Abbott, F. F., and Johnson, A. C. (1926). Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire. Princeton.Google Scholar

Adams, J. N. (2003). Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Alchermes, J. (1994). “Spolia in Roman Cities of the Late Empire: Legislative Rationales and Architectural Reuse.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 48:167–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Alchermes, J.. (1995). “Petrine Politics: Pope Symmachus and the Rotunda of St. Andrew at Old St. Peter's.” Catholic Historical Review 81:1–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Alexander, P. J. (1967). The Oracle of Baalbek: The Tiburtine Sibyl in Greek Dress. Dumbarton Oaks Studies 10. Washington, D.C.Google Scholar

Alföldi, A. (1948). The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome, tr. Mattingly, H.. Oxford.Google Scholar

Alföldy, G., ed. (1996). Inscriptiones Vrbis Romae Latinae. ⅭIⅬ 6.8.2. Berlin.Google Scholar

Amann, P. (2002). “Das konstantinische ‘Reskript von Hispellum’ (ⅭIⅬ Ⅺ 5265) und seine Aussagekraft für die etrusko-umbrischen Beziehungen.” Tyche 17:1–27.Google Scholar

Amici, A. (2000). “Divus Constantinus: Le testimonianze epigrafiche.” Rivista storica dell'antichità 30:187–216.Google Scholar

Amidon, P. R., tr. (1997). The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia. New York.Google Scholar

Anderson, J. C. Jr. (1983). “A Topographical Tradition in Fourth Century Chronicles: Domitian's Building Program.” Historia 32:93–105.Google Scholar

Anderson, J. G. C. (1897). “A Summer in Phrygia: I.” Journal of Hellenic Studies 17:396–424.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Andreotti, R. (1964). “Contributo alla discussione del rescritto costantiniano di Hispellum.” In Problemi di storia e archeologia dell'Umbria: Atti del I Convegno di studi umbri, Gubbio, 26–31 maggio 1963, pp. 249–90. Perugia.Google Scholar

Arce, J. (1984). Estudios sobre el emperador Fl. Cl. Juliano (Fuentes literarias. Epigrafiía. Numismática). Anejos de ≪Archivo Español de Arqueologia≫ 8. Madrid.Google Scholar

Arnheim, M. T. W. (1972). The Senatorial Aristocracy in the Later Roman Empire. Oxford.Google Scholar

Ashby, T., and Fell, R. A. L. (1921). “The Via Flaminia.” Journal of Roman Studies 11:125–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Athanassiadi, P. (1981). Julian and Hellenism: An Intellectual Biography. Oxford.Google Scholar

Ausbüttel, F. M. (1988). Die Verwaltung der Städte und Provinzen im spätantiken Italien. Europäische Hochschulschriften 343. Frankfurt.Google Scholar

Ayres, L. (2004). Nicaea and Its Legacy: An Approach to Fourth-Century Trinitarian Theology. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Baglivi, N. (1992). “Da Diocleziano a Costantino: Un punto di riferimento ‘storiografico’ in alcune interpretazioni tardoantiche.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 1:59–72. Macerata.Google Scholar

Bagnall, R. S. (1993). Egypt in Late Antiquity. Princeton.Google Scholar

Bagnall, R. S., Cameron, Al., Schwartz, S. R., and Worp, K. A. (1987). Consuls of the Later Roman Empire. Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association 36. Atlanta.Google Scholar

Baldini, A. (1992). “Claudio Gotico e Costantino in Aurelio Vittore ed Epitome de Caesaribus.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 1:73–89. Macerata.Google Scholar

Barceló, P. (1992). “Una nuova interpretazione dell'Arco di Costantino.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 1:105–14. Macerata.Google Scholar

Bardy, G. (1948). La question des langues dans l'église ancienne. Etudes de théologie historique. Paris.Google Scholar

Barnes, M. R., and Williams, D. R., ed. (1993). Arianism after Arius: Essays on the Development of the Fourth Century Trinitarian Conflicts. Edinburgh.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D. (1975a). “Constans and Gratian in Rome.” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 79:325–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1975b). “Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius.” American Journal of Philology 96:173–186. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1975c). “Two Senators under Constantine.” Journal of Roman Studies 64:40–49. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1976a). “Imperial Campaigns, A.D. 285–311.” Phoenix 30:174–93. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1976b). “The Emperor Constantine's Good Friday Sermon.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 27:414–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1978a). “A Correspondent of Iamblichus.” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 19:99–106. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 17.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1978b). “Emperor and Bishops, A.D. 324–344: Some Problems.” American Journal of Ancient History 3:53–75. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 18.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1980). “The Editions of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History.” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 21:191–201. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, Early Christianity and the Roman Empire (London, 1984), Chapter 20.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1981). Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1982). The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1983). “Two Victory Titles of Constantius.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 52:229–35. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 14.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1984). “Some Inconsistencies in Eusebius.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 35:470–75. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1985). “The Conversion of Constantine.” Echos du monde classique / Classical Views 29, n.s. 4:371–91. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 3.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1987). “Himerius and the Fourth Century.” Classical Philology 82:206–25. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1989a). “Christians and Pagans in the Reign of Constantius.” In L'église et l'empire au IVe siècle, ed. Dihle, A., pp. 301–37. Fondation Hardt pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique, Entretiens 34. Geneva. Partially reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 8.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1989b). “Panegyric, History and Hagiography in Eusebius' Life of Constantine.” In The Making of Orthodoxy: Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick, ed. Williams, R., pp. 94–123. Cambridge. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 11.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1992). “The Constantinian Settlement.” In Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, ed. Attridge, H. W. and Hata, G., pp. 635–57. Detroit. Reprinted in T. D. Barnes, From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993 (Aldershot, 1994), Chapter 9.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1993). Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1994a). “The Religious Affiliation of Consuls and Prefects, 317–361.” In Barnes, T. D., From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993, Chapter 7. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1994b). “The Two Drafts of Eusebius' Life of Constantine.” In Barnes, T. D., From Eusebius to Augustine: Selected Papers 1982–1993, Chapter 12. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1996). “Emperors, Panegyrics, Prefects, Provinces and Palaces.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 9:532–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1997). “Christentum und dynastische Politik (300–325).” In Usurpationen in der Spätantike: Akten des Kolloquiums “Staatsstreich und Staatlichkeit,” 6.-10. März 1996, Solothurn/Bern, ed. Paschoud, F. and Szidat, J., pp. 99–109. Historia Einzelschriften 111. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1998). Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality. Ithaca.Google Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (1999). “Ambrose and Gratian.” Antiquité tardive 7:165–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Barnes, T. D.. (2001). “Constantine's Speech to the Assembly of the Saints: Place and Date of Delivery.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 52:26–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bartelink, G. J. M., ed. and tr. (1994). Athanase d'Alexandrie, Vie d'Antoine. SChr. 400. Paris.Google Scholar

Bassett, S. (2004). The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Bastien, P. (1992–1994). Le buste monétaire des empereurs romains, 3 vols. Numismatique romaine, Essais, recherches et documents 19. Wetteren.Google Scholar

Bauer, W. (1972). Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, tr. R. A. Kraft et al. London.Google Scholar

Baynes, N. H. (1931). Constantine the Great and the Christian Church. The British Academy, The Raleigh Lecture on History 1929. London.Google Scholar

Beard, M., North, J., and Price, S. (1998). Religions of Rome, 2 vols. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Belke, K., and Mersich, N. (1990). Phrygien und Pisidien. = Tabula Imperii Byzantini, ed. Hunger, H., Bd. 7. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse, Denkschriften 211. Vienna.Google Scholar

Belke, K., and Restle, M. (1984). Galatien und Lykaonien. = Tabula Imperii Byzantini, ed. Hunger, H., Bd. 4. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse, Denkschriften 172. Vienna.Google Scholar

Bell, A. J. E. (1997). “Cicero and the Spectacle of Power.” Journal of Roman Studies 87:1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bernardi, J. (1968). La prédication des Pères Cappadociens: La prédicateur et son auditoire. Paris.Google Scholar

Beskow, P. (1962). Rex gloriae: The Kingship of Christ in the Early Church. Stockholm.Google Scholar

Bidez, J., ed. (1913). Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte: Mit dem Leben des Lucian von Antiochien und den Fragmenten eines arianischen Historiographen. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte (Berlin) 21. Leipzig.Google Scholar

Bidez, J.. (1930). La vie de l'empereur Julien. Paris.Google Scholar

Birley, A. R. (2000). “Hadrian to the Antonines.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅺ: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Rathbone, D., pp. 132–94. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Bleckmann, B. (1994). “Constantina, Vetranio und Gallus Caesar.” Chiron 24:29–68.Google Scholar

Bleckmann, B.. (1997). “Ein Kaiser als Prediger: Zur Datierung der konstantinischen ‘Rede an die Versammlung der Heiligen.’” Hermes 125:183–202.Google Scholar

Bleckmann, B.. (2004). “Bemerkungen zum Scheitern des Mehrherrschaftssystems: Reichsteilung und Territorialanspruche.” In Diokletian und die Tetrarchie: Aspekte einer Zeitenwende, ed. Demandt, A., Goltz, A., and Schlange-Schöningen, H., pp. 74–94. Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 1. Berlin and New York.Google Scholar

Bleckmann, B.. (2006). “Sources for the History of Constantine.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 14–31. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Bloch, H. (1945). “A New Document of the Last Pagan Revival in the West, 393–394 A.D.” Harvard Theological Review 38:199–244.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bloch, H.. (1963). “The Pagan Revival in the West at the End of the Fourth Century.” In The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Momigliano, A., pp. 193–218. Oxford-Warburg Studies. Oxford.Google Scholar

Blümel, W., ed. (1985). Die Inschriften von Iasos, 2 vols. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 28.1–2. Bonn.Google Scholar

Börker, C., and Merkelbach, R., with Engelmann, H. and Knibbe, D., ed. (1979). Die Inschriften von Ephesos, Teil II. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 12. Bonn.Google Scholar

