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Volume III of The Cambridge History of the Cold War examines the evolution of the conflict from the Helsinki Conference of 1975 until the Soviet collapse in 1991. A team of leading scholars analyzes the economic, social, cultural, religious, technological and geopolitical factors that ended the Cold War and discusses the personalities and policies of key leaders such as Brezhnev, Reagan, Gorbachev, Thatcher, Kohl and Deng Xiaoping. The authors show how events throughout the world shaped the evolution of Soviet-American relations and they explore the legacies of the superpower confrontation in a comparative and transnational perspective. Individual chapters examine how the Cold War affected and was affected by environmental issues, economic trends, patterns of consumption, human rights and non-governmental organizations. The volume represents the new international history at its best, emphasizing broad social, economic, demographic and strategic developments while keeping politics and human agency in focus.


Review of the set:'There has never been a Cold War history like it; everything about it is monumental … In total, the volumes represent a successful interconnected attempt at describing the Cold War in full.'

Jost Dülffer Source: H-Soz-u-Kult

Review of the set:'The Cambridge History of the Cold War (CHCW) marks a coming of age for Cold War studies. This multi-volume compilation provides a synthesis of the 'New Cold War History'. It is a signal moment in the evolution of the field.'

Mike Sewell Source: H-Diplo

Review of the set:'… if [I] could recommend just three books to a reader with no prior knowledge of the Cold War - the average undergraduate, say - it would likely be this series. The breadth and depth of coverage, in disciplinary and geographical terms, is unparalleled.'

David Milne Source: H-Diplo

'Like its two predecessors, the third instalment of The Cambridge History of the Cold War (CHCW), is scholar's and instructor's dream for it provides well organized chapters covering major issues in the research of the late Cold War period, all delivered by leading historians in the field.'

Dina Fainburg Source: H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews (

'… a superb collection …'

Robert English Source: H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews (

