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¹⁸ Burke, Edmund, The writings and speeches of Edmund Burke, ed. Mitchell, L. G. and Todd, William (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar, viii, p. 278.

¹⁹ Bryant, Arthur, The years of endurance, 1793–1802 (London 1942), pp. 167–71Google Scholar; Carroll, Michael, A bay of destiny: a history of Bantry Bay and Bantry (Bantry, 1996)Google Scholar; Jones, E. H. Stuart, An invasion that failed: the French expedition to Ireland, 1796 (Oxford, 1950)Google Scholar; Jones, E. H. Stuart, The last invasion of Britain (Cardiff, 1950), p. 19Google Scholar.

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²³ Hibernian Chronicle, 2 and 5 Jan. 1797. A letter to the major Cork bankers goes: ‘[a]ll business is at a Stand here [in Cork] Our Banks are not allowed to open all the Specie we have so little’. Letter addressed to Joseph Pike, 2 Jan. 1797, Cork Archives Institute, Irish Distillers Copy Letter Book, 1794–1802, U15B.

²⁴ Freeman's Journal, 29 Dec. 1796. As Louis Cullen has pointed out, the Irish exchange rate was already below par – in both Dublin and London – by the end of January. Cullen, Louis, Anglo-Irish trade, 1660–1800 (Manchester, 1968), p. 181Google Scholar.

²⁵ To Ab^m Walker & Co., of Newry, 22 Jan. 1797, Cork Archives Institute, Irish Distillers Copy Letter Book, 1794–1802, U15B. See also O'Brien, George, ‘The last years of the Irish currency’, Economic History, 2 (1927), pp. 249–58Google Scholar, at p. 254.

²⁶ Morning Chronicle, 25 Jan. 1797. Also see Philp, Mark, ‘Introduction: the British response to the threat of invasion, 1797–1815’, in Philp, Mark, ed., Resisting Napoleon: the British response to the threat of invasion, 1797–1815 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 1–18Google Scholar; Trevor McCavery, ‘Finance and politics in Ireland, 1801–17’ (Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University of Belfast, 1980), p. 310; Patrick O'Brien, ‘Government revenue, 1793–1815: a study of fiscal and financial policy in the wars against France’ (D.Phil. thesis, Oxford, 1968–69), p. 112; Ehrman, John, The Younger Pitt (3 vols., London, 1969–96), iii, p. 5Google Scholar.

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²⁸ Jones, The last invasion of Britain, pp. 62–3.

²⁹ Forbes, William, Memoirs of a banking-house (Edinburgh, 1859), p. 82Google Scholar. Also, Morning Chronicle, 16, 17, and 18 Feb. 1797. It is possible that some other northern counties suffered earlier runs. William Metcalfe wrote that the Northallerton Bank stopped payments on the 24th. Dyson, Arthur, ed., William Metcalfe: his book (Leeds, 1931), p. 44Google Scholar.

³⁰ The news became known in other counties around this time, e.g. Dyson, William Metcalfe, p. 44.

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³³ Ehrman, The Younger Pitt, ii, p. 261. The original plan is ‘A plan for driving the country &c.’, The National Archives (TNA), PRO 30/8/245. This strategy was also deployed in Bantry Bay. Carroll, Bay of destiny, pp. 253–4.

³⁴ The connection between the enquiry and the alarm was pointed out elsewhere. Morning Chronicle, 22 and 24 Feb. 1797. Also see Ehrman, The Younger Pitt, iii, p. 5.

³⁵ Woolf, Stuart, ‘Statistics and the modern state’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31 (1989), pp. 588–604CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mitchison, Rosalind, Agricultural Sir John: the life of Sir John Sinclair of Ulster, 1754–1835 (London, 1962)Google Scholar, ch. 10.

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⁴⁰ A detailed account of the landing can be found in Carradice, The last invasion; Jones, The last invasion of Britain; Thomas, J. E., Britain's last invasion: Fishguard, 1797 (Stroud, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Jones, The last invasion of Britain, p. 63.

⁴² Ibid., p. 164. The French government was pursuing this line on which Thomas Paine's work had a great impact. Keane, John, Tom Paine: a political life (London, 1995), pp. 427–8Google Scholar; Paine, Thomas, The decline and fall of the English system of finance (London, 1796)Google Scholar. Also see True Briton, 17 Feb. 1797; Cobbett, Paper against gold, i, p. 201; Daly, Gavin, ‘English smugglers, the Channel, and the Napoleonic Wars, 1800–1814’, Journal of British Studies, 46 (2007), pp. 30–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 34–5.

