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5 - Politics in the Emerging New Media Age
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 135-167
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President Clinton landed at lunchtime at Greater Cincinnati Airport.…Democratic politicians in the region who might have found a way to be there, had the President not been in such deep political trouble, stayed away.
– R. W. Apple, New York Times, September 18, 1998After the game, I’m watching the news, and I see a commercial for that “Titanic” video where they show the hundreds of people jumping overboard and abandoning ship. Then I realize it's not the “Titanic” – this is the news. It's Democrats leaving the White House.
– Jay Leno, The Tonight Show with Jay Leno, October 28, 1998We are living in an era where the wall between news and entertainment has been eaten away like the cartilage of David Crosby's septum.
– Al Franken, Rush Limbaugh Is a Big Fat Idiot and Other Observations, 1999.In mid-January of 1992, the Star, a national tabloid specializing in stories about the personal lives of celebrities, published an article in which Gennifer Flowers claimed to have had a twelve-year affair with Bill Clinton, then the front-runner for the Democratic nomination for president of the United States. The story was initially downplayed in the mainstream press, in part because the allegations were two years old. It was also initially ignored because the Star, described in one mainstream newspaper article as better than most of the national tabloids but still a step below the National Enquirer, was deemed an unreliable news source.
The decision by Bill and Hillary Clinton to directly address the issue by appearing on 60 Minutes (a choice made in part because the show would air immediately following the Super Bowl and thus give them access to a very large audience) brought it more centrally into the mainstream press. The Clintons, who helped perfect the art of using the nontraditional media for political ends, also appeared on shows like Primetime Live, Donahue, The Arsenio Hall Show, and MTV either to directly refute or to deflect the allegation. Although the Clintons’ efforts were successful in rallying public support and partially diffusing the controversy, the alleged affair had gained some legitimacy within the mainstream press as a campaign issue – members of the press could point to the existence of legitimate sources (e.g., the Clintons themselves) and to the fact that other traditional news outlets were covering the story to justify their expanded coverage. The press could also justify covering what was initially defined as a private matter by focusing on the issue of whether the president was “lying” to the public.
6 - When the Media Really Matter
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 168-221
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To me the question of the environment is more ominous than that of peace and war.…I’m more worried about global warming than I am of any major military conflict.
– U.N. Weapons Inspector Hans Blix, March 14, 2003Through “balanced” coverage, the mass media have misrepresented the scientific consensus of humans’ contribution to global warming as highly divisive.…Such coverage has served as a veritable oxygen supply for skeptics in both the scientific and political realms.
– Boykoff and Boykoff (, 134)This is a movement about change, as individuals, as a country, and as a global community. Join the 935,104 supporters of the Stop Global Warming Virtual March, and become part of the movement to demand our leaders freeze and reduce carbon dioxide emissions now.
– StopGlobalWarming.org, 2004In May 2004, The Day after Tomorrow, a $125 million Hollywood blockbuster (with a $50 million advertising budget) opened in American theaters. Directed by Roland Emmerich (The Patriot, Godzilla, Independence Day), the movie told the story of a sudden ice age brought on by the collapse of ocean currents caused by global warming. The elaborate special effects depicted the destruction of New York City and Los Angeles by killer hurricanes and giant tidal waves. As is typical for many summer blockbusters, the film opened to decidedly mixed reviews but did well at the box office, grossing $187 million during its American theater run. Yet the movie was more than a mindless summer distraction, it was also a political text that initiated a fresh round of public dialogue, albeit brief, about global warming. Coming just a few months before the 2004 presidential election, the film's portrayal of a disengaged president, a venal and powerful vice president, and an administration in denial about global warming was seized on by both environmentalists and climate-change skeptics. The controversy over the movie and the actual threat of global warming became the subject of an intense flurry of newspaper coverage, which moved across the arts and entertainment, science, news, and op-ed sections. So, using the definition of politically relevant media that we suggested in , The Day after Tomorrow played a role in shaping opportunities for understanding, deliberating, and acting on (1) the conditions of one's everyday life, (2) the life of fellow community members, and (3) the norms and structures of power that shape those relationships. We also hasten to add that The Day after Tomorrow was by no means the first feature film to play such a role in coverage of the environment. The China Syndrome (1979, directed by James Bridges), a story about an accident at a nuclear reactor starring Jane Fonda and Jack Lemmon, was the subject of a similar debate, which was cut short, ironically, when the accident at Three Mile Island occurred twelve days after the movie's release.
