventions guiding administrative documents themselves, and the operations of various government organs and policies. In regard to the language of administrative documents, Chen dates shifts in vocabulary usage, including when “zui 罪” replaced “zui 辠” for “guilt” (chap. 1, pp. 19–25), when “nubi 奴婢” replaced “chenqie 臣妾” and “nuqie 奴妾” for “male or female slaves” (chap. 1, pp. 10–18), and when “fa 發” replaced “ban 半” for “to open (a document)” (chap. 2, pp. 36–48).Footnote ¹⁰ A name taboo for the character “zheng 正” was only in effect for two years after the First Emperor of Qin unified the realm, and began again with the Second Emperor's reign, but was not enforced otherwise (chap. 1, pp. 1–10). Appreciating the timing behind linguistic changes like these may help date unearthed administrative documents.Footnote ¹¹ Chen moreover explicates phrases commonly employed in these texts, demonstrating for instance how “lingshi 令史” could be a polite form of address in messages sent between county offices of equal stature, with “ke 可” often following to lighten the force of a request made to one's peers (chap. 2, pp. 28–35).Footnote ¹² The mechanics behind forwarding documents are explored as well, from the nature of sealing boards (檢) and their affixed labels (署) (chap. 2, pp. 48–69), to how mail was at times delivered via routes utilizing both the courier station (以郵傳) and ordered units (以次傳) systems conjointly (chap. 2, pp. 58–80).

Chen Wei describes the organizational structure, personnel (including use of laborer-servants [徒隸]) and responsibilities of the county Fields Department (田部) and Fields Office (田官) (chap. 4, pp. 105–20), and of the county Armory (庫) (distinct from the commandery-level Military Armory [武庫]), for which a description of the physical facilities is also given (chap. 5, pp. 121–40). The status of various classes of laborers is likewise explored. Among Chen's other insights, he finds that robber guards (司寇) and members of the hidden office (隱官) participated in tours of periodic service, at which time they were provided rations by the state (chap. 3, pp. 82–88). Dependents (隸) were registered as part of a household, and in many respects treated like children—the household head managed their property or arranged for their marriage, and was responsible for their transgressions; yet they were not deemed mutually liable for crimes committed by the family (chap. 7, pp. 167–80).Footnote ¹³ Chen even shows how earth and grain pounders (城旦舂) were forced to turn their fur coats inside out, in order to abide by the regulation that they wear clothes colored red (chap. 8, pp. 183–84).

The findings surveyed briefly above are the result of Chen's close reading of primary source materials, based on his reconstructions of these texts and his interpretation of key words or phrases. The final three chapters of Qin jiandu jiaodu ji suojian zhidu kaocha continue this work, but in a less integrated fashion, with annotated readings given for select lines from individual manuscripts. These are grouped together by text type, featuring legal texts (chap. 12, pp. 228–95), calculations and mantic arts (chap. 13, pp. 296–337), and a miscellaneous category (chap. 14, pp. 338–68). Note that in this final chapter, Chen moves into inscriptions on other media besides wood- and bamboo-strip manuscripts, writing on the Shi Huang nianliu nian zhaoshu 始皇廿六年詔書 (Imperial edict issued on the twenty-sixth year of the First Emperor's reign) announcement cast onto numerous Qin implements, and sealing clay impressions with the place name Hewai 河外.Footnote ¹⁴