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  • 1 - The Cold War and the intellectual history of the late twentieth century
    pp 1-22
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    This chapter examines a single intellectual history, or a single European intellectual history, of the late twentieth century from the perspective of the end of the Cold War. The Crisis of Democracy was the matter-of-fact title of the influential Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission, published in 1975. The report claimed to respond to a widespread perception of the disintegration of civil order, the breakdown of social discipline, the debility of leaders, and the alienation of citizens. The debates around autogestion eventually became enmeshed with the wideranging disputes about totalitarianism in mid-1970s France. In Europe, Hayekian liberalism was often still cloaked in the language of the social democratic consensus. Liberal triumphalism was not nearly as triumphalist as commentators later tended to assume. The anxieties and the cultural pessimism of the 1970s, in fact, persisted beyond the end of the Cold War.
  • 2 - The world economy and the Cold War, 1970–1990
    pp 23-44
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    The 1970s began with the collapse of the gold-dollar exchange standard and the defeat of the United States in Vietnam, two events that jointly precipitated a ten-year-long crisis of US hegemony. This chapter highlights the relationship between the neoliberal revolution and the preceding crisis of US hegemony on the one side and the subsequent collapse of the USSR on the other. The reconstruction and upgrading of the German and Japanese economies were integral aspects of the internationalization of the US warfare-welfare state. The counterrevolutionary thrust of the neoliberal turn was evident not only on issues of economic development in the Third World, but also in its attempt to reverse the empowerment of labor that had occurred in First World countries in the 1950s and 1960s. The most immediate impact of the Cold War on the East Asian region was to reduce most of its states to a condition of vassalage vis-a-vis one or other of the two contending superpowers.
  • 3 - The rise and fall of Eurocommunism
    pp 45-65
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    The creation of a Western Communist pole was conceived of as a possibility in Italy and France, and perceived as a danger in Moscow. The partnership of the three Western Communist parties, such as French, Italian and Spanish, gave rise to Eurocommunism. The birth of Eurocommunism in the second half of the decade garnered attention in international public opinion for two reasons: first, because of its goal of modernizing European Communism; and, second, because it appeared to modify the Cold War landscape. Eurocommunism was a factor for change and a source of conflict in European politics. However, cultural change and alliance-building between Western Communists proved to be difficult, as evidenced by disagreements in the aftermath of Portugal's 'carnation revolution' in April 1974. The Madrid meeting of March 1977 marked the apex of Eurocommunism, but also the start of its decline. The French Communists sundered the alliance of the Left and embarked on a regression into orthodoxy.
  • 4 - The Cold War and Jimmy Carter
    pp 66-88
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    Americans focused on their inability to stop the Communists in Ethiopia, Afghanistan, and Nicaragua, and they neglected facts that were more salient for gauging the progress of the Cold War. During the Jimmy Carter presidency, the United States normalized diplomatic relations with China, excluded the Soviet Union from the Middle East peace process, and saw a grave challenge to Soviet control over Poland. Carter's attitude reflected the complicated situation of the United States in the world of the late 1970s, years stretched perilously between the twin certitudes of detente and Evil Empire. Carter was very cautious about deploying military force, but he was a flamethrower of soft power. He believed that he should be able to point out the faults of the Soviet Union and, at the same time, negotiate arms-control treaties that were in both countries' interests. The Carter administration warned Moscow not to invade Poland, and it worried about its limited options should Soviet tanks cross another border.
  • 5 - Soviet foreign policy from détente to Gorbachev, 1975–1985
    pp 89-111
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    Soviet international behavior in the decade before Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika is still an understudied and highly controversial topic. Some authors have long argued that the Soviet Union was greatly interested in detente in Europe, while neoconservative critics claimed that the USSR masterfully used detente in its quest for inexorable expansion and military superiority. This chapter explains the causes of the remarkable downturn of Soviet Union. In the period 1970-74, Brezhnev himself was the main architect of detente on the Soviet side. Through a combination of enormous institutional power, tactical skill, and alliances, he managed to neutralize, split, and defeat the domestic critics of detente. Soviet foreign-policy achievements in that period became personalized as the achievements of Brezhnev's statesmanship, the results of his policy of peace. The chapter focuses on the reaction to the Polish revolution, the pivotal moment in the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe.
  • 6 - Islamism, the Iranian revolution, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
    pp 112-134