Contents
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 26 September 2011, pp ix-x
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7 - 9/11 and Its Aftermath
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 26 September 2011, pp 222-277
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I had expected to find the annihilating economy of the event – the way in which it had concentrated the complicated arrangements and misarrangements of the last century into a single irreducible image – being explored, made legible. On the contrary, I found that what had happened was being processed, obscured, systematically leached of history and so of meaning, finally rendered less readable than it had seemed on the morning it happened. As if overnight, the irreconcilable event had been made manageable, reduced to the sentimental, to protective talismans, totems, garlands of garlic, repeated pieties that would come to seem in some ways as destructive as the event itself.
– Joan Didion, “Fixed Opinions, or the Hinge of History.” New York Review of Books, 2002Propaganda is going to get really thick & deep and we should reserve judgment.
– A poster on the chat room of the neo-Nazi website StormfrontOne good thing could come from this horror: it could spell the end of the age of irony.
– Roger Rosenblatt, “The Age of Irony Comes to an End.” Time 2001abu, palm pilot salesman, detained without charges by the fbi: “I’m not just being inconvenienced here! I could be sent to a military tribunal, tried in secret and shot! All perfectly legal now! Do you know where else they have trials like that, my friend? Iraq! The country I fled from to come to America!”
References
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- 26 September 2011, pp 327-346
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8 - Shaping a New Media Regime
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 278-326
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It is hard to picture the contemporary world, even in the face of a technology that makes each of us potentially equal senders and receivers of information, without a specialized institution of journalism.
– Michael Schudson, The Power of News, 1995Political beliefs and actions spring from assumptions, biases, and news reports. In this critical sense politics is a drama taking place in an assumed and reported world that evokes threats and hopes, a world people do not directly observe or touch.…The models, scenarios, narratives, and images into which audiences for political news translate that news are social capital, not individual inventions. They come from works of art in all genres: novels, paintings, stories, films, dramas, television sitcoms, striking rumors, even memorable jokes. For each type of news report there is likely to be a small set of striking images that are influential with large numbers of people, both spectators of the political scene and policymakers themselves.
– Murray Edelman, From Art to Politics, 1996Truth is so great a thing that we ought not to despise any medium that will conduct it to us.
– Michel de Montaigne, Essays, 1575Between December 2004 and April 2005, all three anchor positions for the nightly network news became open when Tom Brokaw retired, Peter Jennings was diagnosed with lung cancer, and Dan Rather was forced out as a result of allegations (tellingly driven by conservative bloggers, talk-show hosts and other elements of the new media environment) about the use of forged documents in CBS's coverage of George W. Bush's Air National Guard service. The sudden changes at all three networks came amid greater uncertainty about the shape and even the survival of broadcast news. As we discussed in , audiences for the network news have precipitously declined and aged over the past two decades. Between March 2007 and March 2008 alone, CBS nightly news lost 21 percent of its eighteen- to thirty-four-year-old viewers, ABC lost 13.5 percent, and NBC lost 10.1 percent, with the average age for viewers of all three newscasts increasing to sixty-one (Fitzgerald ).
After Broadcast News
- Media Regimes, Democracy, and the New Information Environment
- Bruce A. Williams, Michael X. Delli Carpini
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011
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The new media environment has challenged the role of professional journalists as the primary source of politically relevant information. After Broadcast News puts this challenge into historical context, arguing that it is the latest of several critical moments, driven by economic, political, cultural and technological changes, in which the relationship among citizens, political elites and the media has been contested. Out of these past moments, distinct 'media regimes' eventually emerged, each with its own seemingly natural rules and norms, and each the result of political struggle with clear winners and losers. The media regime in place for the latter half of the twentieth century has been dismantled, but a new regime has yet to emerge. Assuring this regime is a democratic one requires serious consideration of what was most beneficial and most problematic about past regimes and what is potentially most beneficial and most problematic about today's new information environment.
3 - And That's the Way It (Was)
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 51-103
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This medium [radio] – and until the rise of video and VCR its successor, television – though essentially centered on individual and family, created its own public sphere. For the first time in history people unknown to each other who met knew what each had in all probability heard (or, later, seen) the night before: the big game, the favorite comedy show, Winston Churchill's speech, the contents of the news bulletin.
Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes, 1996He's a working journalist. I’m impressed. Anyone who can reach into the data swarm and pick out what's newsworthy has my respect.
Ryan Bingham, in Walter Kirn's novel Up in the Air, 2001Television is dead.
