The related developments of the rise of the Labour Party and the decline of the Liberal Party have been subjected to considerable scrutiny by historians of modern Britain. Their work has, however, had the effect of stimulating new controversies rather than of establishing a consensus view as to the reasons for this fundamental change in British political life.

Several eminent Conservatives, including Winston Churchill, believed that wartime schemes of education in the Armed Forces caused servicemen to vote Labour at the Election of 1945. For instance, R. A. Butler wrote: “The Forces' vote in particular had been virtually won over by the left-wing influence of the Army Bureau of Current Affairs.” So frequently was this view stated that ABCA became a scapegoat for Tory defeat.

The history of working-class housing has become an imporatnt area of urban studies in recent years, as detailed investigations of building activities and property relations uncover the origins of housing initiatives. The growth of cities in the industrial North of England created their own peculiar building styles and housing problems, whilst the great metropolis of London continued to attract thousands of families into its eternal slums. There were also the new boom towns of manufacturing Britain, specialising in particular products as a regional division of productive expertise emerged. Swindon and Crewe flourished in the railway age of the nineteenth century, whilst Barrow and Jarrow belonged to a later period of iron and steel shipbuilding. The latter settlements were dominated not only by a few vital products, but by a handful of large companies with massive resources, which enabled them to undertake the housing of their first workers. These accounts may be complemented by the evidence of working-class dwellings in the early textile villages and larger industrial colonies of Lancashire and West Riding, or by the scattered documentation on the colliery villages which persisted through the major coal fields well into the twentieth century.

August Becker, wegen seines roten Barts der „rote” Becker genannt, war zunächst - in den dreissiger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts – in der hessischen radikal-liberalen Bewegung, dann in der deutschen kommunistischen bzw. sozialistischen Bewegung des Vormärz eine führende Persönlichkeit. Bis zu seiner Emigration nach Amerika (1853), wo er im deutschsprachigen Journalismus erneut hervortrat, spielte er – nicht zuletzt während der Jahre 1848–49 – eine aktive Rolle in den wechselvollen Geschicken der deutschen Demokratie. Sein Leben war abenteuerlich, bohemienhaft und unsicher. Wenn auch sein Denken nicht immer die Kraft und Kohärenz besass, die das Denken anderer Revolutionäre aufwies, strahlte er doch immer Mut und moralische Stärke aus. Ein autobiographischer Beleg dafür ist sein in Karl Gutzkows Telegraph fur Deutschland, einem der liberalsten deutschen Blatter der damaligen Zeit, veroffentlichtes Gedicht „Bei alle dem”, in dem er seine Einstellung zum Leben darstellt.

The change in the social background of university students in nineteenth-century Russia, and in particular the “arrival of the raznochinets”, to use Mikhailovskii's celebrated term, have long been considered a major turning-point in Russian social history and a watershed in the development of the revolutionary movement. Historians have often attributed to it the chief role in producing the evolution of ideological attitudes between the “Fathers” of the 1840's and the “Sons” of the 1860's and the upsurge in radical agitation in the universities on the eve of the Emancipation of the Serfs.

As would be expected, the emphasis in existing accounts of the debate over the appropriate school-leaving age in inter-war Britain has been predominantly educational. The important discussions relate to the parliamentary and administrative struggles over the relationship between elementary and secondary schooling, with all its implications for central-and local-government finance, to the conflicts over the nature of any extended educational provision in different types of school, and to the potential effects of such developments on class division within society.

Despite the fact that the views of Georgii Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856–1918) on the World War cannot be studied in his voluminous collected works – the editor abruptly terminated the edition with an article Plekhanov published on the eve of the war's outbreak – his position is broadly familiar to students of Russian and international socialism. Thanks to his substantial published writings from September 1914 to March 1917 scattered through the press of at least five countries, a two volume collection of his articles and speeches for the remainder of 1917, and several brief secondary accounts, it is possible to trace Plekhanov's wartime outlook. By contrast, little is known of his political initiatives, associations and conflicts during the war years. A considerable share of his correspondence and other personal papers – the kind of material likely to illuminate these aspects – has been printed by the Dom Plekhanova, the Leningrad repository that holds almost all of them.

The grass-roots activities of the Independent Labour Party have been the subject of increased scrutiny from historians over the past few years, especially in the pages of this journal. Consequently we can now be a little surer about the contribution of the party to the development of an independent labour movement in Britain at the end of the nineteenth century, though with every fresh case-study a different local strategy seems to come to light. The one outstanding profile in this field is the closely observed account of the ILP in Bradford by J. Reynolds and K. Laybourn, who identify several key features in the party's growth in that city, notably the reformist nature of ILP socialism and the close associations with local trade unionism. “From the outset”, they tell us, “Bradford trade unionism and the Bradford ILP were seen as two aspects of a single homogeneous labour movement aimed at the emancipation of the working class from poverty and exploitation.”

Im Paragraphen 2 der Misère de la philosophie führt Marx in der Polemik gegen Proudhon drei Titel von englischen „Sozialisten” an, in denen längst vor Proudhon „die egalitäre Anwendung der Ricardoschen Theorie” vorgeschlagen worden sei:

Nous pourrions citer à M. Proudhon: l'Économie politique de Hopkins, 1822; William Thompson: An Inquiry into the Principles of the distribution of wealth, most conducive to human happiness, 1824; T. R. Edmonds: Practical, moral and political Economy, 1828; etc., etc., et quatre pages d'etc.

The following article attempts to trace the course of working-class living standards in Britain in the comparatively neglected period between 1870 and the First World War. A considerable body of historical opinion sees this period as a time of marked improvement in standards of life, an improvement based essentially on rising real wages. Studies of this period have owed a considerable debt to the pioneering work of A. L. Bowley and G. H. Wood, which produced an invaluable collection of indices for wages and real wages, upon which most general accounts of living standards in the later nineteenth century have drawn. Wood's contention that real wages, in the years roughly between 1874 and 1900, rose by 36 per cent lies at the heart of an interpretation which sees the late-Victorian period as a time of crucial economic and social amelioration. The data are sufficiently comprehensive to show these improvements to be common to all occupations and to lead to the inescapable conclusion that “industrialization paid off generally in higher real wages for all groups in society in the second half of the nineteenth century”.