Boor, C., ed. (1978). Georgii Monachi Chronicon, 2 vols. Corrected edition ed. Wirth, P.. Teubner. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Bouffartigue, J. (1991). “Julien ou l'hellénisme décomposé.” In ἙΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ: Quelques jalons pour une histoire de l'identité grecque. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 25–27 octobre 1989, ed. Said, S., pp. 251–66. Université des sciences humaines de Strasbourg, Travaux du Centre de recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Grèce antiques 11. Leiden.Google Scholar

Bouffartigue, J.. (2004). “Philosophie et antichristianisme chez l'empereur Julien.” In Hellénisme et christianisme, ed. Narcy, M. and Rebillard, E., pp. 111–31. Lille.Google Scholar

Bowen, A., and Garnsey, P., tr. (2003). Lactantius, Divine Institutes. Translated Texts for Historians (Liverpool) 40. Liverpool.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bowersock, G. W. (1978). Julian the Apostate. London.Google Scholar

Bowersock, G. W.. (1982). “The Imperial Cult: Perceptions and Persistence.” In Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, 3: Self-Definition in the Greco-Roman World, ed. Meyer, B. F. and Sanders, E. P., pp. 171–82, 238–41. Philadelphia.Google Scholar

Bowersock, G. W.. (2002). “Peter and Constantine.” In “Humana sapit”: Etudes d'antiquité tardive offertes à Lellia Cracco Ruggini, ed. Carrié, J.-M. and Testa, R. L., pp. 209–17. Bibliothèque de l'Antiquité tardive 3. Turnhout.Google Scholar

Bowman, A. K. (2005). “Diocletian and the First Tetrarchy, A.D. 284–305.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅻ: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Cameron, Av., pp. 67–89. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Bowman, G. (1999). “‘Mapping History's Redemption’: Eschatology and Topography in the Itinerarium Burdigalense.” In Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, ed. Levine, L. I., pp. 163–87. New York.Google Scholar

Bradbury, S. (1994). “Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century.” Classical Philology 89:120–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bradbury, S.. (1995). “Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice.” Phoenix 49:331–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bradbury, S.. (2000). “A Sophistic Prefect: Anatolius of Berytus in the Letters of Libanius.” Classical Philology 95:172–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Bradley, G. (2000). Ancient Umbria: State, Culture, and Identity in Central Italy from the Iron Age to the Augustan Era. Oxford.Google Scholar

Brakke, D. (1994). “The Greek and Syriac Versions of the Life of Antony.” Le Museon 107:29–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Brakke, D.. (1995). Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism. Oxford.Google Scholar

Brandt, H. (1998). Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit von Diokletian und Konstantin bis zum Ende der konstantinischen Dynastie (284–363). Berlin.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Brenk, B. (1987). “Spolia from Constantine to Charlemagne: Aesthetics versus Ideology.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41:103–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Brennecke, H. C. (1988). Studien zur Geschichte der Homöer: Der Osten bis zum Ende der homöischen Reichskirche. Beiträge zur historischen Theologie 73. Tubingen.Google Scholar

Brixhe, C. (2002). “Interactions between Greek and Phrygian under the Roman Empire.” In Bilingualism in Ancient Society: Language Contact and the Written Text, ed. Adams, J. N., Janse, M., and Swain, S., pp. 246–66. Oxford.Google Scholar

Brixhe, C., and Drew-Bear, T. (1997). “Huit inscriptions néo-phrygiennes.” In Frigi e Frigio: Atti del 1° Simposio Internazionale Roma, 16–17 ottobre 1995, ed. Gusmani, R., Salvini, M., and Vannicelli, P., pp. 71–114. Rome.Google Scholar

Brubaker, L. (1997). “Memories of Helena: Patterns in Imperial Female Matronage in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries.” In Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium, ed. James, L., pp. 52–75. London.Google Scholar

Brubaker, L.. (1999). Vision and Meaning in Ninth-Century Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Bruun, C. (1995). “The Thick Neck of the Emperor Constantine: Slimy Snails and ‘Quellenforschung.’” Historia 44:459–80.Google Scholar

Bruun, P. M. (1954). “The Consecration Coins of Constantine the Great.” In Commentationes in honorem Edwin Linkomies sexagenarii A.D. ⅯⅭⅯⅬV editae, ed. H. Zilliacus and K.-E. Henriksson. = Arctos n.s. 1:19–31.Google Scholar

Bruun, P. M.. (1966). The Roman Imperial Coinage, VII: Constantine and Licinius A.D. 313–337. London.Google Scholar

Bruun, P. M.. (1976). “Notes on the Transmission of Imperial Images in Late Antiquity.” In Studia Romana in honorem Petri Krarup septuagenarii, ed. Ascani, K., Fischer-Hansen, T., Johansen, F., Jensen, S. S., and Skydsgaard, J. E., pp. 122–31. Odense.Google Scholar

Bruun, P. M.. (1987). “Constans Maximus Augustus.” In Mélanges de numismatique offerts à Pierre Bastien à l'occasion de son 75e anniversaire, ed. Huvelin, H., Christol, M., and Gautier, G., pp. 187–99. Wetteren.Google Scholar

Buckler, W. H. (1937). “A Charitable Foundation of A.D. 237.” Journal of Hellenic Studies 57:1–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Buckler, W. H., and Calder, W. M., ed. (1939). Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, Vol. VI: Monuments and Documents from Phrygia and Caria. Manchester.Google Scholar

Buckler, W. H., Calder, W. M., and Guthrie, W. K. C., ed. (1933). Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, Vol. IV: Monuments and Documents from Eastern Asia and Western Galatia. Manchester.Google Scholar

Burgess, R. W. (1997). “The Dates and Editions of Eusebius' Chronici canones and Historia ecclesiastica.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 48:471–504.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Burgess, R. W., with Witakowski, W.. (1999a). Studies in Eusebian and Post-Eusebian Chronography. Historia Einzelschriften 135. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Burgess, R. W.. (1999b). “ΑΧΥΡΩΝ or ΠΡΟΑΣΤΕΙΟΝ? The Location and Circumstances of Constantine's Death.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 50:153–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Burgess, R. W.. (2000). “The Date of the Deposition of Eustathius of Antioch.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 51:150–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Burgess, R. W.. (2003). “The Passio S. Artemii, Philostorgius, and the Dates of the Invention and Translations of the Relics of Sts Andrew and Luke.” Analecta Bollandiana 121:5–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Burrus, V. (1995). The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Butcher, K. (2003). Roman Syria and the Near East. London.Google Scholar

Cahn, H. A. (1987). “Abolitio nominis de Constantin II.” In Mélanges de numismatique offerts à Pierre Bastien à l'occasion de son 75e anniversaire, ed. Huvelin, H., Christol, M., and Gautier, G., pp. 201–2. Wetteren.Google Scholar

Calder, W. M., ed. (1928). Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, Vol. I. London.Google Scholar

Calder, W. M.. (1954). “William Hepburn Buckler, 1867–1952.” Proceedings of the British Academy 40:274–86.Google Scholar

Calder, W. M., ed. (1956). Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, Vol. VII: Monuments from Eastern Phrygia. Manchester.Google Scholar

Callu, J.-P. (1995). “A nouveau le savon de Constantin.” Historia 44:500–2.Google Scholar

Callu, J.-P.. (2002). “Naissance de la dynastie constantinienne: Le tournant de 314–316.” In “Humana sapit”: Etudes d'antiquité tardive offertes à Lellia Cracco Ruggini, ed. Carrié, J.-M. and Testa, R. L., pp. 111–20. Bibliothèque de l'Antiquité tardive 3. Turnhout.Google Scholar

Calza, R. (1959–1960). “Un problema di iconografia imperiale sull'Arco di Costantino.” Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia (série III), Rendiconti 32:133–61.Google Scholar

Cambi, N. (2004). “Tetrarchic Practice in Name Giving.” In Diokletian und die Tetrarchie: Aspekte einer Zeitenwende, ed. Demandt, A., Goltz, A., and Schlange-Schöningen, H., pp. 38–46. Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 1. Berlin and New York.Google Scholar

Cameron, Alan (1988). “Flavius: A Nicety of Protocol.” Latomus 47:26–33.Google Scholar

Cameron, Alan. (2004). “Poetry and Literary Culture in Late Antiquity.” In Approaching Late Antiquity: The Transformation from Early to Late Empire, ed. Swain, S. and Edwards, M., pp. 327–54. Oxford.Google Scholar

Cameron, Averil (1997). “Eusebius' Vita Constantini and the Construction of Constantine.” In Portraits: Biographical Representation in the Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire, ed. Edwards, M. J. and Swain, S., pp. 145–74. Oxford.Google Scholar

Cameron, Averil. (2000). “Form and Meaning: The Vita Constantini and the Vita Antonii.” In Greek Biography and Panegyric in Late Antiquity, ed. Hägg, T. and Rousseau, P., with H⊘gel, C., pp. 72–88. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 31. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Cameron, Averil. (2005). “The Reign of Constantine, A.D. 306–337.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅻ: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Cameron, Av., pp. 90–109. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Cameron, Averil, and Hall, S. G., tr. (1999). Eusebius, Life of Constantine: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Oxford.Google Scholar

Cameron, Averil, and Herrin, J., with Cameron, Alan, Cormack, R., and Roueché, C. (1984). Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century: The Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition 10. Leiden.Google Scholar

Campbell, B., tr. (2000). The Writings of the Roman Land Surveyors: Introduction, Text, Translation and Commentary. Journal of Roman Studies, Monographs 9. London.Google Scholar

Carriker, A. (2003). The Library of Eusebius of Caesarea. Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 67. Leiden and Boston.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Carson, R. A. G. (1987). “Carausius et fratres sui … again.” In Mélanges de numismatique offerts à Pierre Bastien à l'occasion de son 75e anniversaire, ed. Huvelin, H., Christol, M., and Gautier, G., pp. 145–48. Wetteren.Google Scholar

Castritius, H. (1969). Studien zu Maximinus Daia. Frankfurter althistorische Studien 2. Kallmünz.Google Scholar

Chantraine, H. (1992). “Die Nachfolgeordnung Constantins des Großen.” Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abhandlungen der geistes- und socialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1992, Nr. 7:1–25.Google Scholar

