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The knowledge gap in world politics: Assessing the sources of citizen awareness of the United Nations Security Council

  • Lisa Maria Dellmuth (a1)
Abstract
Abstract

The past decades have seen a significant expansion in the scope and authority of international organisations (IOs), raising questions about who participates and is represented in the public contestation of IOs. An important precondition for citizens to become critically involved in the public debate about an IO is that they are aware of the politics of that IO. This article sheds light on this largely unexplored issue, asking why some citizens are more aware of IOs than others. This question is examined in the context of a powerful international organisation, the United Nations Security Council. Using a multilevel analysis of citizens in 17 Asian and European countries, this article argues that citizen knowledge about the Council is shaped by economic conditions and cosmopolitan identity. Higher levels of knowledge are found among the wealthier, and there is some evidence that income inequality depresses knowledge among poorer citizens. Furthermore, citizens identifying with groups or individuals across nation-state borders are more likely to know more about the Council. The article sketches broader implications for the study of the politicisation of IOs and citizen representation in the public contestation of IOs.

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Corresponding author
*Correspondence to: Lisa Maria Dellmuth is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science at Stockholm University. Author’s email: lisa.dellmuth@statsvet.su.se
References
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1 Data and supplemental information necessary to reproduce the numerical results is available on the author’s homepage at: {http://www.lisadellmuth.net}.

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3 Zürn, ‘The politicization of world politics and its effects: Eight propositions’; see also Schmitter Philippe, ‘Three neo-functionalist hypotheses about international integration’, International Organization, 23:1 (1969), pp. 161166 .

4 Zürn, Binder, and Ecker-Erhardt, ‘International political authority’; Ecker-Erhardt Matthias, ‘Why parties politicise international institutions: On globalisation backlash and authority contestation’, Review of International Political Economy, published online (18 February 2014); Rixen Thomas and Zangl Bernhard, ‘The politicization of international economic institutions in US public debates’, Review of International Organization, 8:3 (2013), pp. 363387 ; Rauh Christian, ‘Communicating supranational governance? The salience of EU affairs in the German Bundestag’, European Union Politics, 16:1 (2015), pp. 116138 .

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8 Caldeira Cf. Gregory M. and Gibson James L., ‘The legitimacy of the court of justice: Models of institutional support’, American Political Science Review, 89:2 (1995), pp. 356376 ; Norris Pippa, ‘Global governance and cosmopolitan citizens’, in Joseph S. Nye Jr. and Elaine C. Kamarck (eds), Governance in a Globalizing World (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2000), pp. 155177 ; Norris Pippa, ‘Confidence in the United Nations: Cosmopolitan and nationalistic attitudes’, in Yilmaz Esmer and Thorleif Petterson (eds), The International System, Democracy and Values (Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2009), pp. 1749 ; Hainmueller and Hiscox, ‘Learning to love globalization’; Edwards Martin S., ‘Public support for the international economic organizations: Evidence from developing countries’, Review of International Organizations, 4:2 (2009), pp. 185209 ; Zürn, Binder, and Ecker-Erhardt, ‘International authority and its politicization’; Milner Helen V. and Tingley Dustin H., ‘Public opinion and foreign aid: a review essay’, International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations, 39:3 (2013), pp. 389401 .

9 Delli Carpini Michael X. and Keeter Scott, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996).

10 Highton Benjamin, ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’, Journal of Politics, 71:4 (2009), p. 1564 .

11 Cf. Hainmueller and Hiscox, ‘Learning to love globalization’.

12 Carpini Cf. Delli and Keeter , What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters, pp. 67 .

13 Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters; in addition, see earlier works about the unequal distribution of political knowledge and the consequences for the political representation of citizens’ interests, Griffin John D. and Newman Brian, ‘Are voters better represented?’, Journal of Politics, 67:4 (2005), pp. 12061227 ; Verba Sidney, Schlozman Kay Lehman, and Brady Henry E., Voice and Equality: Civic Volunteerism in American Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).

14 Steffek Jens and Nanz Patrizia, ‘Emergent patterns of civil society participation in global and European governance’, in Jens Steffek, Claudia Kissling, and Patrizia Nanz (eds), Civil Society Participation in European and Global Governance: A Cure for the Democratic Deficit? (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 8 ; Dellmuth Lisa M. and Tallberg Jonas, ‘The social legitimacy of international organisations: Interest representation, institutional performance, and confidence extrapolation in the United Nations’, Review of International Studies, 41:3 (2015), pp. 451475 .

