Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Home

Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic: Evidence from Guébie

  • HANNAH SANDE (a1)

Abstract

This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component.

Copyright

Corresponding author

Author’s address:Georgetown University, 1421 37th Street NW, Poulton Hall 240, Washington, DC 20057-1051hannah.sande@georgetown.edu

Footnotes

Hide All

Thanks to the Guébie community, and especially to linguistic consultants Sylvain Bodji, Ines Laure Gnahore, Gnakouri Azie, Armand and Olivier Agodio, and Serikpa Emil. Also thanks to Peter Jenks, Larry Hyman, Sharon Inkelas, Darya Kavitskaya, Johanna Nichols, three anonymous reviewers, and audiences at UC Berkeley, UC Santa Cruz, Georgetown University, the LSA 2015 annual meeting, and WCCFL 33 for comments on various versions of this work.

Abbreviations used throughout this paper include sg $=$ singular, pl $=$ plural, pfv $=$ perfective, ipfv $=$ imperfective, nom $=$ nominative, acc $=$ accusative, pros $=$ prospective, poss $=$ possessive, emph $=$ emphatic, Part $=$ particle, def $=$ definite, cl $=$ noun class, adj $=$ adjectivizer, inf $=$ infinitive.

Footnotes

References

Hide All
Aoun, Joseph, Benmamoun, Elabbas & Sportiche, Dominique. 1994. Agreement, word order, and conjunction in some varieties of Arabic. Linguistic Inquiry 25.2, 195220.
Aoun, Joseph, Benmamoun, Elabbas & Sportiche, Dominique. 1999. Further remarks on first conjunct agreement. Linguistic Inquiry 30.4, 669681.
Aronoff, Mark. 1992. Noun classes in Arapesh. Yearbook of morphology 1991, 2132. Dordrecht: Springer.
Baier, Nicholas. 2015. Adjective agreement in Noon: Evidence for a split theory of noun-modifier concord. LSA annual meeting extended abstracts, 13.
Baker, Mark C. 2008. The syntax of agreement and concord, vol. 115. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Benmamoun, Elabbas, Bhatia, Archna & Polinsky, Maria. 2009. Closest conjunct agreement in head final languages. In van Craenenbroeck, Jeroen (ed.), Linguistic variaition yearbook 2009, vol. 9.1, 6788.
Bennett, Ryan, Elfner, Emily & McCloskey, James. 2015. Prosody, focus, and ellipsis in Irish. Ms., Yale, University of British Columbia, and University of California, Santa Cruz.
Benua, Laura. 1997. Transderivational identity. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Bermúdez-Otero, Ricardo. 1999. Constraint interaction in language change: Quantity in English and Germanic. University of Manchester.
Bhatt, Rajesh & Walkow, Martin. 2013. Locating agreement in grammar: An argument from agreement in conjunctions. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 31.4, 9511013.
Bing, Janet. 1987. Phonologically conditioned agreement: Evidence from Krahn. Current approaches to African linguistics, vol. 4, 5360.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 2000. The ins and outs of contextual allomorphy. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics vol. 10, 3571.
Bošković, Željko. 2009. Unifying first and last conjunct agreement. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 27.3, 455496. Dordrecht: Springer.
Burzio, Luigi. 1994. Principles of English stress, vol. 72. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Carstens, Vicki. 2001. Multiple agreement and case deletion: Against $\unicode[STIX]{x1D711}$ -incompleteness. Syntax 4.3, 147163.
Carstens, Vicki. 2011. Hyperactivity and hyperagreement in Bantu. Lingua 121.5, 721741.
Carstens, Vicki & Diercks, Michael. 2013. Agreeing how? Implications for theories of agreement and locality. Linguistic Inquiry 44.2, 179237.
Chomsky, Noam. 1993. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. In Hale & Keyser(eds.), 152.
Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Martin, Roger, Michaels, David & Uriagereka, Juan (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of howard lasnik, 89155. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam & Halle, Morris. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row.
Cinque, Guglielmo. 2005. Deriving Greenberg’s universal 20 and its exceptions. Linguistic Inquiry 36.3, 315332.