Elihu Katz, “And Deliver Us From Segmentation,” 1996On February 11, 1993, as the media regime in place for the latter half of the twentieth century was already showing signs of strain, CBS Evening News closed with a story on the increasing number of docudramas – made-for-television movies based on events and people in the news – being aired on prime-time television. The segment focused on the plans of all three major networks to air docudramas about Amy Fisher, a young woman who was convicted for shooting the wife of her sleazy lover Joey Buttafuoco. In response to the segment, Dan Rather ended his broadcast by facing the camera and, referring to the news broadcast he had anchored for more than a decade, saying, “This is real.” Of course, the notion that what is real or true is contestable and socially constructed is as old as the idea of the modern fact itself (Poovey ). What is telling about Rather's impromptu comment is less its naïveté than that he felt the need to make it at all, a clear indication that the norms, practices, and institutions that for more than half a century had served to distinguish news from entertainment were collapsing. Were the comment made during the height of the Age of Broadcast News, it would have taken on a very different meaning, much like Walter Cronkite's signature closing of CBS Evening News: “And that's the way it is.” During a period of regime stability, this nightly mantra, made by the most trusted man in America (according to polls of the time), signaled the acceptance by both viewers and journalists that the news media provided a useful and accurate picture of political reality. By 1993, however, Rather's unrehearsed comment, tinged with exasperation (and coupled with the fact that CBS Evening News chose to treat the docudrama battle as newsworthy at all, in the process providing free advertising for its own network's version of the Amy Fisher story), connoted little more than a desperate attempt to maintain the distinction between news and entertainment. And it is a comment that, were a news anchor to even consider making today, could be received only as ironic or satirical.
Index
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 26 September 2011, pp 347-361
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Frontmatter
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp i-vii
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2 - Media Regimes and American Democracy
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 16-50
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The true poem is the daily paper.
– Walt Whitman, 1852
Rather than falling back on unexamined information hierarchies or indefensible definitions of news and entertainment, a more fruitful avenue of inquiry is to consider the larger context within which such definitions emerge and become reified. To help do so, we introduce the notion of media regimes. By a media regime, we mean a historically specific, relatively stable set of institutions, norms, processes, and actors that shape the expectations and practices of media producers and consumers. We choose the word regime to signal the degree to which any stable media system depends on actions by the state – whether in the form of public subsidies, the enforcement of laws regarding ownership, intellectual property rights, rules regarding public access, and so forth – and not simply on the nature of communications technologies and the preferences of individuals expressed through markets or social action. Media regimes, then, are held in place by the authoritative actions of government and so are always political and so always structure the nature of democratic politics. But they are also shaped by the institutionalized practices of private corporations, universities, professional associations, and so forth.
Media regimes are fundamentally affected, but never determined, by new developments in communications technology. In his seminal work, Television: Technology and Cultural Form (2003), Raymond Williams uses the concept of social formation to illustrate how the development of any new medium can never be explained simply by its technological characteristics but rather is always a function of the specific culture within which it is deployed. Drawing on this insight, we argue that the specific contours of any media regime develop in response to larger economic, cultural, and political trends. However, the relationship between particular media regimes and the economic, cultural, political, and technological contexts in which they operate is not purely a one-way interaction – once in place, a media regime determines the gates through which information about culture, politics, and economics passes, thus shaping the discursive environment in which such topics are discussed, understood, and acted on. At most points in time, the structure of this gatekeeping process is largely invisible, with elites and citizens alike at least tacitly accepting the rules by which information is disseminated as natural and unproblematic. Controversy, when it occurs, centers on perceived violations of the rules (e.g., when a journalist is seen as violating the norms of objectivity) rather than on the appropriateness of the rules themselves (e.g., should professional journalists be the primary source for political information?). Periodically, however, economic, cultural, political, and/or technological changes lead to disjunctures between existing media regimes and actual practices (e.g., when new technologies, such as cable or the internet, challenge the dominant role of a particular set of media elites, such as the news divisions of the major broadcast television networks). When these disjunctures between existing rules and actual practice become too great to ignore, normally unexamined assumptions underlying particular media regimes become more visible and more likely to be challenged, thus opening up the possibility of “regime change.” These periods of uncertainty, and reactions to them, have been described by Paul Starr as “constitutive moments.” Such moments result in choices that “come in bursts set off by social and political crises, technological innovation, or other triggering events, and at these pivotal moments the choices may be encoded in law, etched into technologies, or otherwise embedded in the structure of institutions” (Starr , 4). Robert McChesney () defines such moments as “critical junctures” and argues that we are at just such a critical juncture now.