The second book in the series, entitled Qin lü yanjiu 秦律研究 (Research on Qin law), focuses on how new manuscript sources have advanced our knowledge of Qin law. The book features contributions from Xu Shihong 徐世虹, Wu Wenling 鄔文玲, Tao An 陶安 (Arnd Helmut Hafner), Nan Yuquan 南玉泉, Zhi Qiang 支強, and Li Li 李力. In a brief foreword, Xu Shihong reflects upon how the study of Qin law has developed as a field over the course of the past century, and moreover offers directions for future research.Footnote ¹⁵ Further orientation is provided in the opening chapter (by Wu Wenling, pt. 1, pp. 1–21), with a useful survey of all unearthed Qin legal manuscripts known to date, describing their content, publication history, and select issues raised by each find.Footnote ¹⁶ The first half of the book explores various forms of legislation, with three chapters dedicated to ordinances (令) (Nan Yuquan, chap. 2, pp. 57–105), models (式) (Nan Yuquan, chap. 3, pp. 106–25), and evaluations (課) (Xu Shihong, chap. 3, pp. 126–48) respectively. This is followed by two chapters concerned with the codification of Qin law, including the linguistic technology in place for its navigation and practical application (Xu Shihong, chap. 5, pp. 149–87; Zhi Qiang, chap. 6, pp. 188–226), and a further chapter reconstructing the penal system (Arnd Helmut Hafner, chap. 7, pp. 227–68). Qin lü yanjiu then concludes with more specific case studies. Li Li demonstrates that an article labelled under the Guanshi lü 闗市律 (Statutes on passes and markets) from Shuihudi 睡虎地 (strip #97), while deceptively similar to portions of the Jinbu lü 金布律 (Statutes on finance) in both the Yuelu Academy 嶽麓書院 (strips #1411+1399+1403) and Zhangjiashan 張家山 Han tomb 247 (strips #429–430) collections, differs from them in crucial ways, and thus its title is not in error as previously suspected (chap. 8, pp. 269–306). Wu Wenling, in the final chapter (chap. 9, pp. 307–48), concentrates on topics informed by the Liye cache, such as the debate over the existence of and details to the household tax (戶賦) in the Qin.

Throughout Qin lü yanjiu close attention is paid again to the explication of legal terminology. This begins with the correction of primary source transcriptions, such as returning to the formula “lun yan jue 論言夬(決)” (Wu Wenling, chap. 1, pt. 2, pp. 34–8), and determining sentence divisions, for instance with the proposed reading of regulations for continuing provisions (續食) found among the Liye cache (Wu Wenling, chap. 9, pp. 319–28).Footnote ¹⁷ It culminates at the level of contextualized interpretation, as when Xu Shihong suggests that the idiosyncratic use of “you zui 有罪” in Shuihudi Qinlü shibazhong 秦律十八種 (Qin statutes of eighteen varieties) lacks formal legal significance (chap. 5, pp. 177–87), or when Wu Wenling argues that “shou 守” and “zhu 主” are often forms of address unrelated to official titles in the Liye strips (chap. 9, pp. 328–46). Among the most exciting contributions in Qin lü yanjiu, in my opinion, are those that grapple with the processes underlying the production of these manuscripts. An example is Arnd Helmut Hafner's study of Shuihudi Falü dawen 法律答問 (Answers and questions to legal principles and statutes) #106–110, where he reveals that strip #108 was later inserted between these other strips to correct and supplement their miscopied content. Although focused primarily on Qin law, Qin lü yanjiu will benefit scholars interested in later periods as well, as the book often brings in newly unearthed Han legal texts and descriptions of Qin and Han law compiled from the received corpus, while also critically evaluating the relationship between these early traditions and the later Wei reforms or Tang code. While the bibliography is relatively comprehensive for the topics addressed, there are a few mistakes and oversights, felt most poignantly in the neglect of Western language scholarship on Qin and Han law.Footnote ¹⁸

Qin jiandu dili yanjiu 秦簡牘地理研究 (Research on geography in Qin strips) by Yan Changgui 晏昌貴 is the third book in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series. Yan envisions the study of geography in China as stemming from two traditions: works on “court geography (王朝地理學, alt. 沿革地理學)”—beginning with the Yugong 禹貢 (Tribute to Yu) chapter of the Shang shu 尚書 (Book of documents)—concerned primarily with political or administrative geography, and classified as historical literature (史部); and works on geomancy, a type of popular “applied geography (應用地理學)”—practiced from the Neolithic with grave orientations for instance—more properly classified as masters literature (子部) (Foreword, pp. 8–14). Qin jiandu dili yanjiu predominantly concentrates on topics related to the former orientation. Inspired by mention of the “twelve commanderies” in the Zhili lü 置吏律 (Statutes on the establishment of officials) from Shuihudi, Yan determines which Qin commanderies were the first twelve and when they were initially established, thereby dating the composition of this Zhili lü article to between 272–249 b.c.e. (namely the end of King Zhaoxiang's 昭襄 reign). He argues that the number twelve held special significance in this context, as it was “the great number of heaven (天之大數),” derived in part from the orbital period of Jupiter. King Zhaoxiang of Qin's aspirations to conquer the realm are thus laid bare by regarding regions outside the capital as his “twelve commanderies,” and perhaps it is not coincidental that the First Emperor of Qin set up thirty-six commanderies, a multiple of twelve (chap. 1, pp. 21–58). By detailing the course of Qin's wars documented in the Shuihudi Ye shu 葉書 (Generational records, alt. Biannian ji 編年記), Yan likewise tracks the spatial development of the Qin commandery system, as it laid out “buffer zones” in concentric eastward arcs along militarily strategic lines (chap. 2, pp. 59–115).

