We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
OBJECTIVES/GOALS: Implementation science evaluations are often too time-intensive to provide actionable feedback during implementation, suggesting the need for more agile methods. We present an evaluation of the World Health Organization’s Emergency Care Toolkit implementation in Zambia using rapid qualitative methods to provide timely feedback. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: We evaluated the implementation of the Emergency Care Toolkit in eight general and referral hospitals in Zambia in 2023 using a rapid-cycle, qualitative template analysis approach grounded in the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). We gathered qualitative data from operational field notes, focus groups, and key informant interviews of administrators, clinicians, nurses, and support staff in all eight hospitals in Zambia. We parsimoniously applied CFIR constructs and tool-specific codes, focused on barriers and facilitators, to allow for rapid but comprehensive cross-case analysis. The results were used to generate a matrix of stakeholder-relevant, plain-language barriers and facilitators for each tool. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: We completed eight site visits with focus groups and interviews following initial implementation in September 2023 to gather firsthand knowledge related to implementation of the Toolkit. The CFIR-focused coding accelerated analysis by centering on barriers and facilitators for each tool while maintaining a comprehensive evaluation framework. Summary tables of barriers and facilitators were easily interpreted by lay stakeholders. Visualization in tables allowed for identification of common themes across tools and hospitals, making comprehensive recommendations to the implementation and dissemination process quickly possible. We anticipate the study findings will empower implementing partners to make timely, actionable improvements. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE: Rapid-cycle qualitative implementation evaluations allow for rigorous yet timely feedback on the implementation process compared to traditional methods. This efficient strategy is particularly important in resource-constrained environments where inefficient implementation wastes limited resources and create delays that cost lives.
Shallow ice cores were obtained from widely distributed sites across the West Antarctic ice sheet, as part of the United States portion of the International Trans-Antarctic Scientific Expedition (US ITASE) program. The US ITASE cores have been dated by annual-layer counting, primarily through the identification of summer peaks in non-sea-salt sulfate (nssSO42–) concentration. Absolute dating accuracy of better than 2 years and relative dating accuracy better than 1 year is demonstrated by the identification of multiple volcanic marker horizons in each of the cores, Tambora, Indonesia (1815), being the most prominent. Independent validation is provided by the tracing of isochronal layers from site to site using high-frequency ice-penetrating radar observations, and by the timing of mid-winter warming events in stable-isotope ratios, which demonstrate significantly better than 1 year accuracy in the last 20 years. Dating precision to ±1 month is demonstrated by the occurrence of summer nitrate peaks and stable-isotope ratios in phase with nssSO42–, and winter-time sea-salt peaks out of phase, with phase variation of <1 month. Dating precision and accuracy are uniform with depth, for at least the last 100 years.
In 1980 a large proboscidean femur, probably Mammuthus sp., was found in situ in a bluff exposure at the mouth of the Tyone River in the northwestern part of the Copper River Basin, Alaska. The regional setting, stratigraphy, radiocarbon chronology, flora, and implications of the fossil locality, which represents the first documented occurrence of Pleistocene terrestrial mammalian fauna in southern Alaska, are described. Radiocarbon dates and stratigraphic relations at the site indicate that the sediments containing the fossil accumulated during the transition from interstadial to glacial conditions during terminal middle Wisconsin time. During this interval the immediate vicinity was unforested and large areas of south-central Alaska may have been available for faunal and possibly human habitation. This documented find, dated at 29,450 ± 610 14C yr B.P., extends the known range for Pleistocene mammals and possibly steppe-tundra conditions south-ward at least 150 km, and suggests that mountain passes through the Alaska Range to the north were ice free during the last part of the middle Wisconsin interstadial.
Field investigations of caves along Alaska's Porcupine River document three major mechanisms which modify bone in patterns similar to alterations produced by man: (1) carnivore fracture; (2) rodent gnawing; and (3) rock fall and rubble scarring. A late Wisconsin faunal assemblage composed of Equus sp., Rangifer tarandus, Ovis dalli, Bison sp., proboscidean, numerous small mammal species, birds, and fish is well documented. This faunal assemblage suggests a mosaic environment of grassland-tundra-forest in the immediate vicinity of these caves and implies that the late Wisconsin environment in north-central Alaska may have been characterized by a number of microenvironments and colder, dryer, steppe conditions. Taphonomic data which have historically been interpreted to support human occupation of eastern Beringia during the Pleistocene are critically examined and the context of these discoveries (not the specimens themselves) provides the test essential to document the antiquity of man in North America prior to 12,000 yr ago.
Pleistocene proboscidean fossils recovered from the Bering Land Bridge strengthen the hypothesis that man may have originally colonized the Americas via this route during times of lowered sea level.
Heritage, memory, community archaeology and the politics of the past form the main strands running through the papers in this volume. The authors tackle these subjects from a range of different philosophical perspectives, with many drawing on the experience of recent community, commercial and other projects. Throughout, there is a strong emphasis on both the philosophy of engagement and with its enactment in specific contexts; the essays deal with an interest in the meaning, value and contested nature of the recent past and in the theory and practice of archaeological engagements with that past.