Charron, A., and Heijmans, M. (2001). “L'obélisque du cirque d'Arles.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 14:373–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Chastagnol, A. (1962). Les fastes de la préfecture de Rome au Bas-Empire. Etudes prosopographiques 2. Paris.Google Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1963). “L'administration du Diocèse Italien au Bas Empire.” Historia 12:348–79.Google Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1973). “Le repli sur Arles des services administratifs gaulois en l'an 407 de notre ère.” Revue historique 249:23–40.Google Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1976). “Les inscriptions constantiniennes du cirque de Mérida.” Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome, Antiquité 88:259–76. Reprinted in A. Chastagnol, Aspects de l'antiquité tardive. Saggi di storia antica 6 (Rome, 1994), pp. 43–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1981a). “L'inscription constantinienne d'Orcistus.” Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome, Antiquité 93:381–416. Reprinted in A. Chastagnol, Aspects de l'antiquité tardive. Saggi di storia antica 6 (Rome, 1994), pp. 105–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1981b). “Les realia d'une cité d'après l'inscription constantinienne d'Orkistos.” Ktema 6:373–79.Google Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1987). “Aspects concrets et cadre topographique des fêtes décennales des empereurs à Rome.” In L'Urbs: Espace urbain et histoire (Ier siècle av. J.-C. – IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.). Actes du colloque international organisé par le Centre national de la recherche scientifique et l'Ecole française de Rome (Rome, 8–12 mai 1985), pp. 491–507. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 98. Rome and Paris.Google Scholar

Chastagnol, A.. (1992). “Quelques mises au point autour de l'empereur Licinius.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 1:311–23. Macerata.Google Scholar

Chausson, F. (2002a). “La famille du préfet Ablabius.” Pallas 60:205–29.Google Scholar

Chausson, F.. (2002b). “Une soeur de Constantin: Anastasia.” In “Humana sapit”: Etudes d'antiquité tardive offertes à Lellia Cracco Ruggini, ed. Carrié, J.-M. and Testa, R. L., pp. 131–55. Bibliothèque de l'Antiquité tardive 3. Turnhout.Google Scholar

Chioffi, L. (1995). “Equus: Constantius.” In Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, Vol. 2, ed. Steinby, E. M., p. 227. Rome.Google Scholar

Christensen, T. (1983). “The So-Called Appendix to Eusebius' Historia Ecclesiastica VIII.” Classica et Mediaevalia 34:177–209.Google Scholar

Christensen, T.. (1989). Rufinus of Aquileia and the Historia Ecclesiastica, Lib. VIII-IX, of Eusebius. Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 58. Copenhagen.Google Scholar

Christol, M., and Drew-Bear, T. (1986). “Documents latins de Phrygie.” Tyche 1:41–87.Google Scholar

Christol, M., and Drew-Bear, T.. (1999). “Antioche de Pisidie capitale provinciale et l'oeuvre de M. Valerius Diogenes.” Antiquité tardive 7:39–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Clark, E. A. (1992). The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate. Princeton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Clark, E. A.. (2004). History, Theory, Text: Historians and the Linguistic Turn. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Coarelli, F. (1986). “L'urbs e il suburbio.” In Società romana e imperio tardoantico, 2. Roma: Politica, economia, paesaggio urbano, ed. Giardina, A., pp. 1–58, 395–412. Rome.Google Scholar

Coarelli, F.. (1993). “Basilica Constantiniana, B. Nova.” In Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, Vol. 1, ed. Steinby, E. M., pp. 170–73. Rome.Google Scholar

Coarelli, F.. (2001). “Il rescritto di Spello e il santuario ‘etnico’ degli Umbri.” In Umbria cristiana: Dalla diffusione del culto al culto dei santi (secc. IV–X). Atti del XV Congresso internazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo, Spoleto, 23–28 ottobre 2000, pp. 39–51. Atti dei Congressi 15. Spoleto.Google Scholar

Coleman-Norton, P. R., tr. (1966). Roman State and Christian Church: A Collection of Legal Documents to A.D. 535, 3 vols. London.Google Scholar

Conti, S. (2004). Die Inschriften Kaiser Julians. Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium, Interdisziplinäre Studien zur Antike und zu ihrem Nachleben 10. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Corcoran, S. (1993). “Hidden from History: The Legislation of Licinius.” In The Theodosian Code: Studies in the Imperial Law of Late Antiquity, ed. Harries, J. and Wood, I., pp. 97–119. London.Google Scholar

Corcoran, S.. (1996). The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government AD 284–324. Oxford.Google Scholar

Corcoran, S.. (2000). “Additional Notes.” In Corcoran, S., The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government AD 284–324, Revised Edition, pp. 343–53. Oxford.Google Scholar

Corcoran, S.. (2002). “A Tetrarchic Inscription from Corcyra and the Edictum de Accusationibus.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 141:221–30.Google Scholar

Corcoran, S.. (2004). “The Publication of Law in the Era of the Tetrarchs – Diocletian, Galerius, Gregorius, Hermogenian.” In Diokletian und die Tetrarchie: Aspekte einer Zeitenwende, ed. Demandt, A., Goltz, A., and Schlange-Schöningen, H., pp. 56–73. Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 1. Berlin and New York.Google Scholar

Cox, C. W. M., and Cameron, A., ed. (1937). Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, Vol. V: Monuments from Dorylaeum and Nacolea. Manchester.Google Scholar

Crawford, M. H. (2002). “Discovery, Autopsy and Progress: Diocletian's Jigsaw Puzzles.” In Classics in Progress: Essays on Ancient Greece and Rome, ed. Wiseman, T. P., pp. 145–63. Oxford.Google Scholar

Crawford, M. H., and Reynolds, J. (1975). “The Publication of the Prices Edict: A New Inscription from Aezani.” Journal of Roman Studies 65:160–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Cullhed, M. (1994). Conservator urbis suae: Studies in the Politics and Propaganda of the Emperor Maxentius. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom, 8°, 20. Stockholm.Google Scholar

Curran, J. (1994). “Moving Statues in Late Antique Rome: Problems of Perspective.” Art History 17:46–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Curran, J.. (2000). Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century. Oxford.Google Scholar

Dagron, G. (1969). “Aux origines de la civilisation byzantine: Langue de culture et langue d'Etat.” Revue historique 241:23–56.Google Scholar

Dagron, G.. (1970). “Les moines et la ville: Le monachisme à Constantinople jusqu'au concile de Chalcédoine (451).” Travaux et mémoires 4:229–76.Google Scholar

Dagron, G.. (1974). Naissance d'une capitale: Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 à 451. Bibliothèque byzantine, Etudes 7. Paris.Google Scholar

Dagron, G.. (1984). Constantinople imaginaire: Etudes sur le recueil des “Patria”. Bibliothèque byzantine, Etudes 8. Paris.Google Scholar

Dagron, G.. (1994). “Formes et fonctions du pluralisme linguistique à Byzance (VIIIe-Ⅻe siècle).” Travaux et mémoires 12:219–40.Google Scholar

Dagron, G.. (2003). Emperor and Priest: The Imperial Office in Byzantium, tr. Birrell, J.. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Darwell-Smith, R. H. (1996). Emperors and Architecture: A Study of Flavian Rome. Collection Latomus 231. Brussels.Google Scholar

Davies, P. J. E. (2000a). Death and the Emperor: Roman Imperial Funerary Monuments from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Davies, P. J. E.. (2000b). “‘What Worse Than Nero, What Better Than His Baths?’: ‘Damnatio Memoriae’ and Roman Architecture.” In From Caligula to Constantine: Tyranny and Transformation in Roman Portraiture, ed. Varner, E. R., pp. 27–44. Atlanta.Google Scholar

Davies, P. S. (1991). “Constantine's Editor.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 42:610–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Deckers, J. G. (1979). “Die Wandmalerei im Kaiserkultraum von Luxor.” Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 94:600–52.Google Scholar

Decker, D. (1968). “La politique religieuse de Maxence.” Byzantion 38:472–562.Google Scholar

Deichmann, F. W., and Tschira, A. (1957). “Das Mausoleum der Kaiserin Helena und die Basilika der Heiligen Marcellinus und Petrus an der Via Labicana vor Rom.” Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 72:44–110.Google Scholar

Depeyrot, G. (2006). “Economy and Society.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 226–52. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Dietz, K. (2000). “Kaiser Julian in Phönizien.” Chiron 30:807–55.Google Scholar

Digeser, E. D. (2000). The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome. Ithaca.Google Scholar

Dörries, H. (1954). Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser Konstantins. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, Dritte Folge 34. Göttingen.Google Scholar

Dolbeau, F., ed. (1996). Augustin d'Hippone, Vingt-six sermons au peuple d'Afrique. Collection des Etudes augustiniennes, Série antiquité 147. Paris.Google Scholar

Dominicis, M. (1963). “Un intervento legislativo di Costantino in materia religiosa (Nota a C.I.L., Ⅺ, 5265).” Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquité, 3e série, 10:199–211.Google Scholar

Downey, G. (1961). A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest. Princeton.Google Scholar

Drake, H. A. (1976). In Praise of Constantine: A Historical Study and New Translation of Eusebius' Tricennial Orations. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Drake, H. A.. (1988). “What Eusebius Knew: The Genesis of the Vita Constantini.” Classical Philology 83:20–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Drake, H. A.. (1996). “Lambs into Lions: Explaining Early Christian Intolerance.” Past and Present 153:3–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Drake, H. A.. (2000). Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance. Baltimore.Google Scholar

Drake, H. A.. (2006). “The Impact of Constantine on Christianity.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 111–36. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Drew-Bear, T., and Naour, C. (1990). “Divinités de Phrygie.” In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Teil II: Principat, Band 18: Religion, 3. Teilband, ed. Haase, W., pp. 1907–2044. Berlin.Google Scholar

Drijvers, J. W. (1992). Helena Augusta: The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of Her Finding of the True Cross. Brill's Studies in Intellectual History 27. Leiden.Google Scholar

Drijvers, J. W.. (1996). “Ammianus Marcellinus 15.13.1–2: Some Observations on the Career and Bilingualism of Strategius Musonianus.” Classical Quarterly 46:532–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Drinkwater, J. F. (1983). Roman Gaul: The Three Provinces, 58 BC-AD 260. Ithaca.Google Scholar