1 - Is There a Difference Between Tina Fey and Katie Couric? Policing the Boundaries Between News and Entertainment
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 1-15
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The range of fiction extends all the way from complete hallucinations to the scientist's perfectly self-conscious use of a schematic model, or his decision that for his particular problem accuracy beyond a certain number of decimal places is not important. A work of fiction may have almost any degree of Fidelity, and so long as the degree of Fidelity can be taken into account, fiction is not misleading. In fact, human culture is very largely the selection, the rearrangement, the tracing of patterns upon, and the stylizing of, what William James called “the random irradiations and re-settlements of our ideas.” The alternative to the use of fictions is direct exposure to the ebb and flow of sensation. That is not a real alternative…
– Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion, 1922A federal judge yesterday sharply questioned an assertion by the Obama administration that former Vice President Richard B. Cheney's statements to a special prosecutor about the Valerie Plame case must be kept secret, partly so they do not become fodder for Cheney's political enemies or late-night commentary on “The Daily Show.”
– R. Jeffrey Smith, Washington Post, June 19, 2009The Strange Media Odyssey of Sarah Palin
On August 29, 2008, Republican presidential candidate John McCain announced that the little-known, first-term governor of Alaska, Sarah Palin, would be his running mate. The photogenic, former beauty queen's acceptance speech at the convention, her formal introduction to the nation, drew 37.2 million television viewers, only around 1 million less than for the acceptance speeches by Barack Obama and John McCain and far more than any other speech at either convention (Hechtkopf ). Given the degree to which Palin's selection was a surprise and her lack of a record in national politics, there was great uncertainty in the media over how to tell her story. Initially, the media narrative followed along the lines suggested by decades of political communication research. Following their profession's definition of nonpartisanship and balance, journalists relied on “reliable sources” – primarily spokespersons for both parties – to define the range of opinions about Palin.
4 - Political Reality, Political Power, and Political Relevance in the Changing Media Environment
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 05 June 2012
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- 26 September 2011, pp 104-134
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The important consideration is that opportunity be given ideas to speak and to become the possession of the multitude. The essential need is the improvement of the methods and constitution of debate, discussion, and persuasion. That is the problem of the public.
– John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems, 1927I am a firm believer in the people. If given the truth, they can be depended upon to meet any national crisis. The great point is to bring them the real facts, and beer.
– Abraham Lincoln, (attributed), 1864I’ve always gotten news through watching comedy shows. The coverage on CNN is something I honestly find boring.
– Alexis, University of Illinois undergraduateThroughout the spring of 2000, huge numbers of viewers across the country tuned into the final episode of Survivor, a new “reality-based” show airing on CBS. Survivor placed a group of sixteen “ordinary” people on a tropical island, staged a variety of obstacles for them to overcome (in addition to just surviving), and then had the participants vote one person off the island each week. The last show of the inaugural series, during which the final survivor Richard Hatch was chosen (and given a million dollars), was the second-most-watched show of the year, drawing 51 million viewers, behind only the 88 million of the Super Bowl, a much older form of reality programming. The success of this show (and its sequels) inspired networks to air any number of variations on the theme of ordinary people being placed in stressful situations for the chance to win fame and/or large amounts of money.
The combination of potentially high ratings and routinely low production costs led to an explosion of this new genre of “reality” television. Big Brother, currently in its eighth season on American television, originated in the Netherlands in 1999 and went on to become a hit in seventy countries. The show placed a group of strangers in a small house in which their everyday lives could be minutely chronicled by television cameras strategically placed throughout the domicile. Each week, the roommates nominated two of their group for eviction, with the viewing audience ultimately deciding which of the two was actually eliminated from the show. Who Wants to Marry a Multi-Millionaire? placed fifty attractive women in a beauty-pageant competition (including the usual swimsuit segment) for the grand prize of an on-air marriage to a multimillionaire. In a particularly baroque variation, Temptation Island had couples in long-standing relationships test their commitments by being separated and placed on an island stocked with attractive singles. Fear Factor placed people in situations in which they had to carry out a terrifying task (e.g., eating a can of worms, entering a pool of spiders) selected because they played to specific fears or neuroses of the participants. Based on the hit British show Pop Idol, American Idol had contestants with a wide range (to put it kindly) of show-business talents perform on stage, with viewers voting one of the show's contestants as the most likely to become a celebrity, or American idol.
