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    Sela, Ori 2017. “To Feel at Home in the Wonderful World of Modern Science”: New Chinese Historiography and Qing Intellectual History. Science in Context, Vol. 30, Issue. 03, p. 325.

    Lloyd, Henry Martyn 2017. The French Enlightenment attempts to create a philosophy without reason: the case of Diderot and the effect of Helvétius. Intellectual History Review, p. 1.

    Wolfe, Charles T. 2016. Materialism: A Historico-Philosophical Introduction. p. 1.

    Whatmore, Richard 2015. A Companion to Intellectual History. p. 97.

    Lloyd, Henry Martyn 2015. “Je n'ai jamais vu une sensibilité comme la tienne, jamais une tête si délicieuse!”: Rousseau, Sade, and Embodied Epistemology. Intellectual History Review, Vol. 25, Issue. 3, p. 327.

    Walsh, Kirsten and Currie, Adrian 2015. Caricatures, Myths, and White Lies. Metaphilosophy, Vol. 46, Issue. 3, p. 414.

    Vanzo, Alberto 2014. From empirics to empiricists. Intellectual History Review, Vol. 24, Issue. 4, p. 517.

    Waldow, Anik 2012. Locke on the Irrelevance of the Soul. Philosophy, Vol. 87, Issue. 03, p. 353.

    Whatmore, Richard 2006. palgrave advances in intellectual history. p. 109.