Qin jiandu dili yanjiu next shifts to the Liye strips. Yan surveys the commanderies and county-level units mentioned among Liye's administrative documents, demonstrating the extensive reach of Qin's “paperwork empire,” and showing that experienced officials from the Qin heartland were assigned to newly conquered regions, such as Qianling County 遷陵縣, to further “Qin-ciziation” (chap. 3, pp. 116–88).Footnote ¹⁹ This is complemented by a closer examination of Qianling County's internal structure (of districts [鄉] with subordinate villages or wards [里]), from which Yan concludes that the Qin exerted tighter control over local populations through both forced emigration and also dividing previously established communities administratively (chap. 4, pp. 189–231). The following two chapters reconstruct the travel routes through the Jianghan 江漢 region found in the Peking University Shuilu licheng jiance 水陸里程簡冊 (Distances for water and land routes; alt. Daoli shu 道里書) (chap. 5, pp. 232–85), and—aided in part by new infrared photographs—the riverways found on the Fangmatan 放馬灘 maps (chap. 6, pp. 286–325), broaching topics such as the dates of composition for each piece, their historical background, and their significance.Footnote ²⁰

While the above chapters focus mainly on issues of administrative geography, Qin jiandu dili yanjiu concludes with a study of popular geomancy, as reflected in newly discovered Rishu 日書 (Daybooks), though touching briefly on later traditions as well (chap. 7, pp. 326–72). Yan explores the idealized configuration for living spaces and argues that daybooks emphasize wall and passageway selections because these structures either separate or transverse the inner and outer realms. A comparison is conducted between the Xiang zhai 相宅 (Examining habitations) section in the Chu Jiudian 九店 and Qin Shuihudi daybooks, showing how both focus on “yu 寓/宇” or “domiciles” as the principal structures and utilize the cardinal and ordinal directions to determine auspiciousness (as opposed to the later twenty-four directions in fengshui 風水, while also generally lacking yinyang 陰陽 or five phase [五行] theorization); yet the Qin Shuihudi version employs more stylized language, ignores the Chu religious structures, stresses the concept of “the center (中),” and takes the south or southwest as the most auspicious locations (whereas in the Jiudian daybook it is in the east or southeast). Yan examines the logic behind selecting appropriate timings for groundbreaking and similar activities according to these manuals. Qin jiandu dili yanjiu is the only book in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series to include an index (pp. 397–426), which is limited to place names; a number of tables, drawings, and maps are included, although an overall map of the Qin commandery system and its development would have been welcome for reference in the earlier chapters.

The next book in the series, Fangmatan Qin jian ji Yuelu Qin jian Meng shu yanjiu 放馬灘秦簡及嶽麓秦簡《夢書》研究 (Research on the Fangmatan Qin strips and Yuelu Academy Qin Dream Manual), is a collaboration between Sun Zhanyu 孫占宇 and Lu Jialiang 魯家亮, with Sun covering the Fangmatan Rishu daybooks, and Lu discussing the Yuelu Academy Meng shu 夢書 (Dream Manual) manuscript. Sun provides details on the reconstruction of the Fangmatan Rishu yi 日書乙 (Daybook B), including corrections to earlier transcriptions, re-piecing broken strips, repositioning strips, and delineating new textual units, while also cataloging loaning and punctuation patterns across the Fangmatan strips (chap. 1, pp. 14–82).Footnote ²¹ He moreover concludes that these manuscripts were written shortly after the Qin unification (potentially between 219–210 b.c.e.), based primarily on the ambivalent application of Qin reforms in character selection (as dictated for instance in Liye board #8–45; chap. 1, pp. 1–13).Footnote ²²

