A contribution to the understanding of one of the many puzzling features of West African art history, this article deals with the stone sculptures found in an area centred in southern Sierra Leone. These ‘nomoli’, as they are usually called, were made and used in the area where they are found, rather than having been imported. The authors believe that these figurines were made by the groups of peoples called ‘Sapes’ by the early explorers of the region. This is partially confirmed by the fact that features of these people at the time of the first contacts seem to correlate with features found on nomoli.

Originally intended as ancestor figures, these stone statuettes are used by some of the modern inhabitants of Sierra Leone as ‘swearing’ devices and to help increase agricultural yields. This latter use, at least, would go along with the authors' contention that the nomoli, after they ceased being regarded as ancestral figures—due to being lost, stolen or forgotten—were regarded as material representations of spirits known as krifi. The similarities between the supposed appearance of some of the krifi and the features of the nomoli would support this hypothesis. The ‘monstrous’ appearance of many of the nomoli might be due to their being carved as representations of krifi or of heads of secret societies.

As to their dating, stylistic relationships between some of the nomoli and some of the ancestral figures in the Sudan, along with an apparent influence from that area dated about the seventh or eight century A.D., might mean that they were first manufactured at that time. Evidence exists that they were still being made in some places in the present century, but this might represent a revival of the art rather than a continuance, since the sale of these figures is quite profitable.

This paper reports the S.O.A.S. conference on African chronology of July 1966. The poor quality of much of the published work in this field posed serious problems. An analysis of the data assembled indicates 13 years as the most probable value for an average length of reign, and 30 for an average dynastic generation. The conference was, however, impressed by the limitations of this method, and emphasized the need for a many-sided approach. Chronological reconstruction is best attempted on a wide regional base to make the fullest use of both cross-traditional tie-ups and dates fixed by documentary evidence.

Le territoire de la République Islamique de Mauritanie compte bon nombre de sites archéologiques: le plus connu et le seul fouillé avant 1960 est celui de Koumbi Saleh; mais il faut signaler ceux d'Azougui, Chinguetti, Ouadane, Tichitt, Oualata, Rachid, Ksar-el-Barka qui, non travaillés jusqu'à ce jour, ont en commun la particularité d'avoir été, à des époques différentes certes, étapes au long d's;une piste commerciale reliant à travers le Sahara occidental, selon un parcours qui a varié au cours des siècles, les pays maghrébins au Bilad-el-Sudan, le Pays des Noirs. Parmi ces sites, les ruines de Tegdaoust, signalées depuis plusieurs dizaines d'années, ont été à plusieurs reprises identifiées à celles de la ville médiévale d'Awdaghost que citent souvent les récits de voyage et les descriptions géographiques rédigés par des auteurs arabes dès la fin de la conquête de l'Afrique du Nord par les Musulmans.

The character and quality of the available evidence on the pre-colonial history of the Interlacustrine region of East Africa limit the possibilities of applying any more than roughly estimated dates or eras to events and persons of the region's pre-colonial past. By pooling and comparing the available chronological evidence (genealogies and tie-ins) relating to the dynastic units of the region, one has the means to test the accuracy of the genealogical evidence as well as the evidence linking rulers in one dynasty with rulers in others. Such pooling permits a closer examination of the ‘average dynastic generation’ which is the most useful chronological measurement for the region's past and which is the basis for the existing chronological constructions. With the available eclipse and carbon dates, it is possible to build a reasonably estimated core chronology for the region on the basis of the average dynastic generation. This core chronology may be extended to include states and dynasties—such as those in Busoga—which are connected to the core through tie-ins but for which no eclipse or carbon dates are available. The ‘average dynastic generation’ is not a useful chronological measurement in those Soga states which are marked by extended fraternal and collateral succession. By working through the tie-ins which suggest contemporaneity between certain Soga rulers and rulers in the Interlacustrine core dynasties (particularly Buganda), it is possible to extend the central chronology, and therefore credibly estimated dates or eras, to events and persons throughout Busoga.