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⁴⁴ The first information of the French movement was obtained on 20 Feb., when French warships were seen sailing near Portsmouth. Lord Spencer to the king, 25 Feb. 1797, in Aspinall, Arthur, ed., The later correspondence of George III (5 vols., Cambridge, 1962–70), ii, p. 541Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ehrman, The Younger Pitt, iii, p. 6; William Pitt to the King, 25 Feb. 1797, in The later correspondence of George III, ii, pp. 541–2. The order arrived at the Bank immediately after the council meeting, which officially reached the Bank on the morning of the 27th. Cobbett, William, Hansard, T. C., and Wright, J., eds., The parliamentary history of England from the earliest period to the year 1803 (36 vols., London, 1806–20)Google Scholar, xxxiii, col. 333.

⁴⁶ The Times, 28 Feb. 1797.

⁴⁷ Clapham, Bank of England, i, p. 272. Also, see Fetter, Development of British monetary orthodoxy, pp. 1–26.

⁴⁸ Coppieters, English bank note circulation, p. 37.

⁴⁹ Helleiner, Making of national money, pp. 45–6; Rowlinson, Real money, p. 51.

⁵⁰ Cobbett, Paper against gold, i, p. 240. Also see Davis, Michael, ed., London Corresponding Society, 1792–1799 (6 vols., London, 2002), iv, pp. 128–33Google Scholar.

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⁵² Bank of England, Private Minute Book, BE, M5/472. The Bank might have known the Cork declaration, and they must have been aware of the situation in the north.

⁵³ Cobbett, Paper against gold, i, pp. 230–4.

⁵⁴ Newcastle Chronicle, 25 Feb., 4 Mar. 1797.

⁵⁵ The second Newcastle declaration was issued by a group that mainly consisted of landowners.

⁵⁶ Newcastle Chronicle, 25 Feb. 1797; Newcastle Advertiser, 25 Feb., 4 Mar. 1797.

⁵⁷ In Bristol, hoarding of coins is said to have started in late 1796. Latimer, John, Annals of Bristol in the eighteenth century (Bristol, 1893), p. 522Google Scholar; Cave, Charles Henry, A history of banking in Bristol from 1750 to 1899 (Bristol, 1899), pp. 16–18Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ St. James's Chronicle, 28 Feb. to 2 Mar. 1797.

⁵⁹ In Cornwall, Davies Gilbert mentions in his diary that he attended ‘the Camborn Meeting’ with his father, but the nature of this meeting is not clear. Diary of Davies Gilbert, 27 Feb. 1797, Cornwall Record Office (RO), DG16.

⁶⁰ The Colchester, Exeter, Northampton, Plymouth, Shrewsbury, Winchester, and York declarations were headed by the mayors. There were some exceptions. For example, in Cambridge, where bursars of the colleges were among the signatories, the public meeting was organized by a tutor of St John's College. Cambridge Chronicle, 4 Mar. 1797. On Rev. George Whitmore, who initiated the meeting, see Searby, Peter, History of the University of Cambridge (4 vols., Cambridge, 1988–2004), iii, p. 416Google Scholar.

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⁶² Mayor's Court Book, 28 Feb. 1797, Norfolk RO, MF 632/4; Winstanley, Roy and Jameson, Peter, eds., The diary of James Woodforde (17 vols., n.p., 1998), xv, p. 43Google Scholar; Jewson, Charles, The Jacobin city: a portrait of Norwich in its reaction to the French Revolution, 1788–1802 (Glasgow, 1975), pp. 77–8Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Letter written by William Forbes, 1 Mar. 1797, National Archives of Scotland, GD27/6/38.

⁶⁶ Bank of Ireland, Court of Directors Transaction Book, 4 Mar. 1797, Bank of Ireland Arts Centre, Dublin, bk 2, fo. 342. Also, Pitt to Earl Camden, 27 Feb. 1797, TNA, PRO 30/8/195, fos. 166–7. The information was conveyed by the Bank of Ireland's London agent, Puget and Bainbridge.

⁶⁷ Belfast Newsletter, 3 Mar. 1797.

⁶⁸ London Chronicle, 25–8 Feb. 1797; Cobbett, Paper against gold, i, p. 228. Part of the list of names was published as Declaration of the merchants, bankers, traders, and other inhabitants of London, made at the mansion-house February 27th, 1797 (London, 1797).

⁶⁹ Kentish Chronicle, 10 Mar. 1797.

⁷⁰ For a similar procedure, Kentish Chronicle, 3 Mar. 1797.

⁷¹ Leeds Mercury, 4 Mar. 1797.

⁷² Naturally, the Newcastle declaration did not mention the Bank of England note, since it was formulated before the privy council's order. Newcastle Chronicle, 25 Feb., 4 Mar. 1797.

⁷³ Felix Farley's Bristol Journal, 11 Mar. 1797.

⁷⁴ John Craig wrote that the privy council ‘illegally ordered’ the Bank to cease cash payments. Craig, John H. M., The Mint: a history of the London Mint from A. D. 287 to 1948 (Cambridge, 1953), p. 260Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Newcastle Advertiser, 25 Feb. 1797.

⁷⁶ Forbes, Memoirs of a banking-house, p. 83.