Cinque, Guglielmo. 2014. Extraction from DP in Italian revisited. In Aboh, Enoch, Guasti, Maria Teresa & Roberts, Ian (eds.), Locality. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Collins, Chris. 2004. The agreement parameter. In Breitbarth, Anne & van Riemsdijk, Henk C. (eds.), Triggers, vol. 75, 115136. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Corbett, Greville. 1991. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Culbertson, Jennifer, Gagliardi, Annie & Smith, Kenny. 2017. Competition between phonological and semantic cues in noun class learning. Journal of Memory and Language 92, 343358.
Danon, Gabi. 2011. Agreement and DP-internal feature distribution. Syntax 14.4, 297317.
Dawson, Keith. 1975. L’accord vocalique en tépo. Annales de l’université d’abidjan, série h: Linguistique. 8.1, 15–26.
Dimitriadis, Alexis. 1997. Alliterative concord in phonology-free syntax. GLOW workshop on the morpho-syntax and phonology of African and Afro-Asiatic languages. Rabat, Morocco.
Dobrin, Lise M. 1995. Theoretical consequences of literal alliterative concord. 31st Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, vol. 1, 127142.
Egner, Inge. 1989. Precis de grammaire Wobe. Abidjan: Université Nationale de Côte d’Ivoire.
Elbourne, Paul. 2001. E-type anaphora as NP-deletion. Natural Language Semantics 9.3, 241288.
Embick, David. 2010. Localism versus globalism in morphology and phonology, vol. 60. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Embick, David & Noyer, Rolf. 2001. Movement operations after syntax. Linguistic Inquiry 32.4, 555595.
Gagliardi, Annie & Lidz, Jeffrey. 2014. Statistical insensitivity in the acquisition of Tsez noun classes. Language 90.1, 5889.
Gnahore Inés, Laure. 2006. La système verbal de Gabogbo. Université Felix Humphouet Boigny, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.
Gold, Jana Willer, Boban Arsenijević, Mia Batinić, Michael Becker, Nermina Čordalija, Marijana Kresić, Nedžad Leko, Franc Lanko Marušič, Tanja Milićev, Nataša Milićević and others 2018. When linearity prevails over hierarchy in syntax. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115.3, 495–500.
Gribanova, Vera & Harizanov, Boris. 2015. Locality and directionality in inward-sensitive allomorphy: Russian and Bulgarian. The Morphosyntax-Phonology Connection.
Hale, Kenneth & Keyser, Samuel J. (eds.). 1993. The view from building 20. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Halle, Morris. 1990. An approach to morphology. Proceedings of NELS, vol. 20, 150184.
Halle, Morris & Marantz, Alec. 1993. Distributed Morphology and the pieces of inflection. In Hale & Keyser (eds.), 111176.
Halle, Morris & Marantz, Alec. 1994. Some key features of Distributed Morphology. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 21.275, 88.
Hansson Gunnar, Ólafur. 2001. Theoretical and typological issues in consonant harmony. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.
Harbour, Daniel. 2003. The Kiowa case for feature insertion. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 21.3, 543578.
Harley, Heidi & Noyer, Rolf. 1999. Distributed morphology. Glot International 4.4, 39.
Hulsey, Sarah & Sauerland, Uli. 2006. Sorting out relative clauses. Natural Language Semantics 14.2, 111.
Innes, Gordon. 1966. An introduction to Grebo. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
Jenks, Peter & Rose, Sharon. 2015. Mobile object markers in Moro: The role of tone. Language 91.2, 269307.
Kager, René, van der Hulst, Harry & Zonneveld, Wim. 1999. The prosody-morphology interface, vol. 79. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kastner, Itamar. 2016. Form and meaning in the Hebrew verb. Ph.D. dissertation, New York University.
Kastner, Itamar & Linzen, Tal. 2017. A morphosyntactic inductive bias in artificial language learning. NELS 48.
Kaye, Jonathan D. 1981. La sélection des formes pronominales en vata. Revue québecoise de linguistique 11, 117135.
Kiparsky, Paul. 2000. Opacity and cyclicity. The Linguistic Review 17, 351367.