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  • 1 - The History of Eighteenth-Century Philosophy: History or Philosophy?
    pp 1-25
  • View abstract
    The history of eighteenth-century philosophy is a subject with its own history. The attempt to identify the philosophy of the eighteenth century by means of the Enlightenment is popular. Post-modernism shares with its critical predecessors the idea that the Enlightenment in one way or another was characterised by a very narrow outlook on human life. The significance of early-modern philosophy is commonly considered in the historiography to be that the roughly three centuries from the late Renaissance to 1800 were the period when philosophers increasingly came to understand the true nature of philosophy. In shaping the history of philosophy, the philosophical priorities of Kant and Reid were the fundamental factor. Each in his own way, they created the epistemological paradigm for the history of early-modern philosophy that has dominated the subject ever since they wrote. General limitation in the common histories of philosophy is, the treatment to which ethics, politics and aesthetics have been subject, at least until quite recently.
  • 2 - Concepts of Philosophy
    pp 26-44
  • View abstract
    The Italians turned to classical antiquity, whereas the English, the French and the Germans turned to the emerging natural sciences. Bacon, Descartes, Leibniz, Locke and many others were students of philosophy, but they all distanced themselves from scholastic philosophy and its theological dominance. English philosophy in the eighteenth century initially aimed at reconciling philosophy and common sense. French Enlightenment philosophy sets out from Cartesianism and its criticism but was already before the turn of the century distinguished by a rapid decline of interest in metaphysics and theology. The peculiar characteristics of French eighteenth-century philosophy and its concept of philosophy must largely be explained by the political and religious conditions in France as a literary reaction against an unacceptable situation. German philosophy in the eighteenth century remained a school and scholastic philosophy, in both a good and a bad sense, and the German Enlightenment was, for good and for bad, an academic Enlightenment.
  • 3 - Schools and Movements
    pp 45-68
  • View abstract
    This chapter presents eighteenth-century philosophical works in the Europe, Britain, France and Germany. While France was at the centre of the philosophical debate in the seventeenth century, and Germany likewise in the nineteenth century, the inspiration behind eighteenth-century European philosophy came from Britain. In Spain and Italy, the dominant role of the Roman Catholic Church and the latter's grip on educational establishments prevented the breakthrough of enlightenment tendencies. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the influence of British philosophy in Germany was extraordinarily great; this applies both to Hume and to the Common Sense school. The Common Sense school, as well as British moral philosophy and aesthetics, also influenced his thought. It was precisely because Hume attempted to combine eighteenth-century British empiricism with Leibniz's idealism that his philosophy can be regarded as a synthesis of empiricism and rationalism.
  • 4 - The Institutionalisation of Philosophy in Continental Europe
    pp 69-96
  • View abstract
    This chapter considers some generalisations that are relevant to the teaching of philosophy across all the many and varied European institutions of learning where it was officially taught. The bulk of European academies represented a transitional form of intellectual affiliation. They were popular while different forms of state and church patronage competed with one another. The French universities and colleges did not provide within their ethics courses anything that approached the teaching of politics and economics within German cameralism for those who would go on to serve the state. A common feature was the determination of the rulers that the philosophy faculty should be independent of the theology faculty and therefore basically answerable to a government department alone. The independence of the philosophy faculty from the theology faculty had been established at Halle and Jena, both new foundations at the end of the seventeenth century, and then widely imitated elsewhere.
  • 5 - The Curriculum in Britain, Ireland, and the Colonies
    pp 97-120
  • View abstract
    Philosophy, which once dominated the arts curriculum, still had a significant place in it in the eighteenth century. The traditional structure of the curriculum was most conspicuous in the Scottish universities, alongside some of the more marked advances in content. The Anglican institutions of the period, the medieval foundations of Oxford and Cambridge and the Elizabethan foundation in Dublin, were collegiate in structure, but Dublin never extended beyond one college. Harvard College, founded to train ministers in 1641, had its roots in English Puritanism and was initially as much a centre for Reformed scholasticism as any institution of its age. Yale College, founded in 1701, again to train ministers, initially set out to recover the earlier rigidity of the Harvard programme. All the colleges of the colonial period kept up the Old World practice of scholastic disputation with varying degrees of strictness, hence the continuation of the tradition of Latin and syllogistic training.
  • 6 - Informal Networks
    pp 121-136
  • View abstract
    The existence of a considerable body of mainly eighteenth-century philosophical manuscripts in a large number of libraries throughout Europe, but particularly in France, was first studied in the early years of this eighteenth century. Informal networks not only existed among journalists or in cafés but extended to the upper reaches of society. It is difficult to know how far such groups influenced the circulation of more radical philosophical ideas and discussions, although they adhered to a broadly enlightened programme. The clandestine treatises were clearly important not only for attacking the churches and their doctrines but also for the circulation of materialistic themes. They were able to discuss the existence of the soul and an afterlife in a way that was impossible in officially published books. During the latter part of the century, in France at least, materialism developed more openly and abandoned the masks it had adopted earlier.
  • 7 - Philosophical Methods
    pp 139-159
  • View abstract
    Eighteenth-century philosophical methodology is a loose collection of divergent theories which can be put together only retrospectively. Isaac Newton also had a powerful influence on eighteenth-century methodology through his few pronouncements on scientific procedure, especially the 'hypotheses non fingo'. In the English-speaking world, and in France after the publication of Voltaire's Lettres philosophiquesin 1734, the genetic or historical method from Locke's Essay dominated. Instead of geometry and algebra, Newton's natural philosophy and methodological ideas were prominent, and the works of Bacon set the programmatic goal of experimental reasoning. Kant arrives at a new idea of the two cultures. On the one side is mathematics, with a synthetic method forced upon it by its subject matter, on the other side is metaphysics, with theology and ethics. The connection between epistemic method and morality was explicitly drawn up by Johann Gottlieb Fichte in his 'provisional investigation of method in science', where he followed Kant's Preface from 1787.