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    Political Islam, or Islamism, which had a major effect on the Muslim world and its relations with the United States and its allies in the wake of the Iranian revolution and Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, arose in interaction with the dynamics of the Cold War. By the onset of the Cold War, the leaders of both countries promoted nationalist ideologies that emphasised the sanctity of religion and traditions, although without denying the need for secular national politics and development. The Iranian crisis materialised against the backdrop of Iran's experiencing nationalist political turbulence and the United States and the Soviet Union eyeing the country as an important strategic prize. From 1953, as Iran drifted into the US camp, Afghanistan incrementally took the opposite path in the politics of the Cold War. Finally, some elements of the US counter-intervention strategy are discussed.
  • 7 - The collapse of superpower détente, 1975–1980
    pp 135-155
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    The collapse of superpower detente did not happen overnight. Rather, it was a slow, eroding process, in which multiple events and forces added strength to one another and gradually tore apart the delicate fabric of lofty ideas, pragmatic assumptions, and half-sincere obligations associated with detente. This chapter argues that detente collapsed in four successive stages, each one having a distinct dynamic of its own, and that the process may be analyzed fruitfully from two different time perspectives: short- and long-term. From a US perspective, detente was essentially a realist strategy to cope with the challenge of Soviet power in an era of American relative decline. The emergence of Jimmy Carter as the thirty-ninth US president marked a turning point in US-Soviet relations. The fourth stage in the collapse of detente was set off by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan on December 27, 1979, and by the overthrow and killing of Hafizullah Amin in Kabul.
  • 8 - Japan and the Cold War, 1960–1991
    pp 156-180
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    Japan, along with Germany, played a central role in the Cold War. Both countries fought against the United States and its allies during World War II, and both emerged as key objectives and participants in the contest between the Soviet- and American-led blocs. Before 1969, the hard edges of the Cold War in Asia, and Japan's perceived economic weakness, led the United States to tolerate its ally's reluctance to confront its Communist neighbors more forcefully. Despite having nearly been killed by the Japanese navy in the South Pacific, Kennedy voiced strong, public admiration for Japan's postwar accomplishments. Between the 1950s and the early 1970s, the Vietnam War badly strained US-Japan relations. Early in 1973, following Nixon's reelection and the withdrawal of US forces from Vietnam, Kissinger returned to Beijing. Nixon's opening to China and the departure of American troops from Vietnam effectively ended the "classic" Cold War in Asia.
  • 9 - China and the Cold War after Mao
    pp 181-200
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    On September 9, 1976, Mao Zedong, the Chinese Communist leader who had ruled the country for twenty-seven years, died. After Mao's death, Deng Xiaoping emerged as China's paramount leader. At the center of China's political chronology in the last decade of Mao's life was the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Chinese-American rapprochement reshaped a world that had been profoundly divided by the global Cold War. In a handwritten letter, Carter told Deng that Beijing should not use military means to deal with Hanoi. After the Vietnamese Communists unified the whole country in 1975, hostility quickly developed between Beijing and Hanoi, eventually leading to a major border war in early 1979. Beijing's partnership with Washington and its continued confrontation with Moscow completely altered the balance of power between the two superpowers. The rapprochement between Beijing and Moscow ensured that the tragedy of Tiananmen would be widely covered by the international media.
  • 10 - The Cold War in Central America, 1975–1991
    pp 201-221
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    In Latin America, unlike most other regions, the Cold War projection of US power was based on its existing strategic and economic predominance. By World War I, the United States had succeeded either in controlling or in securing the overthrow of governments deemed unfriendly throughout Central America and the Caribbean. When Jimmy Carter assumed the US presidency in January 1977, only Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Colombia in Latin America had governments voted into office in open, competitive elections. The administration's chief policy goals in Central America included the destruction of the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua and victory over insurgents in El Salvador and Guatemala. In Guatemala and El Salvador, the Reagan administration supported the counterinsurgency campaigns of the local militaries. The end of the global Cold War during the presidency of George H. W. Bush pushed the new administration to alter course in Central America.
  • 11 - The Cold War and southern Africa, 1976–1990
    pp 222-243
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    Although southern Africa remained marginal to the Soviet-American relationship in the Cold War era, much of the history of the region in these years was shaped by the ideological confrontation between the superpowers. The Cold War appeared to have arrived in Africa with a vengeance as a direct consequence of the failure of the Ford administration, aided by the South African government, to prevent a Marxist party, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, from coming to power in Angola in 1975-76. Although the prospects of peace in southern Africa initially appeared brighter at the start of the 1980s, much of this period was a time of growing militancy, violence, and repression of dissent in the region. The South African government remained fixated by the perceived threat from the USSR and its regional proxies. The Cold War played a crucial role in the transition in the region from colonial and white minority rule to black majority rule.
  • 12 - The Gorbachev revolution and the end of the Cold War
    pp 244-266