15 Scholte Jan A., ‘Civil society and democratically accountable global governance’, Government and Opposition, 39:2 (2004), pp. 211233 ; Bäckstrand Karin, ‘Democratizing global environmental governance? Stakeholder democracy after the world summit on sustainable development’, European Journal of International Relations, 12:4 (2006), pp. 467498 ; Steffek and Nanz, ‘Emergent patterns of civil society participation in global and European governance’.

16 Bexell Magdalena and Mörth Ulrika (eds), Democracy and Public-Private Partnerships in Global Governance (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

17 O’Brien Robert, Goetz Anne M., Scholte Jan A., and Williams Marc, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Smith Jackie, Social Movements for Global Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).

18 Saward Michael, The Representative Claim (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Saward Michael, ‘Slow theory: Taking time over transnational democratic representation’, Ethics & Global Politics, 4:1 (2011), pp. 118 ; Montanaro Laura, ‘The democratic legitimacy of self-appointed representatives’, Journal of Politics, 74:4 (2012), pp. 10941107 .

19 Luskin Robert C., ‘Explaining political sophistication’, Political Behavior, 12:4 (1990), pp. 331361 .

20 Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’.

21 Delli Carpini, and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters.

22 For a similar argument, see Converse Philip E., ‘Assessing the capacity of mass electorates’, Annual Review of Political Science, 3:1 (2000), p. 332 ; Highton , ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’, p. 1564 .

23 Zaller John, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), ch. 2, ch. 3, pp. 333ff; Gabel Matthew and Scheve Kenneth, ‘Estimating the effect of elite communications on public opinion using instrumental variables’, American Journal of Political Science, 51:4 (2007), pp. 1019 .

24 Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’; Neuman W. Russell, The Paradox of Mass Politics: Knowledge and Opinion in the American Electorate (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986); Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters, ch. 4; Mondak Jeffery, ‘Reconsidering the measurement of political knowledge’, Political Analysis, 8:1 (1999), pp. 5782 ; Converse, ‘Assessing the capacity of mass electorates’, p. 333; Highton , ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’, p. 1568 .

25 Hurd Ian, After Anarchy: Legitimacy and Power in the United Nations Security Council (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007); Cronin Bruce and Hurd Ian (eds), The UN Security Council and the Politics of International Authority (New York: Routledge, 2008), p. 12 .

26 Hurd, After Anarchy, p. 5.

27 See, for example, Frederking Brian, The United States and the Security Council: Collective Security Since the Cold War (New York: Routledge, 2007); Hurd, After Anarchy; Cronin and Hurd, The UN Security Council and the Politics of International Authority.

28 The survey data were collected through face-to-face interviews between October and December 2000. The sampling strategies aimed at generating nationally representative samples in Asian and European countries (see fn. 62 for a list of these countries). Sampling strategies varied across some of the countries. In most countries, multistratified random cluster samples with different types of stratification were drawn, while in two countries (France and the United Kingdom (UK)), quota samples were used. See, for a detailed field report and list of survey questions, Takashi Inoguchi, ‘Asia Europe Survey (ASES): A Multinational Comparative Study in 18 Countries 2001: ICPSR22324-v1’ (2001), available at: {http://www.asiaeuropesurvey.org} and {http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/22324}.

29 Kwak Cf. Nojn, ‘Revisiting the knowledge gap hypothesis: Education, motivation and media use’, Communication Research, 26:4 (1999), pp. 385413 .

30 Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters; Mondak, ‘Reconsidering the measurement of political knowledge’.

31 See, for an overview, Visser Penny S., Holbrook Allyson L., and Krosnick Jon A., ‘Knowledge and attitudes’, in Wolfgang Donsbach and Michael W. Traugott (eds), Handbook of Public Opinion Research (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2008), pp. 127140 .

32 Boninger David S., Krosnick Jon A., and Berent Matthew K., ‘Origins of attitude importance: Self-interest, social identification, and value relevance’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68:1 (1995), p. 62 .

33 Krosnick Jon A., ‘The role of attitude importance in social evaluation: a study of presidential candidate evaluations, policy preferences, and voting behavior’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55:2 (1988), pp. 196210 ; Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’, p. 335; Boninger David S., Krosnick Jon A., Berent Matthew K., and Fabrigar Leandre R., ‘The causes and consequences of attitude importance’, in Richard E. Petty and Jon A. Krosnick (eds), Attitude Strength: Antecedents and Consequences (Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 1995), pp. 159189 ; Prislin Radmila, ‘Attitude stability and attitude strength: One is enough to make it stable’, European Journal of Social Psychology, 26:3 (1996), pp. 447477 ; Holbrook Allyson L., Berent Matthew K., Krosnick Jon A., Visser Penny S., and Boninger David S., ‘Attitude importance and the accumulation of attitude-relevant knowledge in memory’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88:5 (2005), pp. 749769 .