This paper is intended as the first of a biennial series summarizing for the benefit of historians the latest developments in radiocarbon dating for the later prehistory of eastern and southern Africa. Ninety new dates have been released during the past year and these are discussed and evaluated in comparison with dates obtained previously. It should be emphasized that many of the dates included in this paper are here published in advance of fully detailed reports, which are in preparation by the archaeologists concerned, and that some of the conclusions reached are provisional pending a fuller examination and evaluation of the archaeological data.

European trade in slaves from at least the seventeenth century, and in palm oil during the nineteenth century, has become established as a crucial factor in the development of states in the Niger Delta. However, there is already a dangerous tendency to see these external factors as the only forces responsible for the creation of states in the area. Oral traditional evidence is marshalled to show that internal long-distance trade with these states as focal points existed before European trade. Internal long-distance trade consisted of (i) a north-to-south axis mainly for the supply to the states of agricultural produce, for which salt and fish were exchanged; and (ii) an east-to-west axis between these states and places as far west as Lagos and the Ijebu country for trade in specialist goods produced in various localities.

It is therefore stressed that the discussion of the admittedly great influence of European trade on the internal development of states in the Niger Delta needs to be qualified by an understanding of the prior existence of these states in some form, and of the internal long-distance trade that might have exercised similar great influence in the distant past.

The results of archaeological work on ruins of the Zimbabwe–Khami complex in Rhodesia are reassessed in the light of recent work. In order to provide a preliminary framework for further archaeological investigation, the surface architectural features of a large group of these ruins are analysed, and seven different styles of ruin discerned. These are interpreted as belonging to at least two separate but related cultural groups, the first extending over the whole country in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the second restricted to southern Matabeleland and flourishing during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In a correlation of the archaeological and historical evidence, it is suggested that the decline of Zimbabwe and many smaller ruins belonging to the first cultural group may be linked with the rise of the Mwene Mutapa empire, in which little building in stone took place. The second cultural group and its ruins coincide with the Rozvi state ruled by the Changamire dynasty.

This second part of a study of cowrie currencies in West Africa deals with the value of cowries from the fourteenth century in various parts of West Africa, in terms of gold and silver, and currencies based on these, and also in terms of commodities. An attempt has been made to use this information to throw light on such problems as the effects of the slave-trade on the economy of West Africa, and also on the extent of the internal exchange economy before the beginning of the colonial period.

This part of the paper deals with the cowrie shells and their import into West Africa, and the cost of their transport in West Africa; with the cowrie currency area and its changes; with the oddities of cowrie arithmetic; and with the final decline of the cowrie currency. A second part will deal with the value of cowries at various times and places, and with cowrie economics.

The two most obvious conclusions to be drawn from this material are that interlocking relationships and reasonably accurate dating are most reliably established for the very early and the very recent periods. The eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in particular, seem to be a period of confusion. Even in the best of circumstances this result might reasonably be expected as a consequence of the telescoping of events in a coherent body of genealogical evidence. In this instance, coincidentally, the hiatus in knowledge from traditional sources corresponds to a parallel decline in contemporary Portuguese knowledge of the region. More positively, on the basis of Abraham's scattered notes, there does seem to be a solid base line linking the ‘princely’ dynasties which were established in the eastern part of this zone to the parent Mwene Mutapa dynasty. The mfekane, too, constitutes a major point of reference in a great many of the traditions analysed above. If more dynastic traditions and genealogies can be systematically collected, evaluated, and published for the Mutapa–Rozwi complex, the original goal of this inquiry may yet be fulfilled.

The canoe, carved and usually also burnt-out from a single tree trunk, played a part in the history of the coastal, lagoon and river-side peoples of West Africa similar in importance to that of the horse in the savannah states. It ranged in size from the small fishing canoe to craft over 80 ft. in length and capable of carrying, in calm waters, 100 men or more. Sails were often used, in addition to paddles and punt poles. The builders were specialists, usually living in the forests, where the most suitable trees were found.