A variety of case studies follow in the next two chapters. Sun argues for a native origin to the Chinese zodiac in Shierzhi zhandao 十二支占盜 (Divining on the capture of thieves according to the twelve earthly branches) (chap. 2, pp. 83–107); connects Xing fendu 星分度 (Astral degrees) to Master Shi's 石氏 old degree system of determinate stars for tracking the solar cycle (chap. 2, pp. 108–31); warns that Dan 丹 (Resurrection of Dan), like Taiyuan you sizhe 泰原有死者 (There was a deceased in Taiyuan) from the Peking University Qin strips, is best classified as a work of the occult (i.e. “calculations and mantic arts [數術]”) and therefore its archetypal protagonist, Dan, should not be connected to the Fangmatan tomb occupant (chap. 2, pp. 132–46); and clarifies various divination systems seen in the Fangmatan and other daybooks, including Jian Chu 建除, Yu bu 禹步, fanzhi 反支, Taisui 太歲, and gangrou ri 剛柔日 (chap. 3, pp. 148–81).Footnote ²³ Although not directly related to the Fangmatan materials, Sun provides a report on other texts related to “calculations and mantic arts” found among the second discovery of Juyan strips 居延新簡, with insights garnered from editing the collection anew (chap. 3, pp. 181–201).Footnote ²⁴

Lu Jialiang offers a similar treatment for the Meng shu manuscript acquired by the Yuelu Academy. This chapter begins with issues on the reconstruction of Meng shu, from the transcription of individual characters and exegesis of short phrases (chap. 4, pp. 206–19), to a discussion of best practices for ordering the strips (chap. 4, pp. 219–31).Footnote ²⁵ Lu recreates how the manuscript scroll was bundled originally, then damaged and ultimately split in half, by working backwards from the deposition of the strips into multiple batches, as they were first acquired by Yuelu Academy (chap. 4, pt. 3, pp. 231–45). One argument sustained throughout is that the text titles itself “meng shu 夢書,” and should not be taken as “zhanmeng 占夢” or “zhanmeng shu 占夢書,” as the collection's editors prefer. Lu finds partial traces of the characters “meng shu 夢書” written on the verso of strip #44 (chap. 4, pp. 217–19); claims that there was not enough space available for additional writing above them (chap. 4, pp. 245–54); proposes—via an analysis of content and scribal hands—that strip #44 could be repositioned to the end of the manuscript (chap. 4, pp. 218–19; 226–31); and determines that the scroll was rolled together in a manner that placed these final strips on the outside, revealing strip #44's verso title and helping to explain why it sustained damage (chap. 4, pp. 231–45).Footnote ²⁶ A brief survey of evidence for Meng shu type texts in the Pre-Qin, Qin, and Han periods is given (chap. 4, pp. 254–67). Lu moreover shows that while the intended audience of the Yuelu Academy Meng shu was varied, certain statements are directed more specifically towards the experiences of officials (chap. 4, pp. 267–75).Footnote ²⁷ Through a classification of formulas in the Meng shu for describing dream images and delivering prognostications, Lu considers the extent to which reports of dreams were edited and how, as well as the strategies utilized by the diviners to improve the efficacy of their prognostications (chap. 4, pp. 276–97).Footnote ²⁸ Already in the late Warring States period, dream divination had become a popular custom practiced outside of the court, while simultaneously growing more sophisticated in its art.

The final book in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series is Qin jian xuci ji jushi kaocha 秦簡虛詞及句式考察 (Investigation of function words and sentence structures in Qin strips) by Yi Qiang 伊強. Yi compiles data on function words (“empty words [虛詞]” sometimes rendered “particles”) serving as prepositions (“yi 以,” “yu 于” versus “yu 於,” etc.; chap. 2, pp. 14–114), conjunctions (“er 而,” “ji 及,” etc.; chap. 3, pp. 115–204), and auxiliaries (“suo 所,” “zhe 者,” “ye 也” versus “yi 殹,” etc.; chap. 4, pp. 205–309), as well as on different sentence structures, including interrogatives (chap. 5, pp. 310–26), determinatives (with and without a linking copula; chap. 6, pp. 327–49), passives (chap. 7, pp. 350–53), “disposals (處置式)” akin to the modern “ba 把”-construction (chap. 7, pp. 354–57), and “pivotal sentences (兼語句)” featuring “shi 使” or “ling 令” (as causative verbs for instance; chap. 7, pp. 357–65), and “fu 弗” negation (chap. 8, pp. 366–76). Examples of each are exhaustively cataloged, with light annotation given for more complex cases.