34 Scheve Kenneth F. and Slaughter Matthew J., ‘What determines individual trade policy preferences?’, Journal of International Economics, 54:2 (2001), pp. 267292 ; Vreeland James, The IMF and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Dellmuth and Tallberg, ‘The social legitimacy of international organisations’; Mansfield and Mutz, ‘Support for free trade’.

35 Cf. Boninger, Krosnick, and Berent, ‘Origins of attitude importance’; Holbrook, Berent, Krosnick, Visser, and Boninger, ‘Attitude importance and the accumulation of attitude-relevant knowledge in memory’; Visser, Holbrook, and Krosnick, ‘Knowledge and attitudes’, pp. 130–1.

36 Downs Anthony, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Addison Wesley, 1957), pp. 160172 .

37 See, for example, Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’; Althaus Scott L., ‘Information effects in collective preferences’, American Political Science Review, 92:3 (1998), pp. 545558 ; see, for an overview, Visser, Holbrook, and Krosnick, ‘Knowledge and attitudes’, pp. 130–1.

38 Cf. Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy; Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, Voice and Equality.

39 Even in the EU, where European political institutions have sought to strengthen a common identity, segmented national public spheres remain. See Koopmans Ruud and Statham Paul (eds), The Making of a European Public Sphere: Media Discourse and Political Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Risse Thomas, A Community of Europeans? Transnational Identities and Public Spheres (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010).

40 de Vreese Cf. Claes H., Framing Europe: Television News and European Integration (Amsterdam: Aksant Academic Publishers, 2002); Anderson Peter J. and McLeod Aileen, ‘The great non-communicator? The mass communication deficit of the European parliament and its press directorate’, Journal of Common Market Studies, 42:5 (2004), pp. 897917 .

41 Schattschneider Elmer E., The Semisovereign People: A Realists View of Democracy in America (New York: Holt, Reinhart, and Winston, 1960), p. 106 ; Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, Voice and Equality; Solt Frederick, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’, American Journal of Political Science, 52:1 (2008), pp. 4860 .

42 Dahl Robert A., Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 92 .

43 Lukes, Power, p. 28.

44 Cf. Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

45 Lukes Cf. Steven, Power: A Radical View (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 2728 .

46 Cf. Solt, ‘Economic inequality and dmocratic political engagement’.

47 Garuda Gopal, ‘The distributional effects of IMF programs: a cross-country analysis’, World Development, 28:6 (2000), pp. 10311051 ; Vreeland James R., ‘The effect of IMF programs on labor’, World Development, 30:1 (2002), pp. 121139 ; Vreeland James R., The IMF and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

48 Nooruddin Irfan and Vreeland James R., ‘The effect of IMF programs on wages and salaries’, in Jennifer Clapp and Rorden Wilkinson (eds), Global Governance, Poverty, and Inequality (London: Routledge, 2010), pp. 90111 .

49 Omotunde Johnson and Joanne Salop, ‘Distributional Aspects of Stabilization Programs in Developing Countries’, IMF Staff Papers, 27 (1980), p. 12.

50 Cooley Alexander and Ron James, ‘The NGO scramble: Organizational insecurity and the political economy of transnational action’, International Security, 27:1 (2002), pp. 539 ; Kelly Robert E., ‘Assessing the impact of NGOs on intergovernmental organizations: the case of the Bretton Woods institutions’, International Political Science Review, 32:3 (2011), pp. 323344 .

51 Schattschneider, The Semisovereign People; Ansolabehere Stephen, de Figueiredo John M., and Snyder James M. Jr, ‘Why is there so little money in U.S. politics?’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 17:1 (2003), pp. 105130 ; Dahl Robert A., On Political Equality (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 8586 ; Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

52 Cf. Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, Voice and Equality.

53 Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

54 Hooghe Cf. Liesbet and Marks Gary, ‘Calculation, community, and cues: Public opinion on European integration’, European Union Politics, 6:4 (2005), pp. 419443 .

55 See, for example, Norris, ‘Global governance and cosmopolitan citizens’; Norris, ‘Confidence in the United Nations’; Dellmuth and Tallberg, ‘The social legitimacy of international organisations’.

