Focusing on four jurisdictions where abortion facilities and providers faced violent attacks following the Morgentaler decision of 1988, this study compares provincial government responses to core feminist demands in the area of women's reproductive health: enhanced hospital access, public funding of clinic abortions and safe zone protections. Consistent with previous research on childcare and anti-violence policies, the study finds that in neoliberal times, the presence of left governing parties in Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario generally favoured abortion rights interests while conservative regimes disadvantaged them. The article contributes valuable new insights in revealing (1) the importance of centrist leaders in Ontario and at the federal level to pro-choice policy changes, (2) the significance of feminist critical actors to these outcomes, and (3) major variation among New Democratic Party provincial governments on abortion policy. The conclusion discusses implications of these results and proposes directions for further research.

The Assisted Human Reproduction Act seeks to protect egg donors’ health and well-being and prevent trade in their reproductive capabilities. In order to fulfill these objectives, the Act prohibits the buying and selling of ova, and only allows for egg donors to be reimbursed for their expenses. However, no regulations setting out what expenses can be reimbursed were promulgated. Sixteen years later, these long-awaited regulations finally came into force in June 2020. In this study, I rely on data from interviews with sixteen egg donors in order to assess how the new regulations might help or hinder concerns that egg donors have with how egg transactions are regulated in Canada. I argue that the new regulations might hinder, more than help with, addressing current concerns related to egg transactions in Canada. The most likely result is that they will not change the current state of affairs.

This article examines the failure of Canadian public policy in addressing racial economic inequality directly. Our analysis contends that Canada's key policy regimes were established in the postwar era, when approximately 96 per cent of Canadians were of European descent. As a result, the frameworks, problem definitions and policy tools inherited from that era were never intended to mitigate racial economic inequality. Moreover, this policy inheritance was deeply shaped by liberal universalism, which rejected racial distinctions in law and policy. These norms were carried forward into the more racially diverse Canada of today, where they have steered attention away from the use of racial categories in policy design. As a result, racial inequality was not a central priority during major policy reforms to core policy regimes in recent decades. In theoretical terms, our analysis contributes to Canadian Political Development through a sustained consideration of the intersecting roles of ideational frameworks, path dependency and policy inertia.

Supply management is a long-standing agricultural policy in Canada that applies to dairy, poultry and eggs. To date, there exists no academic research on the correlates or dynamics of public support for supply management. We use data collected from the Digital Democracy Project's study of the 2019 Canadian election, including results from a between-subjects framing experiment, to show that support for supply management is most opposed by economic conservatives. However, we find support to be highly malleable by framing: it increases when respondents are primed to think of the policy as a way of protecting farmers and decreases when they are primed to think of its costs to consumers. Contrary to expectations, framing effects are not stronger when messages are ideologically congenial or among those with high levels of policy knowledge. If anything, effects are stronger among those with lower levels of knowledge.

This article employs a “policy cycle” framework to explore Bill C-51, legislation which contains Canada’s latest amendments to the “rape shield.” Through an in-depth evaluation of earlier rape shield reforms, as well as a content analysis of the legislative proceedings of Bill C-51, this paper reveals that, while the impetus for introducing rape shield legislation is to protect the equality and privacy rights of sexual assault complainants, the legislative process of these “policy cycles” focuses disproportionately on remedying due process concerns and less on the problems that arise in judicial implementation of the provisions. We situate this finding within the larger trend towards the “judicialization of politics,” and trace some of the institutional and structural obstacles that impede Parliamentarians from more effectively legislating to improve sexual assault trials for complainants.

After years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.

Supporting sexual rights in residential long-term care is ethically complex. The well-being of care workers and residents is inextricably linked, and increasingly recognized empirically, yet public policy in Canada generally continues to exclusively focus on either the well-being of residents or workers. The consequences of this are particularly evident when we consider how to prevent sexual harassment towards workers without unjustly restricting the freedom of sexual expression for residents living with dementia. Employing Carol Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach, we critically analysed a recent Canadian action plan to prevent sexual violence and harassment. Our analysis suggests that this policy is less than promising and may reproduce the very phenomenon it is intended to redress. The need to refocus prevention efforts on the structural factors implicated in this phenomenon is urgent if we are to support the sexual rights of both care workers and residents.