Chris Dalglish is a lecturer in archaeology at the University of Glasgow. Contributors: Julia Beaumont, David Bowsher, Terry Brown, Jo Buckberry, Chris Dalglish, James Dixon, Audrey Horning, Robert Isherwood, Robert C Janaway, Melanie Johnson, Siân Jones, Catriona Mackie, Janet Montgomery, Harold Mytum, Michael Nevell, Natasha Powers, Biddy Simpson, Matt Town, Andrew Wilson
This volume publishes a selection of the papers first presented during the Society for Post-Medieval Archaeology's conference Engaging the Recent Past in 2010. This introductory paper seeks to situate the other contributions, placing them in the context of wider processes including the rise of Community Archaeology and the development of an explicit political consciousness in archaeology. Concepts of multivocality and memory are discussed, as are the practices of public participation. The paper argues that a more critical stance needs to be taken towards public engagement in archaeology, and this is discussed in relation to concepts of power and social learning. The paper advocates a move beyond limited participation (confined to particular activities, such as participatory site identification and recording, and to the context of particular projects) and it advocates a move towards participatory governance. Here, the archaeological professional is repositioned as a collaborator engaging with others, including relevant public constituencies and the relevant authorities, in the social process of creating knowledge about the past and defining how historic environments and relationships will be protected, managed or transformed in the future.
INTRODUCTION
This volume arises from the Society for Post-Medieval Archaeology conference Engaging the Recent Past: Public, Political Post-Medieval Archaeology (Glasgow, September 2010). The focus of the conference was the contemporary context of post-medieval archaeology: the values, politics and ethics associated with the recent past, and the practices through which we engage with and construct that past. Contributors to the conference considered these issues in relation to the post-medieval and contemporary archaeologies of the U.K., Ireland and a number of other countries, and they promoted positions founded in a variety of philosophical, political and practice traditions.
This paper will demonstrate, through recent fieldwork and political engagements in Bristol, UK, the potential for a new kind of political archaeology, not based around supporting political parties or facilitating community engagement as ends in themselves, but around creating new kinds of knowledge that can be used to influence politics and politicians at the highest levels.
INTRODUCTION: BIG P, SMALL p
The phrase ‘archaeology is a political act’ is oft repeated, but as with any such definitive phrase when used in academia each word of it has multiple meanings. For instance ‘is’. Well, it is not always. Archaeology can be a political act and archaeology sometimes is a political act, but this is not a universal truth. Likewise, the word archaeology can be taken different ways itself. There is academic archaeology, private sector archaeology, public archaeology, uses of archaeology in the heritage industry and so on, all intrinsically connected, but each with nuances different enough to render universality meaningless.
In this paper, I wish to put forward the possibility that contemporary forms of archaeological thought and investigation can play a role in redefining the ways in which politicians engage with ordinary people and everyday situations. Rather than limiting themselves to facilitating community engagement or lobbying politicians in relation to heritage legislation, I will suggest that archaeologists can move towards using their unique perspectives on contemporary and historic environments to change the very way in which the connection between archaeology and politics is conceived, using archaeological investigation to understand the nature of contemporary politics and feeding this back into the wider system of policy making instead of merely working within the confines of existing heritage legislation.
Recent developments in the realm of public and community archaeologies have stressed the need for plurality, diversity, and a lessening of archaeological authority. The mandate for such community engagement is often the well-meaning desire to redress historical imbalances and injustices through prioritising the interests of certain constituencies. Yet the ethics of deciding what history will be prioritised and whose voice should be heard are often left unconsidered in our haste to demonstrate the social value of archaeology. In Northern Ireland, a host of anniversaries relating to the still contested past of the early 17th-century Plantation period lend an unavoidable immediacy to archaeological engagements. Drawing from several recent fieldwork projects, the parameters of a critical, publically-engaged Plantation-period archaeology are considered. The challenges of developing public archaeology in Northern Ireland, where both communities (Catholic and Protestant) have equal voices if oppositional historical memories, has the potential to critically inform the practice of ethical community engagement in other locales.
INTRODUCTION: THE PAST IN THE PRESENT
Public and community archaeologies clearly have their deepest roots in places characterised by structural, societal inequities, and in situations where archaeologists have sought to be inclusive. As such, community archaeology has been generally theorised within a postcolonial, post-processual framework whereby we as scholars and trained professionals question our own position and our right to talk about the past of ‘other people’, often disenfranchised people.
Community archaeology is a rapidly expanding approach to archaeological research. Whilst the archaeology itself is central to individual projects, issues of community' may be heavily implicated within the agendas of many project partners. In this paper, I will argue that community archaeology projects are complex arenas in which a variety of agendas are interwoven within both the planned activities and the unplanned outcomes that occur during the life of a project. Drawing on ethnographic evidence of community archaeology from my recently completed doctoral research as well as from recent experience of the proactive delivery of community archaeology I will focus on the role of memory in relation to both the initial design of community archaeology projects and also the ways in which projects come to be understood and valued by those who have supported and/or participated in them. I will identify projects as being arenas in which aspects of social memory can be central to much that is both planned for and experienced by participants. The rediscovery of lost memories, the preserving of fragile memories and the making of new memories will be shown to be especially significant within the narratives aggregating around individual community projects. I identify ‘living memory'sites as being especially meaningful and effective for community archaeology and argue that the event of a community archaeology project can serve as an arena for the construction of community in the present.