  • 8 - Human Nature
    pp 160-233
  • View abstract
    This chapter discusses human nature, as presented by a variety of eighteenth-century philosophers, through considerations of animals, the sexes, race, wild children and the blind. The eighteenth century saw enormous growth in the life sciences and with it the discussion of animals and their relation to humans. The eighteenth-century responses to Leibniz's version of the animal and human distinction thus differed from the responses to Descartes, given the former's emphasis on psychological continuity but moral difference. Animals are part of nature and as such are guided by instinct that is subject to the immutable laws governing animal behavior. Kant's follower Christoph Girtanner discussed races of plants and animals. This chapter presents orangutans and beavers, animal behavior in eighteenth-century. Both Astell and Mandeville agreed that the heart of the problem of women's status in marriage was the lack of female educational opportunities and the ways in which society considered women as naturally inferior and then blamed them for their inferiority.
  • 9 - Perception and Ideas, Judgement
    pp 234-285
  • View abstract
    The eighteenth-century theories of perception were self-consciously modern. Thomas Reid contended in Philosophical Orations that ideas or perceptions so understood are a 'fictitious hypothesis of philosophers, favorable to the views of skeptics but an impediment to sane or useful knowledge'. Linguistic mediation was a recurring theme in eighteenth-century theories of ideas; it played an important role in theories of abstraction and judgement. Imagination and memory were closely allied in eighteenth-century accounts of the understanding. Imagination played a central role in eighteenth-century accounts of dreaming and madness. The judgement count as an act on the verdictive model if the verdict is an act of will, and it will count as an act on the perceptual model if perception is taken to involve will. The sentimentalising of probable judgement reinforced the staying power of nativism, despite the prestige of Locke's arguments against it.
  • 10 - Self-Consciousness and Personal Identity
    pp 286-318
    • By Udo Thiel, Australian National University
  • View abstract
    This chapter examines the notion of consciousness and associated concepts, such as reflection, which were central to fundamental philosophical discussion in the eighteenth century. Thomas Reid is very critical of Hume's philosophy of mind in general and of his account of personal identity in particular. Yet, despite these differences and some differences in terminology, his account of the nature of consciousness is basically the same as that of Hume. Leibniz is generally recognised as having made a crucial and most influential contribution to the theory of consciousness. The debates about personal identity are not, however, as clear-cut as the simple division between materialists and immaterialists might suggest. Leibnizian theory dominated philosophy at German universities until about the middle of the century through Christian Wolff, who had adopted a largely Leibnizian account of the self. The foundational function of consciousness was examined and developed further in the debates about Kant which took place in the late 1780s and 1790s.
  • 11 - Reason
    pp 319-342
  • View abstract
    This chapter examines whether the "reason" is a theoretical principle or a moral and political foundation and a formal rule or a determining power. Locke offered a kind of map of human knowledge and a balanced criterion of truth. However, although his rationalism is not a violent one, there remains a large part of ambiguity. This fact can be confirmed by examining how his doctrine of the degrees of certainty was taken up by authors during the eighteenth century. Metaphysical rationality can be understood by the human mind, within its limits, so that by reason we also mean the capacity of our mind for entering the reasons of truths or the reasons of things and seizing the a priori connections that depend on necessary and universal truths. Kant, in the 'Transcendental Analytic' of the Kritik der reinen Vernunft, draws up the table of the first principles of understanding that are the formal conditions of every exercise of the understanding.
  • 12 - Substances and Modes, Space and Time
    pp 343-367
  • View abstract
    This chapter provides a discussion of the nature of substances, their relationships and their interactions at the heart of metaphysics. With Descartes's new metaphysics, three basic questions are raised which came to dominate further debates concerning the nature and essence of substances. Hume approaches the idea of material substance in two different ways and relates them historically to ancient and modern philosophy. Nature relieves human beings epistemically to a certain extent, by supplying them with principles that cannot err. This fundamental epistemic devaluation of reason stands in opposition to the metaphysical tradition and at the same time banishes the specter of scepticism. Reid is principally concerned with the knowledge of human abilities and their powers, in which original principles play a pivotal role. In the 'Transcendental Aesthetic' which opens the Kritik, Kant argues that we are given all the manifold of our sensibility in the subjective intuitive forms of space and time.
  • 13 - Causality
    pp 368-388
  • View abstract
    It is one of the achievements of the eighteenth-century philosophy to have distinguished between general and special laws of causality. Locke started from a concept of power, according to which even the ideas of cause and effect can be deduced from observation and experience, so that causal judgements are, to put it in Kant's terminology, synthetic judgements a posteriori. The rejection of Hume's criticism of causation is threefold. Thomas Reid applies his basic epistemological principle that it is wrong to think of sensation as some sort of image of its object. It makes no sense to seek similarity between a sensation of sweetness and a piece of candy, yet the thoughts that derive from the sensations are meaningfully about the sweetness. Probably the most significant contemporary criticism of Hume's doctrine of ideas, his scepticism, and analysis of causality in English-speaking philosophy is that of Reid, who develops a striking alternative theory, also concerning causation.
  • 14 - Knowledge and Belief
    pp 389-425
  • View abstract