The objective of this study was to assess whether pet ownership contributes to social participation and life satisfaction for older adults. We used baseline data from the Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging (CLSA) for this purpose, and logistic regression models to estimate associations between social participation and life satisfaction for pet owners and non-owners. One third of all older adults (≥ 65 years, n = 7,474) in our sample reported pet ownership. Pet owners were less likely than non-pet owners to report life satisfaction and to participate frequently in social, recreational, or cultural activities, but pet owners were no less satisfied than were non-owners with their current levels of social participation. For pet owners experiencing barriers to social participation, pets appeared protective of life satisfaction in some circumstances. Both individual characteristics and structural factors linked to the World Health Organization’s age-friendly communities framework were relevant to understanding these findings.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the use of the term multiculturalism by Canadian justices. The goal is twofold. First, identify the context in which it has been used and delineate the meaning given to multiculturalism by Canadian Courts. Second, contrast the Federal State’s conception of multiculturalism with the courts’ implicit understanding. Although Canadian courts often refer to multiculturalism, their conception is much less unequivocal and its scope quickly widened, going beyond what had been planned at the time of its adoption in 1971.

This article examines exploitation as a policy rationale for the prohibition of paid surrogacy and egg donation in Canada, focusing on claims of exploitation in parliamentary transcripts and proposed legislation. Its main focus is challenging three assumptions long used to substantiate the prohibition of commercial egg donation and surrogacy, namely: that marginalized women are being exploited; that payment and exploitation are necessarily linked; and that prohibitions on payment are the best means to prevent exploitation in assisted human reproduction. By examining these assumptions, this article assesses the legitimacy of prohibiting payment on the basis of perceived exploitation and suggests that, though much has been done to protect surrogates and donors, little is known about their real-life experiences with reproductive technologies, that the relationship between exploitation and payment is tenuous, and that it remains unclear that prohibiting payment is not doing more harm than good.

Recent discourses on aging emphasize the value of older people’s social participation. How participation is defined in policy, however, may not correspond with seniors’ realities. This article reports on the results of a critical discourse analysis conducted on aging policy in Quebec between 2005 and 2011. Results indicate that participation definitions can be problematic recommendations, standards, and expectations. Over time, participation increasingly came to be defined as productivity. The participation context also changed from collective responsibility to community adjustment and personal choice. Finally, policy texts reflected a polarization between activity and a loss of autonomy that linked participation with health status. Results suggest that, although innovative in the Canadian context, articulation of participation in Quebec’s recent policies on aging lacks the politics from which to discuss difference, otherness, and access to participative opportunities. The case of older people’s aging with disabilities illustrates the challenges of the new participatory agenda.

While numerous contemporary studies, in both social psychology and sociology of the law, have addressed legal socialization and legal consciousness on the part of individuals, little work has been done on the complex social construction of the need and demand for legal services. This is by no means a rhetorical question; it involves a number of competing definitions of the relationship between the legal profession and the public, and thus justifies the legal services currently offered. The author shows that policies relating to access to the law and the justice system in France today seek to focus on the user, which means that users must be able to characterize their situation in legal terms and apply to the courts. The process of raising individuals' consciousness of the law is examined against the backdrop of increasing liberalization of social policies.

Despite a rapid overall decline in poverty among older people since the 1970s, poverty among elderly immigrants is persistently high in Canada. Using data from the 2006 Canadian Census of Population, this article presents results of a study on the poverty of elderly immigrants in comparison to the Canadian-born elderly population. Results from logistic regression analysis suggest that a large portion of the higher poverty rates among elderly immigrants can be explained by the lack or inadequacy of state income support. Nevertheless, the high poverty levels among elderly immigrants are mitigated by financial assistance from their kin. This article concludes by highlighting the role of family support as a coping strategy for escaping poverty and by assessing two mechanisms of state intervention that could improve the economic well-being of elderly immigrants.

Des approches humanistes sont essentielles pour explorer les principales politiques touchant la gérontologie et la gériatrie. Cet article décrit comment l'approche de « l'éthique publique, » c'est-à-dire l'examen des principales valeurs sous-tendant et orientant le procédé d'élaboration des politiques publiques, peut nous faire davantage comprendre les politiques ayant trait au vieillissement. Pour illustrer cette analyse, des exemples tirés d'une étude comparative entre le Canada et les États-Unis sont fournis. Parmi les éléments analysés, on trouve d'abord les principales valeurs sociales formant la toile de fond de cette étude, particulièrement l'opposition entre l'individualisme et le collectivisme. Ensuite, la définition et la résolution des problèmes reposent à la fois sur les faits et les valeurs. Elles impliquent une discussion sur les facteurs sociaux intervenant dans la « crise » du vieillissement, notamment la polarisation des gens en groupes d'âge et la rationalisation des ressources destinées aux soins de la santé. Finalement, la nature du débat public et du discours moral, en qualité de procédé guidant l'élaboration de politiques publiques, est étudiée, et les répercussions quant à l'importance des valeurs dans l'élaboration de nouvelles politiques à venir sont également considérées. Le procédé d'élaboration des politiques publiques, notamment la manière dont il relève les défis associés à une population vieillissante, en dit long sur la cohésion et l'intégrité sous-jacentes de notre société et sur le degré d'humanisme que l'on trouve au sein des principales politiques et institutions sociales.