Trading in ivory occurred early in the nineteenth century in the south-eastern region of the Victoria Nyanza. An examination of Kerebe oral tradition partially reveals the extent of African initiative in the early period of the trade. With the arrival of coastal traders, African initiative was diminished, except for outstanding leaders like Mirambo of Unyamwezi and Mutesa of Buganda. Their activities restricted the traders. Mirambo's control over the Unyanyembe–Karagwe route forced both Mutesa and the merchants to make full use of the lake for transporting goods from about 1878 to 1889. Before this time, the lake was only occasionally used for transporting ivory. Canoes provided the chief mode of transport during this period, though these were supplemented by two dhows. The lack of dhows does not reflect the lack of trade on the lake, but rather the extent of reliance upon Ganda assistance in carrying on the trade. With the Ganda in large numbers in the southern lake region for commercial reasons, the people there fell within Buganda's sphere of intervention. The Sukuma chiefdoms did not rely on Ganda military power to settle local quarrels, and thereby avoided the destruction that occurred in Buzinza. Internal factors in Buganda, however, weakened their control of the southern lake region even before the arrival of the Germans.

This paper attempts to reassess the importance of the McKillop expedition of 1875 and also to re-examine Kirk's role in securing its withdrawal, which, according to the thesis associated with Coupland, was thought to have been crucial. This paper shows that Kirk did not secure McKillop's return, but that he played an important part in the formation of the policy that was adopted towards the expansion of Egypt in Africa, which was a direct result of the Egyptian invasion down the east coast. This invasion is placed not merely within the context of Ismail's designs in the Interlacustrine area but also of his designs in Somalia as well. The impact of the expedition is also considered, its effect on the slave-trade, on the religious attitudes of Muslims on the coast, and as a final factor stimulating the attempted formation of an East African Company.

Al-Ḥājj Muḥammad al-Amīn, often known as Momodu Lamine, was a Soninke leader, engaged in political and military activity on the upper Senegal and Gambia rivers in 1885–1887. This activity, culminating in clashes with the French, has sometimes encouraged an interpretation of his career in anti-European-colonialist terms. In fact, religion and local African politics may have been more important. This study examines his life before 1885, particularly his pilgrimage. Almost all the material comes from oral tradition, both that preserved in early French publications and that collected recently in West Africa.

Muḥammad al-Amīn was born about 1830 or 1840. He studied in various places in the Senegal region. Later he may have served with al-Ḥājj 'Umar. On his pilgrimage he travelled through Wadai; the report that he became a Sanūsī seems doubtful. He spent some time in the Middle East and renewed there his Tijānīya allegiance. He also apparently prepared for jihād. He may, though this is less clear, have shared in the apocalyptic expectancy of the time, centred on hopes of a Mahdi.

On his way home he passed through Timbuktu and Masina and came to Segu, capital of the Tokolor empire, then under Sultan Aḥmadu the son of al-Ḥājj 'Umar. Here Muḥammad al-Amīn stopped for several years, more or less under duress, and escaped several attempts on his life. These attempts are described in miraculous terms, and sometimes parallel other episodes in the legends of Muslim West Africa.

This clash between the returning pilgrim and the head of the Segu theocracy, both men devout Muslims, is curious. It resembles al-Ḥājj 'Umar's reception in Bornu on his way back from pilgrimage. The reasons for it, at least at present, can only be surmised. Muḥammad al-Amīn may have been suspected of meddling in the internal affairs of the Segu empire, for he had stopped for a considerable time in Masina, a dependency, before coming to Segu the capital. His activity in spreading the Tijānīya order, or his version of it, was resented. He may have claimed to be the spiritual heir to al-Ḥājj 'Umar; and/or he may have somehow slighted the memory of al-Ḥāajj 'Umar. He may have appeared as a Soninke patriot, championing his people against Tokolor overlordship; but the theme of tribal loyalties, though indubitably important, needs careful handling. About 1885, he returned to Goundiourou, his birthplace, near Kayes.