    Belief that is based on good grounds is usually called knowledge. Popper mentions Plato, Hegel, Bolzano, and Frege as prime examples for the objective view and Descartes, Locke, Berkeley, Hume, Kant and Russell as representatives of belief philosophers. By Popper's definition, the majority of the eighteenth-century philosophers we discuss were belief philosophers. Most of them felt that our subjective beliefs, their basis and origins are most important to understanding objective knowledge. Indeed, their philosophical program was to a large extent defined by the problem of how subjective beliefs can give rise to objective knowledge. The king found persuasive their argument that the principle of sufficient reason and the theory of pre-established harmony could be used to justify desertion from the Prussian army. In their epistemology as well as in the metaphysical theory of physical influx, the adherents of Thomasius were following a more or less Lockean approach.
  • 15 - Scepticism
    pp 426-450
  • View abstract
    This chapter explores three major philosophical sceptical works namely Sextus Empiricus's Outlines of Pyrrhonism, Pierre Bayle's Dictionnaire historique et critique and Bishop Huet's Traité philosophique de lafoiblesse de l'esprit humaine, that are appeared in the eighteenth century. French Enlightenment figures espoused a more mitigated version coupled with their advocacy of the new science and its application to human problems. Rousseau cast some doubts on this. The Scottish Common Sense critics of Hume thought they could base a total rejection of scepticism on its conflict with common sense and ordinary beliefs. Kant, influenced by these many currents, thought he had found a new way of dealing with the sceptical menace. His new way was immediately challenged as either too sceptical or too dogmatic. Hume was the major presenter of sceptical arguments for the middle and end of the eighteenth century. Others tried to show how one could live with it while still promoting the advancement of human knowledge.
  • 16 - Philosophy of Language
    pp 451-495
  • View abstract
    The tenor of eighteenth-century philosophy was anti-Cartesian, and the primary vehicle of this reaction was the philosophy of language. Adam Smith thinking about language for decades had been dominated by Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding and by the rising prominence of rhetorical expressivism. The Essay stood at the threshold of the eighteenth century like a Janus figure, and it was chiefly its Book III on 'words and language in general' that made it two-faced. Both Berkeley and Condillac found that Locke's argument went awry because he treated language only after ideas of Book II. Diderot recognized that the problem of inversion raised important issues about the nature of language. The debate about language in the berlin academy, that was participated by michaëlis and süssmilch, Herder's conception of the origin and nature of language and Thomas Reid's view of language are discussed in this chapter.
  • 17 - Rhetoric
    pp 496-515
  • View abstract
    Rhetoric as a discipline had been fully established in classical Greece and Rome; the Renaissance had seen a return to the complete body of theory enshrined in the texts of Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian. In the eighteenth century, this full-scale, traditional rhetoric remained strong, particularly in Catholic Europe, and found its classic form in the Jesuit colleges until they were shut down in the 1760s. In analysing the effect of figures of speech, Priestley stresses the pleasure produced in the reader by the mental activity that is needed to move between figurative and literal uses of a word. The same approach is perhaps most fully developed in a rather forbidding work by the Italian philosopher Cesare Beccaria, better known for his work on crime and punishment. Vico's defence of rhetoric against the new philosophy seems to have been little read at the time. His call for philosophers who are also 'courtiers' does, correspond to a characteristically eighteenth-century view of philosophy.
  • 18 - Aesthetics
    pp 516-556
  • View abstract
    Aesthetics in the broad sense goes back at least as far as Plato's speculations about different types of beauty and the value of the arts. The most explicit eighteenth-century aesthetic formulation of the system of the fine arts is to be found in Charles Batteux's influential work Les beaux-arts réduits à un même principe. In contrast with the dualistic rationalism of Descartes, Leibniz proposes that the relation of sense and reason be conceived as a continuum. This allows him to link the aesthetic features of experience to a larger rational universe. Christian Wolff had described beauty as the sensible and pleasurable appearance of perfection. From Wolff 's standpoint, the same rational perfection can be appreciated sensibly as well as conceptually. Both physical and moral beauty gives us disinterested pleasures which may be diminished by custom in the former case or by the calculation of self-interest in the latter.
  • 19 - The Active Powers
    pp 557-607
  • View abstract
    This chapter explores the changing metaphysical background to discussions of human activity and sketches Leibniz and worked out by Wolff that is given by Locke. The Leibnizians held the basically Stoic view that the activities of the mind, including its desires and decisions, naturally tend toward order because all of them represent some aspect of an objectively good and orderly universe. Locke found no such natural, inherent tendency toward order in our decisions. Egoism, sometimes bolstered by associationism, became a major eighteenth century articulation of the Locke an alternative to the Leibniz-Wolff theory of the passions. The most sophisticated and thoroughgoing of the empiricist replies to Locke's denial of any sufficient inner principle of order came from David Hume. He also gave the fullest determinist account of active powers or human agency. The chapter discusses Kant's views on the nature of practical freedom and his explanation of a goal or end.
  • 20 - Education
    pp 608-638
  • View abstract
    Education was a topic that held a central place in the concerns of eighteenth-centuryphilosophy. Educationists can be innovators as well as assimilators. The most significant figure in eighteenth-century history of the philosophy of education was John Locke. In very many respects, Locke set the terms of debate even for those who were to disagree with many of his educational proposals. Some Thoughts Concerning Education is a work more central to Locke's project than might appear from its provenance as an occasional work arising from letters to a friend advising him on the upbringing of his son in the calling of a country gentleman. Positive education could be a tool in promoting national development was immediately recognised in Britain, France, and elsewhere in Europe. The idea of negative education proceeds from an acknowledgement of the widespread contemporary belief in the power of positive education to reconstruct humanity but condemns this project as an attempt to denature and distort human potential.
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