Droge, A. J. (1992). “The Apologetic Dimensions of the Ecclesiastical History.” In Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, ed. Attridge, H. W. and Hata, G., pp. 492–509. Detroit.Google Scholar

Dubuisson, M. (1992). “Jean le Lydien et le latin: Les limites d'une competence.” In Serta Leodiensia Secunda: Mélanges publiés par les classiques de Liège à l'occasion du 175e anniversaire de l'Université, pp. 123–31. Liège.Google Scholar

Duchesne, L., ed. (1886). Le Liber Pontificalis: Texte, introduction et commentaire, Vol. 1. Bibliothèque des Ecoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome, 2e série. Paris.Google Scholar

Duncan-Jones, R. P. (1982). The Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies. Second edition, Cambridge.Google Scholar

Dvornik, F. (1966). Early Christian and Byzantine Political Philosophy: Origins and Background. Dumbarton Oaks Studies 9. Washington, D.C.Google Scholar

Ebersolt, J. (1929–1930). “Sarcophages impériaux de Rome et de Constantinople.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 30:582–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Eck, W. (1994). “Kaiserliches Handeln in italischen Städten.” In L'Italie d'Auguste à Dioclétien, pp. 329–51. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 198. Rome and Paris.Google Scholar

Eck, W.. (2000). “Latein als Sprache politischer Kommunikation in Städten der östlichen Provinzen.” Chiron 30:641–60.Google Scholar

Eck, W.. (2003). “The Prosopographia Imperii Romani and Prosopographical Method.” In Fifty Years of Prosopography: The Later Roman Empire, Byzantium and Beyond, ed. Cameron, Av., pp. 11–22. Proceedings of the British Academy 118. Oxford.Google Scholar

Eck, W.. (2004). “Lateinisch, Griechisch, Germanisch …? Wie sprach Rom mit seinen Untertanen?” In Roman Rule and Civic Life: Local and Regional Perspectives. Proceedings of the Fourth Workshop of the International Network, Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, c. 200 B.C.-A.D. 476), Leiden, June 25–28, 2003, ed. Ligt, L., Hemelrijk, E. A., and Singor, H. W., pp. 3–19. Amsterdam.Google Scholar

Edmondson, J. (2002). “Writing Latin in the Province of Lusitania.” In Becoming Roman, Writing Latin? Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West, ed. Cooley, A. E., pp. 41–60. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplementary Series 48. Portsmouth.Google Scholar

Edwards, M. (1999). “The Constantinian Circle and the Oration to the Saints.” In Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews, and Christians, ed. Edwards, M., Goodman, M., and Price, S., with Rowland, C., pp. 251–75. Oxford.Google Scholar

Edwards, M., tr. (2003). Constantine and Christendom: The Oration to the Saints, the Greek and Latin Accounts of the Discovery of the Cross, the Edict of Constantine to Pope Silvester. Translated Texts for Historians (Liverpool) 39. Liverpool.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Edwards, M.. (2006). “The Beginnings of Christianization.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 137–58. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Effenberger, A. (2000). “Konstantinsmausoleum, Apostelkirche – und keine Ende?” In Lithostroton: Studien zur byzantinischen Kunst und Geschichte. Festschrift für Marcell Restle, ed. Borkopp, B. and Steppan, T., pp. 67–78. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Elliott, T. G. (1996). The Christianity of Constantine the Great. Scranton.Google Scholar

Elm, S. (2003). “Hellenism and Historiography: Gregory of Nazianzus and Julian in Dialogue.” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33:493–515. Reprinted in The Cultural Turn in Late Ancient Studies: Gender, Asceticism, and Historiography, ed. D. B. Martin and P. C. Miller (Durham, 2005), pp. 258–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Elm, S., Fabre, P.-A., Rebillard, E., Romano, A., and Sotinel, C. (2000). “Introduction.” In Orthodoxie, christianisme, histoire: Orthodoxy, Christianity, History, ed. Elm, S., Rebillard, E. and Romano, A., pp. VIII–XXV. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 270. Paris and Rome.Google Scholar

Elsner, J. (2000a). “From the Culture of Spolia to the Cult of Relics: The Arch of Constantine and the Genesis of Late Antique Forms.” Papers of the British School at Rome 68:149–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Elsner, J.. (2000b). “The Itinerarium Burdigalense: Politics and Salvation in the Geography of Constantine's Empire.” Journal of Roman Studies 90:181–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Elsner, J.. (2005). “Sacrifice and Narrative on the Arch of the Argentarii at Rome.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 18:83–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Elton, H. (2006). “Warfare and the Military.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 325–46. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Engemann, J. (1984). “Die religiöse Herrscherfunktion im Fünfsäulenmonument Diocletians in Rom und in den Herrschermosaiken Justinians in Ravenna.” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 18:336–56.Google Scholar

Ensoli, S. (2000). “I colossi de bronzo a Roma in età tardoantica: Dal Colosso di Nerone al Colosso di Costantino. A proposito dei tre frammenti bronzei dei Musei Capitolini.” In Aurea Roma: Dalla città pagana alla città cristiana, ed. Ensoli, S. and Rocca, E., pp. 66–90. Rome.Google Scholar

Grubbs, Evans J. (1995). Law and Family in Late Antiquity: The Emperor Constantine's Marriage Legislation. Oxford.Google Scholar

Evers, C. (1991). “Remarques sur l'iconographie de Constantin: A propos du remploi de portraits des ≪bons empereurs≫.” Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome, Antiquité 103:785–806.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Feige, G. (1993). “Der Begriff υἱοπάτωρ in der antimarkellischen Polemik des 4. Jahrhunderts.” In Studia Patristica Vol. XXVI: Papers Presented at the Eleventh International Conference on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford 1991. Liturgica, Second Century, Alexandria before Nicaea, Athanasius and the Arian Controversy, ed. Livingstone, E. A., pp. 365–68. Leuven.Google Scholar

Feissel, D. (1995). “Les constitutions des Tétrarques connues par l'épigraphie: Inventaire et notes critiques.” Antiquité tardive 3:33–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Feissel, D.. (1996). “Deux constitutions tétrarchiques inscrites à Ephèse.” Antiquité tardive 4:273–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Feissel, D.. (1998). “Vicaires et proconsuls d'Asie du IVe au VIe siècle: Remarques sur l'administration du diocèse asianique au Bas-Empire.” Antiquité tardive 6:91–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Feissel, D.. (1999). “L'adnotatio de Constantin sur le droit de cité d'Orcistus en Phrygie.” Antiquité tardive 7:255–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Feissel, D.. (2004). “Pétitions aux empereurs et formes du rescrit dans les sources documentaires du IVe au VIe siècle.” In La pétition à Byzance, ed. Feissel, D. and Gascou, J., pp. 33–52. Centre de recherche d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 14. Paris.Google Scholar

Feissel, D., and Kaygusuz, I. (1985). “Un mandement impérial du VIe siècle dans une inscription d'Hadrianoupolis d'Honoriade.” Travaux et mémoires 9:397–419.Google Scholar

Fittschen, K., and Zanker, P. (1985). Katalog der römischen Portrats in den Capitolinischen Museen und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom, I: Kaiser- und Prinzenbildnisse. Beiträge zur Erschließung hellenistischer und kaiserzeitlicher Skulptur und Architektur 3. Mainz.Google Scholar

Flower, H. I. (1996). Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture. Oxford.Google Scholar

Flower, H. I.. (2000). “Damnatio memoriae and Epigraphy.” In From Caligula to Constantine: Tyranny and Transformation in Roman Portraiture, ed. Varner, E. R., pp. 58–69. Atlanta.Google Scholar

Foss, C. (1995). “Nicomedia and Constantinople.” In Constantinople and Its Hinterland: Papers from the Twenty-Seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, April 1993, ed. Mango, C. and Dagron, G., with Greatrex, G., pp. 181–90. Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies, Publications 3. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Fournet, J.-L. (2004). “Entre document et littérature: La pétition dans l'antiquité tardive.” In La pétition à Byzance, ed. Feissel, D. and Gascou, J., pp. 61–74. Centre de recherche d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 14. Paris.Google Scholar

Fowden, G. (1987). “Nicagoras of Athens and the Lateran Obelisk.” Journal of Hellenic Studies 107:51–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Fowden, G.. (1991). “Constantine's Porphyry Column: The Earliest Literary Allusion.” Journal of Roman Studies 81:119–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Fowden, G.. (1994). “The Last Days of Constantine: Oppositional Versions and Their Influence.” Journal of Roman Studies 84:146–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Fowden, E. K. (2006). “Constantine and the Peoples of the Eastern Frontier.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 377–98. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Frakes, R. M. (2006). “The Dynasty of Constantine Down to 363.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 91–107. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Frend, W. H. C. (1952). The Donatist Church. Oxford.Google Scholar

Frend, W. H. C.. (1996). The Archaeology of Early Christianity: A History. London.Google Scholar

Frier, B. W. (2000). “Demography.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅺ: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Rathbone, D., pp. 787–816. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Frothingham, A. L. Jr. (1883). “Une mosaique constantinienne inconnue à Saint-Pierre de Rome.” Revue archéologique, série 3, 1:68–72.Google Scholar

Gager, J. G. (1982). “Body-Symbols and Social Reality: Resurrection, Incarnation and Asceticism in Early Christianity.” Religion 12:345–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Gallay, P., ed. and tr. (1964–1967). Saint Grégoire de Nazianze: Lettres, 2 vols. Budé. Paris.Google Scholar

Galsterer, H. (1990). “A Man, a Book, and a Method: Sir Ronald Syme's Roman Revolution after Fifty Years.” In Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate, ed. Raaflaub, K. A. and Toher, M., pp. 1–20. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Galsterer, H.. (2000). “Local and Provincial Institutions and Government.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅺ: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Rathbone, D., pp. 344–60. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Gascou, J. (1967). “Le rescrit d'Hispellum.” Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 79:609–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Gasperini, L. (1988). “Dedica ostiensa di Aurelio Avianio Simmaco all'imperatore Costante.” Miscellanea greca e romana 13 = Studi pubblicati dall'Istituto Italiano per la storia antica 42:242–50.Google Scholar

Geertz, C. (1975). “Religion as a Cultural System.” In Geertz, C., The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays, pp. 87–125. London.Google Scholar