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    The Gorbachev revolution was of decisive importance in relation to the end of the Cold War. Indeed, by the end of 1989, by which time the countries of Central and Eastern Europe had been come independent and non-Communist. The most important foreign policy-maker in the Soviet Union had traditionally been the general secretary, and so the fact that Gorbachev himself was playing that role was of prime significance. Prior to Gorbachev's general secretaryship, Soviet hegemony over Eastern Europe had remained unquestioned, as had the wisdom of the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in 1979. A notable milestone in the development of new thinking on security issues was an international conference, held in Moscow in February 1987, called 'The Forum for a Nuclear-Free World and the Survival of Humankind'. The most important examples of transnational influences for the conceptual revolution and policy transformation that occurred in the Soviet Union during perestroika were those on Gorbachev.
  • 13 - US foreign policy under Reagan and Bush
    pp 267-288
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    The US presidents played a critical role in bringing about the ending of the Cold War. This chapter examines the role of President Ronald Reagan and President George H. W. Bush in the Cold War. Reagan became more conciliatory, but Gorbachev revolutionized his country's foreign policy. Bush supported Gorbachev, but his propensity for prudence paled in comparison to Gorbachev's bold initiatives. Between 1981 and 1983, the Reagan administration adopted a hawkish posture toward the Soviet Union. This approach included tough rhetoric, a military buildup, and confrontational policies on arms control and regional conflicts. Reagan and Gorbachev both feared the possibility of an accidental nuclear exchange. The Bush administration believed that stable, managed change could occur only if the USSR remained united and Gorbachev's position remained strong. Although the Reagan and Bush administrations shared important goals with Soviet reformers and sought to support them, there is no doubt that some of Washington's policies made life very difficult for Soviet reformers.
  • 14 - Western Europe and the end of the Cold War, 1979–1989
    pp 289-310
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    This chapter argues that Western Europe contributed significantly to the way the Cold War ended. The West European desire to continue detente in the wake of the Afghanistan crisis acted as a brake on US policy during the 'new' Cold War and encouraged the improvement in relations afterwards. The most significant signs of the continuing health of the US-European alliance, the basic unity of their aims, and their common determination to maintain a strong defence against the USSR were reflected in NATO deliberations between 1979 and 1983. In the early 1980s, differences over Afghanistan and Poland had suggested a rift between the United States and Western Europe which the Kremlin might exploit, not least by playing on popular fears of nuclear war. Western Europe remained the only region in the world, other than North America, where in the mid-1980s liberal democracy seemed to be resilient.
  • 15 - The East European revolutions of 1989
    pp 311-332
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    Soviet acceptance of the collapse of East European Communist regimes in 1989 must be considered the most significant event leading to the end of the Cold War. This chapter argues that each revolution had specific national characteristics and their pace and scale were largely shaped by the gradual discovery of the scope of Soviet tolerance. Poland made the first of the series of revolutionary breakthroughs in Eastern Europe in 1989. However, the social and economic situation in Poland was too revolutionary for reform to be workable, and Solidarity was too strong for a real partnership to emerge. The repression of Solidarity was greeted with enormous relief in Moscow and by the leaders of the other Warsaw Pact countries. The democratic transformations initiated in 1989 by the Hungarian Socialist Worker's Party were bolder than those in Poland. The chapter finally discusses Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution, Berlin Wall, Romanian revolution and the fall of the East European regimes.
  • 16 - The unification of Germany, 1985–1991
    pp 333-355
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    The Cold War and the division of Germany were closely related. At the core of both was the question of which power was to dominate the center of Europe: the Soviet Union or the United States. German unity can be achieved only if the unification of the old continent proceeds. The only foreign leader who immediately backed the German position was US president George H. W. Bush. He, like most Americans, felt that pursuing reunification was a natural course after the Wall had collapsed. Although Bush was fully supportive of German unity, he called on Kohl to slow down and handle his partners more carefully. US officials rejected the idea of German neutrality; in their view, a united Germany must remain in NATO. The German government was determined to prevent the four powers from dictating the conditions and the time schedule for reunification no matter what the cost.
  • 17 - The collapse of the Soviet Union, 1990–1991
    pp 356-377
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    This chapter examines how the domestic factors helped to accentuate two outstanding features of the process of collapse: its speed and its remarkably peaceful course. It considers the domestic course and dynamics of the story they affected. The Soviet collapse was shaped overwhelmingly by domestic factors. External developments had an indirect impact on changes within the USSR, through the cumulative effects of underlying shifts in the international landscape and as a result of strategic moves that opened the Soviet Union to outside influence. In any assessment of how East European influences and Western responses figured in the development of nationalist movements in the Soviet Union, the Baltic states occupy a special place. The cautious approach taken by Western leaders increased their capacity to exercise some influence on Baltic developments through engagement with the Kremlin. In the atmosphere of growing crisis that marked the second act of the Soviet collapse, there was a qualitative shift in the nature of Western engagement.