Through statistical comparisons, Yi delineates interesting patterns to how these function words and sentence structures are employed, both across the Qin strips and also in relation to sources from other periods.Footnote ²⁹ For instance, the relative frequency of “yi 以” as a preposition of time is greater in the Qin manuscripts than in our received corpus (chap. 2, pp. 15–25), as is the use of “dao 到” over “zhi 至” (chap. 2, pp. 60–65), treating “suo 所” as a noun (chap. 4, p. 206), and “fu 弗” negation in relation to “bu 不” negation (chap. 8, p. 366); yet we see simpler passive constructions in the Qin strips (chap. 7, pp. 350–54), the recurrent exclusion of prepositions of place (chap. 2, pp. 70–96), and a dearth of modal particles (chap. 4, p. 309). Yi argues for a declining use of “yu 與” as a coordinating conjunction between Warring States Chu manuscripts and the Qin strips (chap. 3, pp. 162–65); tracks phenomena such as the shift of prepositional phrases to before the main verb, in which the Qin evidence occupies an intermediary stage (chap. 2, pp. 70–96); and finds early examples of “VO-neg-V” questions, which are seen in received texts only from the Tang onward (chap. 5, pp. 320–22). Distribution of function words and sentence structures can also vary between caches of Qin strips, as with the selection of “ye 也” versus “yi 殹” (chap. 4, pp. 282–98) or “yu 于” versus “yu 於” (chap. 2, p. 52–55). Text types and their linguistic register may be an important factor in this. For example, in unearthed Qin legal texts, “fu 弗” negation generally appears in conditional sentences as the protasis, and stresses a criminal's actual behavior, whereas in the daybook materials there is a more assorted usage.Footnote ³⁰ Another brief example is how “speculative questions (測度問句)” only appear in private letters, as respectful inquiries into the recipient's welfare or that of their family member (chap. 5, p. 325). Research into the grammar of newly unearthed Qin strips both depends upon and informs our interpretation of early Chinese texts. Yi demonstrates this, for instance, when he shows how grammatical ambiguity in administrative records allowed the phrase “guosuo 過所” to be confused for the name of a document type, when it was intended initially as “the place passed through.”Footnote ³¹

Before concluding, let me also mention an additional paperback volume, Qin jiandu zhengli yu yanjiu 秦簡牘整理與研究 (An arrangement and study of the Qin bamboo slip manuscripts), which technically stands outside the Qin jiandu yanjiu series, but is nevertheless intimately related.Footnote ³² Qin jiandu zhengli yu yanjiu is the official final report for the PRC Ministry of Education Philosophy and Social Science Research Key Project “Qin jiandu de zonghe zhengli yu yanjiu 秦簡牘的綜合整理與研究 (Comprehensive arrangement and study of the Qin Bamboo slip manuscripts)” (No.08JZD0036). Select chapters from the five books in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series are reproduced here. There is additional content, however, including revised reprints of Chen Wei's study on regulations for entering cash into money-boxes (chap. 4, pp. 66–82), Peng Hao's 彭浩 research on grain measures (chap. 5, pp. 83–92), and Li Tianhong's 李天虹 investigation into methods of time-keeping (chap. 12, pp. 212–43).Footnote ³³ Marc Kalinowski's article, “Musique et harmonie calendaire à la fin des Royaumes Combattants: Les livres des jours de Fangmatan (239 avant J.-C.),” is also translated into Chinese.Footnote ³⁴ Three appendices present overviews for research on Qin strips outside of China, including in Western languages (appendix 1, pp. 293–320), in Japan (appendix 2, pp. 321–74), and in Korea (appendix 3, pp. 375–95).Footnote ³⁵

In summary, the five books in the Qin jiandu yanjiu series (along with this final paperback volume of Qin jiandu zhengli yu yanjiu) are a compilation of important findings derived from a long-term project dedicated to the arrangement and research on Qin strips. They offer, through a tapestry of detailed case studies, a glimpse into the state of Qin manuscript studies, at a moment when the discovery and publication of new sources is advancing the field tremendously. These books are moreover an indispensable complement to the Liye jiandu jiaoshi (diyi juan) and Qin jiande heji reference works and should be consulted alongside them regularly. For these reasons, the Qin jiandu yanjiu series deserves the close attention of scholars of early China.