Acknowledgments
- Bruce A. Williams, University of Virginia, Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania
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- After Broadcast News
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- 26 September 2011, pp xi-xii
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The longer a book takes to write, the longer the list of people and institutions that deserve thanks for helping along the way – and this project has lasted a very long time indeed. The origins of our collaboration go back several decades and are lost in the mists of time, along with the beer-soaked napkin upon which some notes and diagrams were scribbled. However, Lance Bennett and Robert Entman, colleagues and friends, have been there since this book began to take shape, and without their support and encouragement you would not be reading it now. Over the years, at too many conferences to remember, they have both been valuable sounding boards. In 1998 they invited us to a series of small workshops they had organized on the future of political communication. Hosted by the University of Pennsylvania's Annenberg School for Communication, it was here that we first began to develop the ideas that have shaped our thinking about the democratic implications of a dramatically changing media environment. This opportunity to try out and hone our ideas in front of a talented and engaged group of political communication scholars was an invaluable experience. Since submitting our manuscript to their series with Cambridge University Press, we have added to our indebtedness as they proved to be incredibly generous and thorough editors. Their careful reading and responses to several versions of our manuscript have, needless to say, made this book much better than it would have been otherwise.
Many other colleagues and institutions have helped both of us along the way. Barnard College, Columbia University, the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania, the Institute of Communications Research at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and the University of Virginia have all provided the support, colleagues, and students that have nurtured us during our work on this book. We owe a special debt to our students who have read, reacted to, and dramatically improved this book. We have also benefited from the comments and criticisms of discussants and panel participants at the many conferences where we have presented parts of this book.
8 - Let Us Infotain You: Politics in the New Media Environment
- Edited by W. Lance Bennett, University of Washington, Robert M. Entman, North Carolina State University
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- Mediated Politics
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- 20 November 2000, pp 160-181
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Political beliefs and actions spring from assumptions, biases, and news reports. In this critical sense politics is a drama taking place in an assumed and reported world that evokes threats and hopes, a world people do not directly observe or touch…. The models, scenarios, narratives, and images into which audiences for political news translate that news are social capital, not individual inventions. They come from works of art in all genres: novels, paintings, stories, films, dramas, television sitcoms, striking rumors, even memorable jokes. For each type of news report there is likely to be a small set of striking images that are influential with large numbers of people, both spectators of the political scene and policymakers themselves.
Murray Edelman, From Art to Politics (p. 1)We are living in an era where the wall between news and entertainment has been eaten away like the cartilage of David Crosby's septum.
Al Franken, Chief Political Correspondent, Comedy CentralPolitical communications scholars, members of the press, and political elites have traditionally distinguished between entertainment and nonentertainment media. It is in public affairs media in general and news media in particular that politics is assumed to reside, and it is to this part of the media that the public is assumed to turn when engag- ing the political world. Politics, in this view, is a distinct and selfcontained part of public life, and citizen is one role among many played by individuals. As a former network television executive put it, in the civic education of the American public, entertainment programming is recess.
What Should Be Learned through Service Learning?
- Michael X. Delli Carpini, Scott Keeter
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- PS: Political Science & Politics / Volume 33 / Issue 3 / September 2000
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- 02 September 2013, pp. 635-638
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- September 2000
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Service learning is typically distinguished from both community service and traditional civic education by the integration of study with hands-on activity outside the classroom, typically through a collaborative effort to address a community problem (Ehrlich 1999, 246). As such, service learning provides opportunities and challenges for increasing the efficacy of both the teaching and practice of democratic politics. To better understand these opportunities and challenges, it is necessary to make explicit the goals of service learning and to consider how these goals intersect those of more traditional approaches to teaching about government and politics. We believe that one place these sometimes competing models could find common ground is in the learning of factual knowledge about politics.
Underlying the pedagogy of service learning are the beliefs that a central mission of civic education is to produce active, engaged citizens and that this mission is more likely to be accomplished by allowing young Americans to directly experience “politics” as part of their education. As noted by Frantzich and Mann, this view is very compatible with the stated mission of the American Political Science Association:
The founding of the [APSA] in 1903 marked the evolution of political science as a distinct academic discipline in colleges and universities. At the time, two educational objectives were claimed for the emerging discipline: citizenship and training for careers in public service…. For the student, direct experience was recommended to supplement formal instruction in government and politics. (1997, 193)
Education and Democratic Citizenship in America. By Norman H. Nie, Jane Junn, and Kenneth Stehlik-Barry. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. 268p. $48.00 cloth, $16.95 paper.
- Michael X. Delli Carpini
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- American Political Science Review / Volume 91 / Issue 4 / December 1997
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- 01 August 2014, pp. 971-972
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- December 1997
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Advertising and a Democratic Press. By C. Edwin Baker. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. 203p. $24.95. - Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns, 1952–1992. By Darrell M. West. Washington: CQ Press, 1993. 223p. $18.95 paper.
- Michael X. Delli Carpini
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- American Political Science Review / Volume 88 / Issue 4 / December 1994
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- 02 September 2013, pp. 984-985
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- December 1994
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