Kiparsky, Paul. 2008. Fenno–Swedish quantity: Contrast in Stratal OT. In Vaux, Bert & Nevins, Andrew (eds.), Rules, constraints, and phonological phenomena. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Koopman, Hilda. 1984. The syntax of verbs. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris Publications.
Koopman, Hilda. 2006. Agreement configurations. In Boeckx, Cedric (ed.), Agreement systems, 159200. John Benjamins.
van Koppen, Marjo. 2005. One probe - two goals: Aspects of agreement in Dutch dialects. Ph.D. dissertation, LOT.
Kramer, Ruth. 2009. Definite markers, phi-features, and agreement: A morphosyntactic investigation of the Amharic DP. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California Santa Cruz.
Kramer, Ruth. 2010. The Amharic definite marker and the syntax–morphology interface. Syntax 13.3, 196240.
Kurisu, Kazutaka. 2001. The phonology of morpheme realization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California Santa Cruz.
Lasnik, Howard. 2007. On ellipsis: The PF approach to missing constituents. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 15, 143153.
Márchese, Lynell. 1979. Atlas linguistique Kru. Abidjan: ILA.
Márchese, Lynell. 1986a. The pronominal system in Godié. In Wiesemann, U. (ed.), Pronominal systems, 217255. Tubingen: GNV.
Márchese, Lynell. 1986b. Tense, aspect and the development of auxiliaries in the Kru languages family. Summer Institute of Linguistics (UCLA).
Márchese, Lynell. 1988. Noun classes and agreement systems in Kru: A historical approach. In Barlow & Ferguson(eds.), Agreement in natural language: Approach, theories and descriptions. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.
Marusic, Franc, Nevins, Andrew & Badecker, Bill. 2015. The grammars of conjunction agreement in Slovenian. Syntax 18.1, 3977.
Marvin, Tatjana. 2002. Topics in the stress and syntax of words. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.
McCarthy, John. 2005. Optimal paradigms. In Downing, Laura, Hall, Tracy Alan & Raffelsiefen, Renate (eds.), Paradigms in phonological theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
McCarthy, John & Prince, Alan. 1995. Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In Beckman, Jill, Dickey, Laura & Urbanczyk, Suzanne (eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18: Papers in Optimality Theory, 249384. Amherst, MA: GLSA.
McCarthy, John J. 2000. Harmonic serialism and parallelism. In Hirotani, Masako (ed.), Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society (NELS 30), 501524. Amherst, MA: GLSA.
McCarthy, John J. & Prince, Alan. 1993. Generalized alignment. Yearbook of morphology 1993, 79153. Dordrecht: Springer.
Meeussen, Achille E. 1967. Bantu grammatical reconstructions. Africana Linguistica 3, 79121.
Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford University Press on Demand.
Merchant, Jason. 2008. Variable island repair under ellipsis. Topics in Ellipsis 1174, 132153.
Merchant, Jason. 2015. Ellipsis: A survey of analytical approaches. University of Chicago. Handbook of ellipsis. Oxford University Press: Oxford.
Munn, Alan. 1999. First conjunct agreement: Against a clausal analysis. Linguistic Inquiry 30.4, 643668.
Nekitel, Otto. 1986. A sketch of nominal concord in Abu’ (an Arapesh language). New Guinea Linguistics 249 (Pacific Linguistics A70).
Norris, Mark. 2014. A theory of nominal concord. Ph.D. dissertation, UC Santa Cruz.
Noyer, Rolf. 1997. Features, positions and affixes in autonomous morphological structure. New York: Garland.
Oltra Massuet, Maria Isabel. 1999. On the notion of theme vowel: A new approach to Catalan verbal morphology. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.
Preminger, Omer. 2009. Breaking agreements: Distinguishing agreement and clitic doubling by their failures. Linguistic Inquiry 40.4, 619666.
Preminger, Omer. 2011. Agreement as a fallible operation. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.
Pullum, Geoffrey & Zwicky, Arnold. 1988. The syntax-phonology interface. In Newmeyer (ed.), Linguistics: The Cambridge survey, 255280. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Pullum, Geoffrey K. & Zwicky, Arnold M.. 1986. Phonological resolution of syntactic feature conflict. Language 751773.
