This study explores vulnerability narratives used in relation to older adults and others during the COVID-19 pandemic. A mixed-method content analysis was conducted of 391 articles published in two major newspapers in Canada and the USA during the first wave of the pandemic. The findings indicated that during the early months of the pandemic, limited attention was directed towards its impact on older adults or other ‘vulnerable’ subpopulations in both countries. Where evident, intrinsic (individual-level) risk factors were most consistently used to frame the vulnerability of older adults. In contrast, vulnerability was more likely to be framed as structural with regard to other subpopulations (e.g., ethno-racial minorities). These narratives also differed somewhat in Canadian and US newspapers. The framing of older adults as intrinsically vulnerable reflects ageist stereotypes and promotes downstream policy interventions. Greater attention is needed to the role of structural factors in influencing pandemic-related outcomes among older adults.

Despite theoretical accounts asserting the importance of children for the wellbeing of individuals as they age, research evidence suggests that children may be inconsequential when it comes to loneliness. Yet, there is reason to expect some subgroups may be more vulnerable to the impact of childlessness than others and this may also differ depending on the type of loneliness being assessed. This paper addresses the relationship between childlessness and social and emotional loneliness in middle and later life, including differential vulnerability associated with age, gender and marital/partner status. The study drew on data from three waves (2007, 2012 and 2018) of the Canadian General Social Survey for a nationally representative sample of adults aged 45 and older (N = 49,892). In general, childlessness assumed greater importance with regard to social than emotional loneliness. Women reported lower levels of social loneliness in conjunction with childlessness than men. Further, childlessness was associated with higher levels of overall and social loneliness among older than middle-aged adults. Fewer interactions were evident between marital/partner status and childlessness. Among women specifically, those who were co-habiting, separated/divorced or never married reported lower levels of social loneliness than their married counterparts. In contrast, childlessness was linked to greater emotional loneliness only among separated/divorced men and widowed women. Overall, our results suggest that having children available does matter for feelings of loneliness in middle and later life but that the relationship varies and is contingent on the social contexts (age, gender, marital/partner status) and the type of loneliness (social, emotional) involved.

Equitable access to and utilization of health services is a primary goal for many health care systems, particularly in countries with universal publicly funded systems. Despite concerns regarding potentially adverse implications of the 1990s’ health care policy and other reforms, whether and how income inequalities in service utilization changed remains unclear. This study addressed the impact of income on physician and hospital utilization from 1992–2002 among adults aged 50 and older in British Columbia. Those with lower incomes were found less likely to access general practitioner and specialist services but more likely to access hospital services. Income-related disparities in physician care increased over time; hospital care declined. Volume of GP and hospital care was inversely associated with income; these differences increased regarding GP services only. Findings of declines in hospital-care access, accompanied by increasing income-related disparities in physician-services access, show that inequities are increasing within Canada’s health care system.

Despite evidence of increasing diversification of family structures, little is known regarding implications of marital and parental status for access to social support in later life. Using data from Statistics Canada’s 2007 General Social Survey, this study assessed the impact of marital and parental status intersections on social support among adults aged 60 and older (n = 11,503). Two-stage probit regression models indicated that among those who were currently married or separated/divorced, childless individuals were more likely to report instrumental (domestic, transportation) and emotional support from people outside the household. Conversely, among never-married or widowed older adults, being childless was associated with reduced domestic support but without differences in other support domains. Findings suggest that marital and parental status intersections are not uniformly positive, neutral, or negative regarding implications for extra-household social support. Future work should address complexities of these relationships in order to better understand rapidly changing family structures.

This paper presents a selective review of sociological gerontology in Canada, examining where it has been, where it is, and where it could go in the future in four general areas: inequality, population aging and the social construction of crisis; family relations and caregiving; work, retirement and income security; and health, health care systems, and health policy. This review suggests that the sociology of aging has not differentiated itself by the topic studied or by its applied and empirical focus, but rather in its unique perspective that reveals the importance of social structures for the personal and private experience of aging. In doing so, sociological gerontology rejects deterministic assumptions ofinevitability. The importance of relating the personal to the public and of continuing a critical examination of existing trends will continue into the future. An additional challenge will be the generation ofnew knowledge on how to transform institutions so that they better enhance the quality oflife ofseniors, including the identification of support of family structures and community environments, as well as more appropriate health and income security policies. This also includes research on effective and appropriate means of introducing new structures and implementing new policies and programs within the context of current social institutions.

Increasing emphasis is being placed on the need to have older adults, their families and formal service providers work together collaboratively or “in partnerships” to provide long-term care, both in community and residential care settings. There is therefore a need to determine how such relationships are currently structured. This paper systematically reviews the results of studies published from 1985 through 1998 on relationships involving self-, informal and formal care within these settings. The findings suggest that formal services are not used to displace or substitute for informal care but rather, that formal services tend to be used to supplement and complement the care provided by the informal network. This is true both in community and residential care settings. Exactly how these partnerships are structured and the relationships between self-care and both informal and formal systems of care are less clear. The findings point to a need to refocus attention away from the creation of partnerships and protecting against unnecessary substitution, towards broader concerns with supporting the partnerships that already exist.

This paper examines the prevalence, inter-relationships and correlates of various forms of self, informal and formal care. Analyses of data drawn from a random sample of 743 non-institutionalised elderly individuals living in Winnipeg, Manitoba reveal similarities as well as differences among the three types of care. Self- and formal care are somewhat similar, being positively related and having similar correlates. Nevertheless, substitutability as a consequence of medical scepticism is also evident. Both are unrelated to informal care. It is poor health in the form of functional disability and the availability of support through the marital relationship which are the strongest correlates of informal care. In contrast, health (chronic conditions and perceived health status) as well as beliefs in the efficacy of both preventative health behaviours and medical services are among the strongest correlates of self- and formal care.