Gelzer, H., Hilgenfeld, H., and Cuntz, O., ed. (1898). Patrum Nicaenorum nomina latine graece coptice syriace arabice armeniace. Leipzig. Reprinted with a Nachwort by C. Markschies (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1995).Google Scholar

Gero, S. (1981). “The True Image of Christ: Eusebius' Letter to Constantia Reconsidered.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 32:460–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Gerov, B. (1980). “Die lateinisch-griechische Sprachgrenze auf der Balkanhalbinsel.” In Die Sprachen im römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit: Kolloquium vom 8. bis 10. April 1974, ed. Neumann, G. and Untermann, J., pp. 147–65. Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 40. Cologne and Bonn.Google Scholar

Gillett, A. (2001). “Rome, Ravenna and the Last Western Emperors.” Papers of the British School at Rome 69:131–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Giuliano, A. (1955). Arco di Costantino. Milan.Google Scholar

Giuliano, A.. (1991). “Augustus-Constantinus.” Bollettino d'arte 68–69:3–10.Google Scholar

Gleason, M. W. (1986). “Festive Satire: Julian's Misopogon and the New Year at Antioch.” Journal of Roman Studies 76:106–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Glorie, F., ed. (1964). S. Hieronymi presbyteri opera 1: Opera exegetica 4: Commentariorum in Hiezechielem libri XIV. CChr., Series latina 75. Turnholt.Google Scholar

Gnoli, T., and Thornton, J. (1997). “Σῶζε τὴν κατοικίαν: Società e religione nella Frigia romana. Note introduttive.” In Frigi e Frigio: Atti del 1° Simposio Internazionale Roma, 16–17 ottobre 1995, ed. Gusmani, R., Salvini, M., and Vannicelli, P., pp. 153–200. Rome.Google Scholar

Goodman, M. (2000). “Judaea.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅺ: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Rathbone, D., pp. 664–78. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Gordon, R., with Reynolds, J. (2003). “Roman Inscriptions 1995–2000.” Journal of Roman Studies 93:212–94.Google Scholar

Grant, R. M. (1980). Eusebius as Church Historian. Oxford.Google Scholar

Grant, R. M.. (1992). “Eusebius and Imperial Propaganda.” In Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, ed. Attridge, H. W. and Hata, G., pp. 658–83. Detroit.Google Scholar

Gregg, R. C., and Groh, D. E. (1981). Early Arianism: A View of Salvation. Philadelphia.Google Scholar

Grégoire, H., ed. (1922). Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d'Asie Mineure. Paris.Google Scholar

Grierson, P. (1962). “The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337–1042).” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16:1–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Grillet, B. (1983). “Introduction: Chapitre I, La vie et l'oeuvre.” In Grillet, B., Sabbah, G., and Festugière, A.-J., Sozomène, Histoire ecclésiastique, Livres I–II: Texte grec de l'édition J. Bidez, pp. 9–31. SChr. 306. Paris.Google Scholar

Grillet, B., and Ettlinger, G. H., ed. and tr. (1968). Jean Chrysostome, A une jeune veuve. Sur le mariage unique. SChr. 138. Paris.Google Scholar

Grünewald, T. (1990). Constantinus Maximus Augustus: Herrschaftspropaganda in der zeitgenössischen Überlieferung. Historia Einzelschriften 64. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Guidi, M. (1907). “Un ΒΙΟΣ di Constantino.” Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Serie quinta, 16:304–40, 637–62.Google Scholar

Gundlach, W., ed. (1892). Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini aevi. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae 3. Berlin.Google Scholar

Guyon, J. (1987). Le cimetière aux deux lauriers: Recherches sur les catacombes romaines. Bibliothèque des Ecoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 264. Roma sotterranea cristiana 7. Paris and Rome.Google Scholar

Haehling, R. (1978). Die Religionszugehörigkeit der hohen Amtsträger des römischen Reiches seit Constantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der theodosianischen Dynastie (324–450 bsw. 455 n.Chr.). Antiquitas, Reihe 3, 23. Bonn.Google Scholar

Hall, L. J. (1998). “Cicero's instinctu divino and Constantine's instinctu divinitatis: The Evidence of the Arch of Constantine for the Senatorial View of the ‘Vision’ of Constantine.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 6:647–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hall, L. J.. (2004). Roman Berytus: Beirut in Late Antiquity. London and New York.Google Scholar

Hall, S. G. (1993). “Eusebian and Other Sources in Vita Constantini I.” In Logos: Festschrift für Luise Abramowski zum 8. Juli 1993, ed. Brennecke, H. C., Grasmück, E. L., and Markschies, C., pp. 239–63. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 67. Berlin and New York.Google Scholar

Hall, S. G.. (1998). “Some Constantinian Documents in the Vita Constantini.” In Constantine: History, Hagiography and Legend, ed. Lieu, S. N. C. and Montserrat, D., pp. 86–103. London.Google Scholar

Halsall, G. (1996). “Towns, Societies and Ideas: The Not-So-Strange Case of Late Roman and Early Merovingian Metz.” In Towns in Transition: Urban Evolution in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Christie, N. and Loseby, S. T., pp. 235–61. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Hamilton, W. J. (1842). Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia; With Some Account of Their Antiquities and Geology, 2 vols. London.Google Scholar

Hammond, C. P. (1977). “The Last Ten Years of Rufinus' Life and the Date of His Move South from Aquileia.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 28:372–429. Reprinted in C. P. Hammond Bammel, Origeniana et Rufiniana. Vetus Latina: Aus der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibel 29 (Freiburg, 1996), Chapter IV.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hansen, G. C. (1995). “Einleitung.” In Sozomenus Kirchengeschichte, ed. Bidez, J. and Hansen, G. C., pp. IX–ⅬXVII. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte (Berlin), Neue Folge 2. Second edition. Berlin.Google Scholar

Hansen, M. F. (2003). The Eloquence of Appropriation: Prolegomena to an Understanding of Spolia in Early Christian Rome. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, Supplementum 33. Rome.Google Scholar

Hanson, R. P. C. (1988). The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God: The Arian Controversy 318–381. Edinburgh.Google Scholar

Harrison, E. B. (1967). “The Constantinian Portrait.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21:79–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Heather, P. J. (1991). Goths and Romans 332–489. Oxford.Google Scholar

Heather, P. J.. (1998). “Senators and Senates.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume XIII: The Late Empire A.D. 337–425, ed. Cameron, Av. and Garnsey, P., pp. 184–210. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Heather, P. and Moncur, D., tr. (2001). Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century: Select Orations of Themistius. Translated Texts for Historians (Liverpool) 36. Liverpool.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Heberdey, R., ed. (1941). Tituli Asiae Minoris III: Tituli Pisidiae linguis graeca et latina conscripti, Fasc. 1. Vienna.Google Scholar

Hedrick, C. W. Jr. (2000). History and Silence: Purge and Rehabilitation of Memory in Late Antiquity. Austin.Google Scholar

Heijmans, M. (1998). “Le ‘Palais de la Trouille’ à Arles: Palais impérial ou palais du préfet? Le centre monumental durant l'antiquité tardive à la lumière des recherches récentes.” Antiquité tardive 6:209–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Heijmans, M.. (1999). “La topographie de la ville d'Arles durant l'antiquité tardive.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 12:142–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hekster, O. (2001). “All in the Family: The Appointment of Emperors Designate in the Second Century A.D.” In Administration, Prosopography and Appointment Policies in the Roman Empire: Proceedings of the First Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 27 B.C.-A.D. 406). Leiden, June 28- July 1, 2000, ed. Blois, L., pp. 35–49. Amsterdam.Google Scholar

Henck, N. (2001). “Constantius ὁ φιλοκτίστης.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55:279–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hennephof, H., ed. (1969). Textus byzantini ad iconomachiam pertinentes in usum academicum. Byzantina Neerlandica, Series A, Textus: Fasc. 1. Leiden.Google Scholar

Hillner, J. (2003). “Domus, Family, and Inheritance: The Senatorial Family House in Late Antique Rome.” Journal of Roman Studies 93:129–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hollerich, M. J. (1990). “Religion and Politics in the Writings of Eusebius: Reassessing the First ‘Court Theologian.’” Church History 59:309–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hollerich, M. J.. (1999). Eusebius of Caesarea's Commentary on Isaiah: Christian Exegesis in the Age of Constantine. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Holloway, R. R. (2004). Constantine and Rome. New Haven.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Holum, K. G. (1982). Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Holum, K. G.. (1990). “Hadrian and St. Helena: Imperial Travel and the Origins of Christian Holy Land Pilgrimage.” In The Blessings of Pilgrimage, ed. Ousterhout, R., pp. 66–81. Illinois Byzantine Studies 1. Urbana and Chicago.Google Scholar

Holum, K. G.. (1996). “In the Blinking of an Eye: The Christianizing of Classical Cities in the Levant.” In Religion and Politics in the Ancient Near East, ed. Berlin, A., pp. 131–50. Studies and Texts in Jewish History and Culture 1. Bethesda.Google Scholar

Honoré, T. (1987). “Scriptor Historiae Augustae.” Journal of Roman Studies 77:156–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Horden, P., and Purcell, N. (2000). The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History. Oxford.Google Scholar

Hübner, S. (2005). Der Klerus in der Gesellschaft des spätantiken Kleinasiens. Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium 15. Munich.Google Scholar

Humfress, C. (2006). “Civil Law and Social Life.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 205–25. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Humphries, M. (1997). “In nomine patris: Constantine the Great and Constantius II in Christological Polemic.” Historia 46:448–64.Google Scholar

Humphries, M.. (1998). “Savage Humour: Christian Anti-Panegyric in Hilary of Poitiers' Against Constantius.” In The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Panegyric in Late Antiquity, ed. Whitby, M., pp. 201–23. Mnemosyne, Supplementum 183. Leiden.Google Scholar

Humphries, M.. (1999). Communities of the Blessed: Social Environment and Religious Change in Northern Italy, AD 200–400. Oxford.Google Scholar

Humphries, M.. (2003). “Roman Senators and Absent Emperors in Late Antiquity.” In Rome AD 300–800: Power and Symbol – Image and Reality, ed. J. R. Brandt, S. Sande, O. Steen, and L. Hodne. = Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 17 (n.s. 3):27–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hunt, E. D. (1982). Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire AD 312–460. Oxford.Google Scholar