Richards, Marc. 2015. Defective agree, case alternations, and the prominence of person. In Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina, Malchukov, Andrej L. & Richards, Marc D. (eds.), Scales and hierarchies. A cross-disciplinary perspective, 173196. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Rose, Sharon. 1997. Theoretical issues in comparative Ethio–Semitic phonology and morphology. Ph.D. dissertation, McGill University.
Rose, Sharon & Walker, Rachel. 2004. A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80, 475531.
Samek-Lodovici, Vieri. 1993. A unified analysis of crosslinguistic morphological gemination. Proceedings of ConSOLE 1, 23.
Sande, Hannah. 2014. Pronoun-antecedent phonological agreement in Guébie. UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report.
Sande, Hannah. 2016. An interface model of phonologically determined agreement. 33rd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 339350.
Sande, Hannah. 2017. Distributing morphologically conditioned phonology. Ph.D. dissertation, UC Berkeley.
Sande, Hannah. 2018. Cross-word morphologically conditioned scalar tone shift in Guébie. Morphology 28.3, 253295.
Sande, Hannah & Jenks, Peter. To appear. Cophonologies by Phase. NELS 48 Proceedings.
Sauvageot, Serge. 1967. Note sur la classification nominale en bainouk. Paris: Ed. du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Sauvageot, Serge. 1987. La linguistique en tant que témoignage historique: Le cas du baynunk. Contributions à l’histoire du Sénégal 1722.
Schadeberg, Thilo C. 1992. Sketch of Swahili morphology, vol. 2. Köln: Köppe.
Sigurdsson, Halldór Ármann. 1993. Agreement as head visible feature government. Studia Linguistica 47.1, 3256.
Sigurdsson, Halldór Ármann. 2004. Agree in syntax, agreement in signs. Working papers in Scandinavian syntax, 74.
Svenonius, Peter. 2004. On the edge. Peripheries, 259287. Dordrecht: Springer.
Toosarvandani, Maziar & van Urk, Coppe. 2014. The syntax of nominal concord: What ezafe in Zazaki shows us. North East Linguistic Society (NELS 43), 209220.
Traoré, Yranahan & Féry, Caroline. 2017. Consonant harmony in Fròʔò nominal domain. Presentation at the 25th Manchester Phonology Meeting.
Van de Velde, Mark & Idiatov, Dmitry. 2017. Morphological classes and gender in Bena-Yungur. In Kaji, Shigeki (ed.), 8th World Congress of African Linguistics, 5365. Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
Van der Wal, Jenneke. 2015. Object clitics in comparative Bantu syntax. BLS 41.
Walker, Rachel. 2000. Nasalization, neutralization, and opacity effects. PhD thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz. Published from Garland Press dissertation.
Willer-Gold, Jana Boban Arsenijević, Mia Batinić, Nermina Čordalija, Marijana Kresić, Nedžad Leko, Franc Lanko Marušič, Tanja Milićev, Nataša Milićević, Ivana Mitić et al. 2016. Conjunct agreement and gender in South Slavic: From theory to experiments to theory. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 24.1, 187–224.
Winchester, Lindley. 2016. Morphosyntactic features and contextual allomorphy: Evidence from Modern Standard Arabic. NELS 47.
Zogbo Lynell, Marchese. 2012. Kru revisited, Kru revised. Towards Proto-Niger-Congo: Comparison and reconstruction.
Zogbo Lynell, Marchese. 2017. Les vestiges des classes nominales dans les langues Kru: Accord et suffixes. Typologie et documentation des langues en Afrique de l’Ouest: Les actes du 27e Congrès de la Société de Linguistique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (SLAO 159).

Keywords

Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic: Evidence from Guébie

  • HANNAH SANDE (a1)

Metrics

Full text views

Total number of HTML views: 0
Total number of PDF views: 0 *
Loading metrics...

Abstract views

Total abstract views: 0 *
Loading metrics...

* Views captured on Cambridge Core between <date>. This data will be updated every 24 hours.

Usage data cannot currently be displayed