The main reference point for the chronology of the Bemba is their paramount chieftainship, Chitimukulu. A comparison of written records of traditions with the results of fieldwork in 1964–5 shows that it is impossible to determine the antiquity of this title with any precision, or to demonstrate any very clear connection with Luba or western Lunda history. There is however a strong probability that the Chitimukuluship was created some time in the seventeenth century, and it is certainly older than the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe. There is no continuous genealogy of Chitimukulus before the end of the eighteenth century, but from this period it is possible to construct an approximate chronology of their reigns on the basis both of genealogy and of comparison between Bemba, Lunda and Portuguese sources. The first firm dates are supplied by Livingstone, in 1867 and 1872, and Giraud, in 1883. The chronology of Chitimukulu is compared, in two tables, with the chronology of other Bemba chieftainships and certain other chiefly dynasties in north-eastern Zambia and south-western Tanzania.

The relationship of trade to politics has long been a central theme in African history. This paper analyses this relationship in the context of Barotseland during the period of Kololo hegemony (c. 1840–64). The development of long-distance trade in Barotseland is first related, and then followed by a discussion of the impact which trade had upon the politics of the area. The conclusion suggests that the relationship of trade to politics was not only important, but complex as well. Politics affected trade as much as trade affected politics.

The tradition of Ngalangi sets out to relate the beginning. It was Feti who began: whence he came is not known. Seeing that he had no companion, but only a dog, he was hunting, and he went to a certain lagoon of the Kunene River and there he caught his wives as they came up out of the reeds. His wives were Tembo and Cĩvi and Coya. Thus they say, Feti wa fetika Coya woyapo, i.e. ‘Feti began, Coya completed.’ Feti and his eldest son, Ngalangi, were hunters of elephants and roan antelopes, and they continued in that wandering life. The kingdom of Ngalangi was founded by Ndumba Visoso, probably a son of Ngalangi, who assaulted and took the town from the ‘va Ngangela’, renamed it Ngalangi and there established the new kingdom. Ngola Ciluanji, another son of Feti, went, it is said, first to Wambu and later to ‘Luanda’ (meaning probably Ngola or Ndongo), establishing in turn these two kingdoms. After Feti's death his wives married: Tembo in Humbi (or Cilengi), Coya in Ndulu and Civi in Ngalangi, thus becoming the mothers of many peoples.

This paper attempts to reassess the general significance of the Thembu church by setting it in its political context. It examines the early career of Nehemiah Tile and the origins of this earliest of independent churches in southern Africa. In the 1880s Tile was not only the leader of the church, but also the chief figure behind a movement of political protest which sought to free Thembuland from Cape magisterial control. After his death, the church continued, and whites saw it as a real threat to their interests. But in the late 1890s the history of the church became increasingly obscure. There is some evidence to suggest that the church was less completely ‘tribal’ than usually maintained. The paper concludes that the church should be seen both as an expression of African reaction to the imposition of white rule on the Cape eastern frontier and as an element in the development of African nationalism.

Many of the characteristic strains of African Nationalism in South Africa, as were manifest during its peak in the 1950s, may be traced back to the historical situation on the Eastern Frontier of the Cape Colony in the early nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, the Port Elizabeth–East London–Alice triangle remained a highly significant area for nationalist ideas and action, and this derived from the effects on the Xhosa of the Black–White confrontation which began here 150 years earlier. In the early part of the nineteenth century the fundamental competition for land and cattle led to White military and missionary actions which, coupled with the preaching of Christianity, promoted attitudes among the Xhosa which may be seen in all subsequent African Nationalism.