Hunt, E. D.. (1997a). “Constantine and Jerusalem.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48:405–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Hunt, E. D.. (1997b). “Theodosius I and the Holy Land.” In Studia Patristica Vol. XⅪX: Papers Presented at the Twelfth International Conference on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford 1995. Historica, theologica et philosophica, critica et philologica, ed. Livingstone, E. A., pp. 52–57. Leuven.Google Scholar

Hunt, E. D.. (1998). “The Successors of Constantine.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume XIII: The Late Empire A.D. 337–425, ed. Av. Cameron, and Garnsey, P., pp. 1–43. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Hunt, E. D.. (2003). “Imperial Building at Rome: The Role of Constantine.” In “Bread and Circuses”: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy, ed. Lomas, K. and Cornell, T., pp. 105–24. London.Google Scholar

Innes, M. (2000). State and Society in the Early Middle Ages: The Middle Rhine Valley, 400–1000. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Jacobs, A. S. (2004). Remains of the Jews: The Holy Land and Christian Empire in Late Antiquity. Stanford.Google Scholar

Jacques, F. (1992). “Les moulins d'Orcistus: Rhétorique et géographie au IVe s.” In Institutions, société et vie politique dans l'empire romain au IVe siècle ap. J.-C.: Actes de la table ronde autour de l'oeuvre d'André Chastagnol (Paris, 20–21 janvier 1989), ed. Christol, M., Demougin, S., Duval, Y., Lepelley, C., and Pietri, L., pp. 431–46. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 159. Rome.Google Scholar

Johnson, A. C., Coleman-Norton, P. R., and Bourne, F. C., tr. (1961). Ancient Roman Statutes: A Translation with Introduction, Commentary, Glossary, and Index. The Corpus of Roman Law 2. Austin.Google Scholar

Johnson, M. J. (1991). “On the Burial Places of the Valentinian Dynasty.” Historia 40:501–6.Google Scholar

Johnson, M. J.. (1992). “Where Were Constantius I and Helena Buried?” Latomus 51:145–50.Google Scholar

Jones, A. H. M. (1962). Constantine and the Conversion of Europe. Revised edition. New York.Google Scholar

Jones, A. H. M.. (1964). The Later Roman Empire. Oxford and Norman.Google Scholar

Jones, A. H. M.. (1971). The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. Second edition. Oxford.Google Scholar

Jones, C. (2006). “A Letter of Hadrian to Naryka (Eastern Locris).” Journal of Roman Archaeology 19:151–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kähler, H. (1952). “Konstantin 313.” Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 67:1–30.Google Scholar

Kähler, H.. (1964). Das Fünfsäulendenkmal für die Tetrarchen auf dem Forum Romanum. Monumenta artis Romanae 3. Cologne.Google Scholar

Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, I. (1975). “The Imperial Chamber at Luxor.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 29:225–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kaldellis, A. (2004). Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity. Philadelphia.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kalinka, E., ed. (1930–1944). Tituli Asiae Minoris II: Tituli Lyciae linguis graeca et latina conscripti, Fasc. 2–3. Vienna.Google Scholar

Kannengiesser, C. (1997). “The Bible in the Arian Crisis.” In The Bible in Greek Christian Antiquity, ed. Blowers, P. M., pp. 217–28. The Bible through the Ages 1. South Bend.Google Scholar

Kannengiesser, C.. (2001). “L'Histoire des Ariens d'Athanase d'Alexandrie: Une historiographie de combat au IVe siècle.” In L'historiographie de l'église des premiers siècles, ed. Pouderon, B. and Duval, Y.-M., pp. 127–38. Théologie historique 114. Paris.Google Scholar

Kantorowicz, E. H. (1957). The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology. Princeton.Google Scholar

Kaster, R. A. (1988). Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 11. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Kaufmann-Heinimann, A. (1999). “Eighteen New Pieces from the Late Roman Silver Treasure of Kaiseraugst: First Notice.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 12: 333–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kazhdan, A. (1987). “‘Constantin imaginaire’: Byzantine Legends of the Ninth Century about Constantine the Great.” Byzantion 57:196–250.Google Scholar

Kearsley, R. A., with Evans, T. V., ed. (2001). Greeks and Romans in Imperial Asia: Mixed Language Inscriptions and Linguistic Evidence for Cultural Interaction until the End of AD III. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 59. Bonn.Google Scholar

Keenan, J. G. (1973–1974). “The Names Flavius and Aurelius as Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 11:33–63, and 13:283–304.Google Scholar

Keenan, J. G.. (1983). “An Afterthought on the Names Flavius and Aurelius.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 53:245–50.Google Scholar

Kelly, C. (2004). Ruling the Later Roman Empire. Revealing Antiquity 15. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Kelly, C.. (2006). “Bureaucracy and Government.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 183–204. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Kelly, G. (2003). “The New Rome and the Old: Ammianus Marcellinus' Silences on Constantinople.” Classical Quarterly 53:588–607.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kelly, G.. (2004). “Ammianus and the Great Tsunami.” Journal of Roman Studies 94:141–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kelly, J. N. D. (1960). Early Christian Doctrines. Second edition. London.Google Scholar

Kelly, J. N. D.. (1995). Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom – Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop. London.Google Scholar

Kent, J. P. C. (1981). The Roman Imperial Coinage, VIII: The Family of Constantine I A.D. 337–364. London.Google Scholar

King, K. L. (2003). What Is Gnosticism?Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Klein, K. L. (2000). “On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse.” Representations 69:127–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Klein, R. (1999a). “Die Kämpfe um die Nachfolge nach dem Tode Constantins des Grossen.” In Klein, R., Roma versa per aevum: Ausgewählte Schriften zur heidnischen und christlichen Spätantike, ed. Haehling, R. and Scherberich, K., pp. 1–49. Spudasmata 74. Hildesheim. Reprinted from Byzantinische Forschungen 6 (1979), pp. 101–50.Google Scholar

Klein, R.. (1999b). “Der Rombesuch des Kaisers Constantius II. im Jahre 357.” In Klein, R., Roma versa per aevum: Ausgewählte Schriften zur heidnischen und christlichen Spätantike, ed. Haehling, R. and Scherberich, K., pp. 50–71. Spudasmata 74. Hildesheim. Reprinted from Athenaeum 57 (1979), pp. 98–115.Google Scholar

Klein, R.. (1999c). “Das Kirchenbauverständnis Constantins des Grossen in Rom und in den östlichen Provinzen.” In Klein, R., Roma versa per aevum: Ausgewählte Schriften zur heidnischen und christlichen Spätantike, ed. Haehling, R. and Scherberich, K., pp. 205–33. Spudasmata 74. Hildesheim. Reprinted from Das antike Rom und der Osten: Festschrift für Klaus Parlasca zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. C. Börker and M. Donderer, pp. 77–101. Erlanger Forschungen, Reihe A, Geisteswissenschaften 56 (Erlangen, 1990).Google Scholar

Kleiner, F. S. (2001). “Who Really Built the Arch of Constantine?” Journal of Roman Archaeology 14:661–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Klingshirn, W. E. (1994). Caesarius of Arles: The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Koeppel, G. M. (1986). “Die historischen Reliefs der römischen Kaiserzeit IV: Stadtrömische Denkmäler unbekannter Bauzugehörigkeit aus hadrianischer bis konstantinischer Zeit.” Bonner Jahrbücher 186:1–90.Google Scholar

Koethe, H. (1931). “Zum Mausoleum der weströmischen Dynastie bei Alt-Sankt-Peter.” Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 46:9–26.Google Scholar

Kolb, F. (1987). Diocletian und die erste Tetrarchie: Improvisation oder Experiment in der Organisation monarchischer Herrschaft? Untersuchungen zur antiken Literatur und Geschichte 27. Berlin.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kolb, F.. (1993). “Bemerkungen zur urbanen Ausstattung von Städten im Westen und im Osten des römischen Reiches anhand von Tacitus, Agricola 21 und der konstantinischen Inschrift von Orkistos.” Klio 75:321–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kolb, F.. (1995). “Chronologie und Ideologie der Tetrarchie.” Antiquité tardive 3:21–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Kolb, F.. (1997). “Die Gestalt des spätantiken Kaisertums unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Tetrarchie.” In Usurpationen in der Spätantike: Akten des Kolloquiums “Staatsstreich und Staatlichkeit,” 6.-10. März 1996, Solothurn/Bern, ed. Paschoud, F. and Szidat, J., pp. 35–45. Historia Einzelschriften 111. Stuttgart.Google Scholar

Kolb, F.. (2001). Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike. Berlin.Google Scholar

Kolb, F.. (2004). “Praesens Deus: Kaiser und Gott unter der Tetrarchie.” In Diokletian und die Tetrarchie: Aspekte einer Zeitenwende, ed. Demandt, A., Goltz, A., and Schlange-Schöningen, H., pp. 27–37. Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 1. Berlin and New York.Google Scholar

Konrad, C. F. (1989). “Das Datum der neuen Maximinus-Inschrift von Colbasa.” Epigraphica Anatolica 13:89–90.Google Scholar

Kopecek, T. A. (1979). A History of Neo-Arianism. Patristic Monograph Series 8. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Kotter, B., ed. (1988). Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos 5: Opera homiletica et hagiographica. Patristische Texte und Studien 29. Berlin.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Krautheimer, R., with Frankl, W., Corbett, S., and Frazer, A. K. (1937–1980). Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae: The Early Christian Basilicas of Rome (IV–IX Cent.), 5 vols. Vatican City.Google Scholar

Krautheimer, R., with Frankl, W., Corbett, S., and Frazer, A. K.. (1983). Three Christian Capitals: Topography and Politics. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Krautheimer, R., with Frankl, W., Corbett, S., and Frazer, A. K.. (1987). “A Note on the Inscription in the Apse of Old St. Peter's.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41:317–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Krautheimer, R., with Frankl, W., Corbett, S., and Frazer, A. K.. (1992). “The Ecclesiastical Building Policy of Constantine.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 2:509–52. Macerata.Google Scholar