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⁸³ A London directory, printed for H. Lowndes (London, 1797).

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⁹³ Northampton Mercury, 18 Feb. 1797; Dublin Journal, 7 Mar. 1797.

⁹⁴ Newcastle Advertiser, 4 Mar. 1797.

⁹⁵ Pressnell calls the suspension ‘virtually legal recognition’. Pressnell, Country banking, p. 159.

⁹⁶ Cobbett, Paper against gold, i, pp. 228–9, 398. Norwich declaration was also originated from the chief magistrates. Norfolk Chronicle, 4 Mar. 1797; St. James's Chronicle, 28 Feb. to 2 Mar. 1797. Also see York Courant, 20 Mar. 1797.

⁹⁷ Norfolk Mercury, 18 Mar. 1797. The Plymouth declaration went farther by saying that they would not hesitate to undertake ‘any Action or Suit…at the Instance of any Person whatsoever, who may refuse to receive Bank of England Notes’. Exeter Flying Post, 16 Mar. 1797. On a similar address given by Judge Hardinge at Glamorgan assizes, see Thomas, Hilary, ed., The diaries of John Bird of Cardiff: clerk to the first marquess of Bute, 1790–1803 (Cardiff, 1987), p. 96Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁶ Declaration of the merchants, bankers, traders, and other inhabitants of London made at Grocers' Hall, December 2nd, 1795 (London, 1795); St. James's Chronicle, 1–3 Dec. 1795.

¹¹⁷ According to Cookson, ‘the spirit of 1792’ was also mobilized in a different context, Cookson, John, The friends of peace: anti-war liberalism in England, 1793–1815 (Cambridge, 1982), p. 143CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹²² Graham, The nation, the law, and the king, ii, pp. 745–6; Emsley, Britain and the French Revolution, p. 27; Hone, J. Ann, For the cause of truth: radicalism in London, 1796–1821 (Oxford, 1982), p. 30Google Scholar; Jewson, Jacobin city, pp. 79–80; Seward, William, Collectanea politica: or the political transactions of Ireland from the accession of George III to the present time (Dublin, 1801), p. 192Google Scholar. Also see Newcastle Chronicle, 1 and 8 Apr. 1797.

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¹²⁷ Morning Chronicle, 2 Mar. 1797.

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¹²⁹ The duke of Northumberland to T. Matthew, 23 Feb. 1797, the same to the Bankers of Newcastle, 27 Feb. 1797, Northumberland RO, Ridley papers, ZRI 34/2. Also see Lord Delaval to Surtees & Co., 25 Sept. 1797, Northumberland RO, Delaval papers, 2DE/85/18/8. On the bishop of Durham's action, Newcastle Chronicle, 4 Mar. 1797.

¹³⁰ House of Commons, Third report from the committee of secrecy, p. 143; John Carr to Lord Delaval, 6 Mar. 1797, Northumberland RO, Delaval papers, 2DE/4/57/80; Jos Oxley to Lord Delaval, 6 Mar. and 15 July 1797, Northumberland RO, Delaval papers, 2DE 4/18/44; Winstanley and Jameson, eds., Diary of Woodforde, xv, p. 128.

¹³¹ 37 Geo. III, c. 28, and 37 Geo. III, c. 32. See Acres, Bank of England from within, i, p. 278. The £5 note had been issued since 1793, Ehrman, The Younger Pitt, ii, p. 387.

¹³² Parliamentary history of England, xxxiii, col. 734; Davis, Richard, Dissent in politics, 1780–1830: the political life of William Smith (London, 1971), pp. 94–5Google Scholar, 101; Smith, Ernest, Lord Grey, 1764–1845 (Oxford, 1990), pp. 65–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³⁵ One can find parallel phenomena of diffused political tension in similar contemporary issues. Philip Harling, ‘A tale of two conflicts: critiques of the British war effort, 1793–1815’, in Philp, ed., Resisting Napoleon, pp. 19–40; Burns, Arthur and Innes, Joanna, ‘Introduction’, in Burns, Arthur and Innes, Joanna, eds., Rethinking the age of reform: Britain, 1780–1850 (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 1–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 19; Macleod, ‘British attitudes to the French Revolution’, pp. 696, 698–9.

¹³⁶ Greenfeld, Liah, The spirit of capitalism: nationalism and economic growth (Cambridge, MA, and London, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Brantlinger, Patrick, Fictions of state: culture and credit in Britain, 1694–1994 (Ithaca, NY, 1996), p. 93Google Scholar; Hume, David, ‘Of public credit’, in Rotwein, Eugene, ed., Writings on economics (Madison, WI, 1970), pp. 90–106Google Scholar, at pp. 96–8.

¹³⁸ Colley, Linda, Britons: forging the nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT, 1992), p. 67Google Scholar; Mori, Jennifer, ‘Languages of loyalism: patriotism, nationhood and the state in the 1790s’, English Historical Review, 118, (2003), pp. 33–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 50.