56 Furia Peter A., ‘Global citizenship, anyone? Cosmopolitanism, privilege and public opinion’, Global Society, 19:4 (2005), pp. 331359 ; Mau, Mewes, and Zimmermann, ‘Cosmopolitan attitudes through transnational practices’.

57 Norris Pippa and Inglehart Ronald, Cosmopolitan Communications: Cultural Diversity in a Globalized World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 182 . The notion of values is evasive and definitions differ across disciplines in the social sciences. I refer to values as relatively stable ‘beliefs about ideal modes of conduct and ideal terminal goals’. See Rokeach Milton, Beliefs, Attitudes, and Values (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1968), p. 124 . An internalised value becomes a standard or criterion for developing and maintaining attitudes toward or identification with objects. See Rokeach, Beliefs, Attitudes, and Values, p. 160.

58 Inglehart Cf. Ronald, ‘Cognitive mobilization and European identity’, Comparative Politics, 3:1 (1970), pp. 4570 ; Fordham Benjamin O. and Kleinberg Katja B., ‘How can economic interests influence support for free trade?’, International Organization, 66:2 (2012), pp. 311328 ; Norris and Inglehart, Cosmopolitan Communications, ch. 6; Chalmers Adam W. and Dellmuth Lisa M., ‘Fiscal redistribution and public support for European integration’, European Union Politics, 16:3 (2015), pp. 386407 .

59 Mau, Mewes, and Zimmermann, ‘Cosmopolitan attitudes through transnational practices’; Norris and Inglehart, Cosmopolitan Communications, ch. 6.

60 Jan Teorell, Nicholas Charron, Stefan Dahlberg, Sören Holmberg, Bo Rothstein, Petrus Sundin, and Richard Svensson, ‘The Quality of Government Basic Dataset Made From the Quality of Government Dataset Version 15May13’ (2011), available at: {http://www.qog.pol.gu.se}.

61 The ASES covers 18 countries, but China drops out of the analyses since not all survey questions have been asked in this country. The analyses include France, Germany, Greece, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, Philippines, Portugal, Singapore, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Taiwan, Thailand, and the UK.

62 Converse Philip E., ‘Information flow and the stability of partisan attitudes’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 26 (1962), pp. 578599 ; Converse Philip E., ‘Change in the American electorate’, in Angus Campbell and Philip E. Converse (eds), The Human Meaning of Social Change (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1972), pp. 263337 .

63 Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’; Neuman, The Paradox of Mass Politics; Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion; Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters, ch. 4; Mondak, ‘Reconsidering the measurement of political knowledge’.

64 Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion, ch. 2, ch. 3, and pp. 333ff.

65 Ibid., p. 43.

66 Appendix A gives an overview of the wording of the survey questions.

67 Summary statistics for and correlations between the variables are reported in Tables B1 and B2 in Appendix B.

68 Converse, ‘Assessing the capacity of mass electorates’, p. 333. See also Neuman, The Paradox of Mass Politics, and Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters, ch. 4.

69 The time period considered here ranges from the mid-1990s until 2000. See United Nations Security Council, ‘Security Council Resolutions’ (2014), available at: {http://www.un.org/en/sc/documents/resolutions/}.

70 See also Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’. The calculation of this measure is based on the assumption that the data are representative for the broader populations of the 17 countries, as the accuracy of the measure would be distorted in the case of an over- or under-representation of specific income groups in the survey data. However, sampling in all countries aimed at nationally representative samples. Only in two countries, the fieldwork relied on quota samples instead of random samples (see fn. 25), increasing our confidence in that the assumption is warranted.

71 Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’. This variable is made available for 2001 by Teorell, Charron, Dahlberg, Holmberg, Rothstein, Sundin, and Svensson, ‘The Quality of Government Basic Dataset Made From The Quality of Government Dataset Version 15May13’.

72 Dolan Kathleen, ‘Do women and men know different things? Measuring gender differences in political knowledge’, Journal of Politics, 73:1 (2011), pp. 97107 .

73 Althaus Scott L., Collective Preferences in Democratic Politics: Opinion Surveys and the Will of the People (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

74 Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’.

75 Cf. Holbrook, Berent, Krosnick, Visser, and Boninger, ‘Attitude importance and the accumulation of attitude-relevant knowledge in memory’.

76 Highton, ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’.

77 Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

78 Johnson Joel W. and Wallack Jessica S., Electoral Systems and the Personal Vote: Update of Database from Particularism Around the World (San Diego: University of California, 2006).

79 Blais André and Carty Kenneth K., ‘Does proportional representation foster voter turnout?’, European Journal of Political Research, 18:2 (1990), pp. 167182 .