Kuhoff, W. (1991). “Ein Mythos in der römischen Geschichte: Der Sieg Konstantins des Großen über Maxentius vor den Toren Roms am 28. Oktober 312 n. Chr.” Chiron 21:127–74.Google Scholar

Kulikowski, M. (2001). “The Visigothic Settlement in Aquitania: The Imperial Perspective.” In Society and Culture in Late Antique Gaul: Revisiting the Sources, ed. Mathisen, R. W. and Shanzer, D., pp. 26–38. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Kulikowski, M.. (2004). Late Roman Spain and Its Cities. Baltimore.Google Scholar

Kulikowski, M.. (2006). “Constantine and the Northern Barbarians.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 347–76. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Lacau, P. (1934). “Inscriptions latines du Temple de Louxor.” Annales du service des antiquités de l'Egypte 34:17–46.Google Scholar

Lafferty, M. K. (2003). “Translating Faith from Greek to Latin: Romanitas and Christianitas in Late Fourth-Century Rome and Milan.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 11:21–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Lampe, G. W. H., ed. (1961). A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford.Google Scholar

Fox, Lane R. (1986). Pagans and Christians. New York.Google Scholar

Laubscher, H. P. (1975). Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki. Archäologische Forschungen 1. Berlin.Google Scholar

Laubscher, H. P.. (1993). “Ein tetrarchisches Siegesdenkmal in Iznik (Nikaia).” Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 108:375–97.Google Scholar

Laurence, R. (1999). The Roads of Roman Italy: Mobility and Cultural Change. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Laurence, R.. (2004). “Milestones, Communications, and Political Stability.” In Travel, Communication and Geography in Late Antiquity, ed. Ellis, L. and Kidner, F. L., pp. 41–58. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Lawlor, H. J., and Oulton, J. E. L., tr. (1927–1928). Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea: The Ecclesiastical History and The Martyrs of Palestine, 2 vols. London.Google Scholar

Leach, E. (1972). “Melchisedech and the Emperor: Icons of Subversion and Orthodoxy.” Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute, pp. 5–14. Reprinted in E. Leach and D. A. Aycock, Structuralist Interpretations of Biblical Myth (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 67–88.Google Scholar

Leadbetter, B. (1998). “The Illegitimacy of Constantine and the Birth of the Tetrarchy.” In Constantine: History, Historiography and Legend, ed. Lieu, S. N. C. and Montserrat, D., pp. 74–85. London.Google Scholar

Boulluec, A. (2000). “Orthodoxie et hérésie aux premiers siècles dans l'historiographie récente.” In Orthodoxie, christianisme, histoire: Orthodoxy, Christianity, History, ed. Elm, S., Rebillard, E. and Romano, A., pp. 303–19. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 270. Paris and Rome.Google Scholar

Lee, A. D. (2006). “Traditional Religions.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 159–79. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Leeb, R. (1992). Konstantin und Christus: Die Verchristlichung der imperialen Repräsentation unter Konstantin dem Großen als Spiegel seiner Kirchenpolitik und seines Selbstverständnisses als christlicher Kaiser. Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte 58. Berlin.Google Scholar

Lenski, N. (1997). “Initium mali Romano imperio: Contemporary Reactions to the Battle of Adrianople.” Transactions of the American Philological Association 127:129–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Lenski, N.. (2002). Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 34. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Lenski, N.. (2004). “Empresses in the Holy Land: The Creation of a Christian Utopia in Late Antique Palestine.” In Travel, Communication and Geography in Late Antiquity, ed. Ellis, L. and Kidner, F. L., pp. 113–24. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Lenski, N.. (2006a). “Introduction.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 1–13. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Lenski, N.. (2006b). “The Reign of Constantine.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 59–90. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Lepelley, C. (2004). “Une inscription d'Heraclea Sintica (Macédoine) récemment découverte, révélant un rescrit de l'empereur Galère restituant ses droits à la cité.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 146:221–31.Google Scholar

Leppin, H. (1996). Von Constantin dem Großen zu Theodosius II.: Das christliche Kaisertum bei den Kirchenhistorikern Socrates, Sozomenus und Theodoret. Hypomnemata 110. Gottingen.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Leroy-Molinghen, A. (1968). “La mort d'Arius.” Byzantion 38:105–11.Google Scholar

Levick, B. (1967). “Unpublished Inscriptions from Pisidian Antioch.” Anatolian Studies 17:101–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G. (1972). Antioch: City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman Empire. Oxford.Google Scholar

Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G.. (2001). Decline and Fall of the Roman City. Oxford.Google Scholar

Lienhard, J. T. (1999). Contra Marcellum: Marcellus of Ancyra and Fourth-Century Theology. Washington, D.C.Google Scholar

Lieu, S. N. C. (1998). “From History to Legend and Legend to History: The Medieval and Byzantine Transformation of Constantine's Vita.” In Constantine: History, Hagiography and Legend, ed. Lieu, S. N. C. and Montserrat, D., pp. 136–76. London.Google Scholar

Lieu, S. N. C.. (2006). “Constantine in Legendary Literature.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Lenski, N., pp. 298–321. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Lieu, S. N. C., and Montserrat, D. (1996). From Constantine to Julian: Pagan and Byzantine Views. A Source History. London and New York.Google Scholar

Lim, R. (1995). Public Disputation, Power, and Social Order in Late Antiquity. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 23. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Lim, R.. (1999). “People as Power: Games, Munificence, and Contested Topography.” In The Transformations of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity, ed. Harris, W. V., pp. 265–81. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplementary Series 33. Portsmouth.Google Scholar

Lippold, A. (1981). “Constantius Caesar, Sieger über die Germanen – Nachfahre des Claudius Gothicus? Der Panegyricus von 297 und die Vita Claudii der HA.” Chiron 11:347–69.Google Scholar

Lippold, A.. (1992). “Kaiser Claudius II. (Gothicus), Vorfahr Konstantins d. Gr., und der römische Senat.” Klio 74:380–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Liverani, P. (2004). “L'area lateranense in età tardoantica e le origini del Patriarchio.” Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome, Antiquité 116:17–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Cascio, Lo E. (2005). “The Emperor and His Administration.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Second Edition, Volume Ⅻ: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337, ed. Bowman, A. K., Garnsey, P., and Cameron, Av., pp. 131–83. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Logan, A. H. B. (1992). “Marcellus of Ancyra and the Councils of AD 325: Antioch, Ancyra, and Nicaea.” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 43:428–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

López Sánchez, F. (2003). “Procope et le bouclier macédonien (365–366 après J.-C.).” Cahiers numismatiques 156:57–76.Google Scholar

L'Orange, H. P. (1938). “Ein tetrarchisches Ehrendenkmal auf dem Forum Romanum.” Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 53:1–34.Google Scholar

L'Orange, H. P., with Unger, R. (1984). Das spätantike Herrscherbild von Diokletian bis zu den Konstantin-Söhnen 284–361 n. Chr. Das römischen Herrscherbild 3, Vol. 4. Berlin.Google Scholar

L'Orange, H. P., and Gerkan, A. (1939). Der spätantike Bildschmuck des Konstantinsbogens. Studien zur spätantiken Kunstgeschichte 10. Berlin.Google Scholar

Loseby, S. T. (1996). “Arles in Late Antiquity: Gallula Roma Arelas and Urbs Genesii.” In Towns in Transition: Urban Evolution in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Christie, N. and Loseby, S. T., pp. 45–70. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Louth, A. (1990). “The Date of Eusebius' Historia ecclesiastica.” Journal of Theological Studies 41:111–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Luibhéid, C. (1981). Eusebius of Caesarea and the Arian Crisis. Galway.Google Scholar

Ma, J. (1999). Antiochos III and the Cities of Western Asia Minor. Oxford.Google Scholar

MacMullen, R. (1984). Christianizing the Roman Empire (A.D. 100–400). New Haven.Google Scholar

Magdalino, P. (1994). “Introduction.” In New Constantines: The Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in Byzantium, 4th-13th Centuries. Papers from the Twenty-Sixth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, St Andrews, March 1992, ed. Magdalino, P., pp. 1–9. Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies, Publications 2. Aldershot.Google Scholar

Maier, J.-L. (1987–1989). Le dossier du Donatisme, 2 vols. Texte und Untersuchungen 134–135. Berlin.Google Scholar

Malosse, P.-L. (2000). “Libanios, ses ≪temoins oculaires≫, Eusèbe et Praxagoras: Le travail préparatoire du sophiste et la question des sources dans l'Eloge de Constance et de Constant.” Revue des études grecques 113:172–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Mango, C. (1990). “Constantine's Mausoleum and the Translation of Relics.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 83:51–61. Reprinted in C. Mango, Studies on Constantinople (Aldershot, 1993), Chapter 5.Google Scholar

Mango, C.. (1994). “The Empress Helena, Helenopolis, Pylae.” Travaux et mémoires 12:143–59.Google Scholar

Mango, C., and Scott, R., with Greatrex, G., tr. (1997). The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284–813. Oxford.Google Scholar

Marcone, A. (1992). “Costantino e l'aristocrazia pagana di Roma.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 2:645–58. Macerata.Google Scholar

Markus, R. A. (1970). Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Markus, R. A.. (1990). The End of Ancient Christianity. Cambridge.Google Scholar

Marlowe, E. (2006). “Framing the Sun: The Arch of Constantine and the Roman Cityscape.” Art Bulletin 88:223–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Martin, A., ed. and tr. (1985). Histoire ≪acéphale≫ et Index syriaque des lettres festales d'Athanase d'Alexandrie. SChr. 317. Paris.Google Scholar

Martindale, J. R. (2003). “The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Volume I: A Memoir of the Era of A. H. M. Jones.” In Fifty Years of Prosopography: The Later Roman Empire, Byzantium and Beyond, ed. Cameron, Av., pp. 3–10. Proceedings of the British Academy 118. Oxford.Google Scholar

Mathisen, R. W. (2003). “The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow.” In Fifty Years of Prosopography: The Later Roman Empire, Byzantium and Beyond, ed. Cameron, Av., pp. 23–40. Proceedings of the British Academy 118. Oxford.Google Scholar