80 Hadenius Axel, Teorell Jan, and Wahman Michael, Authoritarian Regimes Data Set, Version 3.0 (Lund: Department of Political Science, Lund University, 2012).

81 Lijphart Arendt, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999); Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

82 Both measures are derived from Gerring John, Thacker Strom C., and Moreno Carola, ‘Centripetal democratic governance: a theory and global inquiry’, American Political Science Review, 99:4 (2005), pp. 567581 .

83 Using this model requires testing whether the covariate effects are constant across categories. A test of this assumption suggests that this assumption is reasonable given the data at hand. See Sophia Rabe-Hesketh and Anders Skrondal, Multilevel and Longitudinal Modeling Using Stata (Texas: Stata Press, 2008).

84 The intra-class correlation, which reveals how much of the total variation in knowledge lies at the country level, is estimated according to the following equation (cf. Rabe-Hesketh and Skrondal, Multilevel and Longitudinal Modeling Using Stata): ρ=Var(ζ1j )/(Var(ζ1j )+π2/3)=0.22/(0.22+π2/3)=0.05.

85 Note that the Variance Inflation Factor is less than 2, indicating that multicollinearity should not inflate the coefficient estimates (see Fox John and Monette Georges, ‘Generalized collinearity diagnostics’, Journal of the American Statistical Association, 87:417 (1992), pp. 178183 ).

86 Berry Cf. William D., DeMeritt Jacqueline H. R., and Esarey Justin, ‘Testing for interaction in binary logit and probit models: Is a product term essential?’, American Journal of Political Science, 54:1 (2010), pp. 248266 . The response probabilities for Figure 2 are calculated following Wooldridge Jeffrey M., Econometric Analysis of Cross Section and Panel Data (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001), p. 505 , equation 15.88. Probabilities are implemented in Stata by extending the code by Brambor Thomas, Clark William R., and Golder Matt, ‘Understanding interaction models: Improving empirical analyses’, Political Analysis, 14:1 (2006), pp. 6382 .

87 Cf. Ansolabehere, de Figueiredo, and Snyder Jr., ‘Why is there so little money in U.S. politics?’; Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

88 Cf. Schattschneider, The Semisovereign People, pp. 105–7; Dahl, On Political Equality, ch. 7.

89 Norris, ‘Global governance and cosmopolitan citizens’; Norris, ‘Confidence in the United Nations’.

90 Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters.

91 Cf. Dolan, ‘Do women and men know different things?’

92 Cf. Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters; Highton, ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’.

93 Johnson and Wallack, Electoral Systems and the Personal Vote.

94 Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

95 Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy; Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

96 Tweksbury Cf. David, Weaver Andrew J., and Maddex Brett D., ‘Accidentally informed: Incidental news exposure on the World Wide Web’, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 78:3 (2001), pp. 533554 .

97 See, for a similar coding, Dellmuth and Tallberg, ‘The social legitimacy of international organisations’.

98 United Nations Security Council, ‘Security Council Resolutions’.

99 See, for example, Delli Carpini and Keeter, What Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters; Highton, ‘Revisiting the relationship between educational attainment and political sophistication’; Luskin, ‘Explaining political sophistication’.

100 See, for example, Johnson and Wallack, Electoral Systems and the Personal Vote.

101 See, for example, Solt, ‘Economic inequality and democratic political engagement’.

102 See, for example, Mau, Mewes, and Zimmermann, ‘Cosmopolitan attitudes through transnational practices’; Norris and Inglehart, Cosmopolitan Communications, ch. 6.

103 Feldman Stanley, ‘Structure and consistency in public opinion: the role of core beliefs and values’, American Journal of Political Science, 32:2 (1987), pp. 416440 ; Hurwitz Jon and Peffley Mark, ‘How are foreign policy attitudes structured? A hierarchical model’, American Political Science Review, 81:4 (1987), pp. 10991120 ; Brewer Paul R. and Gross Kimberley, ‘Values, framing, and citizens’ thoughts about policy issues: Effects on content and quantity’, Political Psychology, 26:6 (2005), pp. 929948 .

104 To this end, we need better survey data on citizen awareness of IOs, preferably in the form of multi-item knowledge measures that result in more valid representations of what people know about IOs. See Mondak, ‘Reconsidering the measurement of political knowledge’.

105 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, ‘Divided We Stand: Why Income Inequality Keeps Rising’ (2011), available at: {http://www.oecd.org/social/soc/49499779.pdf}.

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