Mathisen, R. W.. (2004). “Adnotatio and petitio: The Emperor's Favor and Special Exemptions in the Early Byzantine Empire.” In La pétition à Byzance, ed. Feissel, D. and Gascou, J., pp. 23–32. Centre de recherche d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 14. Paris.Google Scholar

Matthews, J. F. (1970). “The Historical Setting of the ‘Carmen contra paganos’ (Cod. Par. Lat. 8084).” Historia 19:464–79.Google Scholar

Matthews, J. F.. (1975). Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364–425. Oxford.Google Scholar

Mayer, E. (2002). Rom ist dort, wo der Kaiser ist: Untersuchungen zu den Staatsdenkmälern des dezentralisierten Reiches von Diocletian bis zu Theodosius II. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Monographien 53. Mainz.Google Scholar

Mazzini, I. (1992). “Il sapone di Costantino.” In Costantino il Grande dall'antichità all'umanesimo: Colloquio sul Cristianesimo nel mondo antico. Macerata 18–20 dicembre 1990, ed. Bonamente, G. and Fusco, F., Vol. 2:693–99. Macerata.Google Scholar

McCormick, M. (1995). “Byzantium and the West, 700–900.” In The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume II: c. 700–c. 900, ed. McKitterick, R., pp. 349–80. Cambridge.Google Scholar

McLynn, N. B. (1994). Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 22. Berkeley.Google Scholar

McLynn, N. B. (1999). “Augustine's Roman Empire.” In History, Apocalypse, and the Secular Imagination: New Essays on Augustine's City of God, ed. M. Vessey, K. Pollmann, and A. D. Fitzgerald. = Augustinian Studies 30. 2:29–44.Google Scholar

McLynn, N. B.. (2005). “‘Genere Hispanus’: Theodosius, Spain and Nicene Orthodoxy.” In Hispania in Late Antiquity: Current Perspectives, ed. Bowes, K. and Kulikowski, M., pp. 77–120. The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World 24. Leiden.Google Scholar

Vaccaro, Melucco A., and Ferroni, A. M. (1993–1994). “Chi castrui l'arco di Costantino? Un interrogativo ancora attuale.” Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia (série III), Rendiconti 66:1–60.Google Scholar

Meriç, R., Merkelbach, R., Nollé, J., and Sahin, S., ed. (1981). Die Inschriften von Ephesos, Teil VII,1–2, 2 vols. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 17.1–2. Bonn.Google Scholar

Messineo, G., and Calci, C. (1989). Malborghetto. Lavori e Studi di Archeologia 15. Rome.Google Scholar

Métivier, S. (2005). La Cappadoce (IVe-VIe siècle): Une histoire provinciale de l'Empire romain d'Orient. Byzantina Sorbonensia 22. Paris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Millar, F. (1977). The Emperor in the Roman World (31 B.C. – A.D. 337). London.Google Scholar

Millar, F.. (1983). “Empire and City, Augustus to Julian: Obligations, Excuses and Status.” Journal of Roman Studies 73:76–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Millar, F.. (1993). The Roman Near East 31 BC-AD 337. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Millar, F. (1998). “Ethnic Identity in the Roman Near East, 325–450: Language, Religion, and Culture.” In Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity, ed. G. Clarke. = Mediterranean Archaeology 11:159–76.Google Scholar

Millar, F.. (1999). “The Greek East and Roman Law: The Dossier of M. Cn. Licinius Rufinus.” Journal of Roman Studies 89:90–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Millar, F.. (2000). “The First Revolution: Imperator Caesar, 36–28 B.C.” In La révolution romaine après Ronald Syme, ed. Giovannini, A., pp. 1–30. Fondation Hardt pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique, Entretiens 46. Geneva.Google Scholar

Minoprio, A. (1932). “A Restoration of the Basilica of Constantine, Rome.” Papers of the British School at Rome 12:1–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Mitchell, S. (1982). “The Life of Saint Theodotus of Ancyra.” Anatolian Studies 32:93–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Mitchell, S.. (1988). “Maximinus and the Christians in A.D. 312: A New Latin Inscription.” Journal of Roman Studies 78:105–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Mitchell, S.. (1993). Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor, 2 vols. Oxford.Google Scholar

Mitchell, S.. (1998). “The Cities of Asia Minor in the Age of Constantine.” In Constantine: History, Hagiography and Legend, ed. Lieu, S. N. C. and Montserrat, D., pp. 52–73. London.Google Scholar

Mitchell, S.. (1999). “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews, and Christians.” In Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, ed. Athanassiadi, P. and Frede, M., pp. 81–148. Oxford.Google Scholar

Mitrev, G. (2003). “Civitas Heracleotarum: Heracleia Sintica or the Ancient City at the Village of Rupite (Bulgaria).” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 145:263–71.Google Scholar

Mócsy, A. (1964). “Der Name Flavius als Rangbezeichnung in der Spätantike.” In Akte des IV. internationalen Kongresses für griechische und lateinische Epigraphik (Wien, 17. bis 22. September 1962), pp. 257–63. Vienna.Google Scholar

Mommsen, T. (1887). “Stadtrechtbriefe von Orkistos und Tymandos.” Hermes 22:309–22.Google Scholar

Mommsen, T., ed. (1892). Chronica minora saec. IV. V. VI. VII, Vol. 1. Monumenta Germaniae historica (Berlin, Hannover, and Leipzig), Auctores antiquissimi 9. Berlin.Google Scholar

Monaco, E. (2000). “Il Tempio di Venere e Roma: Appunti sulla fase del IV secolo.” In Aurea Roma: Dalla città pagana alla città cristiana, ed. Ensoli, S. and Rocca, E., pp. 58–60. Rome.Google Scholar

Morrisson, C. (1981). “La découverte des trésors à l'époque byzantine: Théorie et pratique de l'εὕρεσις θησαυροῦ.” Travaux et mémoires 8:321–43.Google Scholar

Mossay, J., and Lafontaine, G., ed. and tr. (1980). Grégoire de Nazianze: Discours 20–23. SChr. 270. Paris.Google Scholar

Müller, C., ed. (1851). Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, Vol. 4. Paris.Google Scholar

Murphy, F. X. (1945). Rufinus of Aquileia (345–411): His Life and Works. Washington, D.C.Google Scholar

Nakamura, B. J. (2003). “When Did Diocletian Die? New Evidence for an Old Problem.” Classical Philology 98:283–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Nasrallah, L. S. (2003). “An Ecstasy of Folly”: Prophecy and Authority in Early Christianity. Harvard Theological Studies 52. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar

Neumann, G. (1980). “Kleinasien.” In Die Sprachen im römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit: Kolloquium vom 8. bis 10. April 1974, ed. Neumann, G. and Untermann, J., pp. 167–85. Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 40. Cologne and Bonn.Google Scholar

Nicholson, O. (1984). “The Wild Man of the Tetrarchy: A Divine Companion for the Emperor Galerius.” Byzantion 54:253–75.Google Scholar

Nicholson, O.. (1994). “The ‘Pagan Churches’ of Maximinus Daia and Julian the Apostate.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45:1–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Nicholson, O.. (1999). “Civitas quae adhuc sustentat omnia: Lactantius and the City of Rome.” In The Limits of Ancient Christianity: Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honor of R. A. Markus, ed. Klingshirn, W. E. and Vessey, M., pp. 7–25. Ann Arbor.Google Scholar

Nicholson, O.. (2001). “Caelum potius intuemini: Lactantius and a Statue of Constantine.” In Studia Patristica Vol. XXXIV: Papers Presented at the Thirteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford 1999. Historica, biblica, theologica et philosophica, ed. Wiles, M. F. and Yarnold, E. J., with Parvis, P. M., pp.177–96. Leuven.Google Scholar

Nicolet, C. (1991). Space, Geography, and Politics in the Early Roman Empire. Jerome Lectures 19. Ann Arbor.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Nicolet, C.. (1994). “L'Italie comme cadre juridique sous le Haut-Empire.” In L'Italie d'Auguste à Dioclétien, pp. 377–98. Collection de l'Ecole française de Rome 198. Rome and Paris.Google Scholar

Nixon, C. E. V. (1981). “The Panegyric of 307 and Maximian's Visits to Rome.” Phoenix 35:70–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Nixon, C. E. V., and Rodgers, B. S., tr. (1994). In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Introduction, Translation, and Historical Commentary with the Latin Text of R. A. B. Mynors. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 21. Berkeley.Google Scholar

Nordh, A., ed. (1949). Libellus de regionibus urbis Romae. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom 3. Lund.Google Scholar

Odahl, C. M. (2004). Constantine and the Christian Empire. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

O'Donnell, J. J. (1978). “The Career of Virius Nicomachus Flavianus.” Phoenix 32:129–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Oliver, J. H. (1976). “The Governor's Edict at Aezani after the Edict of Prices.” American Journal of Philology 97:174–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Oliver, J. H.. (1981). “Roman Emperors and Athens.” Historia 30:412–23.Google Scholar

Opitz, H.-G. (1934). “Die Vita Constantini des Codex Angelicus 22.” Byzantion 9:535–93.Google Scholar

Opitz, H.-G., ed. (1934–1935). Athanasius Werke 3.1: Urkunden zur Geschichte des arianischen Streites 318–328. Berlin and Leipzig.Google Scholar

Osborne, C. (1993). “Literal or Metaphorical? Some Issues of Language in the Arian Controversy.” In Christian Faith and Greek Philosophy in Late Antiquity: Essays in Tribute to George Christopher Stead, ed. Wickham, L. R. and Bammel, C. P., with Hunter, E. C. D., pp. 148–70. Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 19. Leiden.Google Scholar

Oulton, J. E. L. (1929). “Rufinus's Translation of the Church History of Eusebius.” Journal of Theological Studies 30:150–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Packer, J. E. (2003). “Plurissima et amplissima opera: Parsing Flavian Rome.” In Flavian Rome: Culture, Image, Text, ed. Boyle, A. J. and Dominik, W. J., pp. 167–98. Leiden.Google Scholar

Pagels, E. (1979). The Gnostic Gospels. New York.Google Scholar

Palanque, J. R. (1973). “Du nouveau sur la date du transfert de la préfecture des Gaules de Trèves à Arles.” Provence historique 23:29–38.Google Scholar