  • 18 - Science, technology, and the Cold War
    pp 378-399
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    What made the Cold War peculiarly dangerous and ubiquitous was the power of modern technology, most obviously nuclear weapons. This chapter focuses on new technologies, such as transistors, satellites, and computers. American physicist, Alvin Weinberg in 1961, helped popularise 'Big Science' as a catchphrase of the 1960s. 'The Cold War', writes science historian Nikolai Krementsov, gave defining meaning to two systems of Big Science, two mutually isolated but interdependent creatures, each almost unthinkable without the other. The computer revolution offers a good example of how a vital technology fuelled the Cold War, but also developed a trajectory and momentum of its own, particularly in the capitalist West. Electronic computers were another spin-off from the Second World War. The greatest effect of satellites was on communications. Demand for international communications also increased with the growth of world trade and travel. Microprocessors designed originally for electronic calculators were adapted as computer memory, cutting the size and price of computers dramatically.
  • 19 - Transnational organizations and the Cold War
    pp 400-421
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    This chapter focuses on issues of 'high politics', such as the military and arms-control policies of the superpowers, particularly concerning nuclear weapons, and their involvement in regional conflicts. The heyday of transnational influence on Soviet foreign and security policy came during the period of Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms in the second half of the 1980s. The post-Stalin era witnessed the birth of one of the most prominent transnational organizations, the Conference on Science and World Affairs, known as the Pugwash Movement, after the estate in Nova Scotia where it held its first meeting in 1957. Khrushchev came to appreciate the role that a transnational dialogue with independent foreign scientists could play in reducing the risk of war. Indeed, the first half-decade of the Leonid Brezhnev era marked a high point in the activities of the transnational scientists' movement. By the beginning of the second decade of Brezhnev's rule, the mid-1970s, the transnational activists' successes had virtually put them out of business.
  • 20 - The biosphere and the Cold War
    pp 422-444
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    This chapter addresses some of the linkages between environmental change and the Cold War. It then focuses on three aspects: agriculture, especially the Green Revolution; transportation infrastructure, especially roads; and weapons production, especially nuclear weapons. Most environmental change derives from economic activity, and the Cold War was, among other things, a contest of economic production. The most bizarre epoch in the history of human relations with the biosphere began with the close of World War II. After 1945, the human race was fruitful and multiplied as never before, depleting more than replenishing the earth. Tradition and reaction hamstrung the Green Revolution in the USSR. Hanford was the principle atomic bomb factory in the United States throughout the Cold War. The nuclear-weapons programs of the Cold War probably killed a few hundred thousand people, at most a couple of million, most of them slowly and indirectly via fatal cancers caused by radioactivity releases.
  • 21 - The Cold War and human rights
    pp 445-465
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    This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Cold War and human rights, concentrating particularly on the global rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union. It discusses the expectations generated by wartime rhetoric, and investigates the role that human rights ideas played in the ending of the Cold War, an ending that was not only unexpected, but also unexpectedly peaceful. The precursors for human rights ideas date back several centuries. However, the twentieth century saw the quickening of interest in areas such as women's minority rights, and over the course of the Second World War human rights talk expanded enormously. The Helsinki process provided the means by which to express a common Western policy on rights, it acted as a focal point for domestic and trans-national activist pressure, and it had an impact on Mikhail Gorbachev's thinking about the Soviet place in the world.
  • 22 - The Cold War in the longue durée: global migration, public health, and population control
    pp 466-488
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    This chapter discusses the Cold War's impact on history over the longue duree only by situating it in a more global perspective, one that takes account of changes in populations and the environment, and not just national governments and international borders. The ideology of liberalism would appear to preclude policies to harness people's bodies to serve state interests, or deny individuals' ability to move about with the same freedom as capital, goods, and ideas. But the "leader of the free world" was actually a pioneer in employing migration and sterilization to control the composition of its population. Public-health campaigns had varied outcomes, but their history cannot be reduced to a Cold War story, any more than the history of global migration can. In the course of the 1960s, the US government began giving ever stronger support to population control, pressing other wealthy nations to join in supplying contraceptives while pushing poor countries to accept them.
  • 23 - Consumer capitalism and the end of the Cold War
    pp 489-512
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    During the chaotic days of the Cold War's end in East Germany and throughout Eastern Europe, capitalist-made consumer goods often seemed both the symbols and the substance of freedom. This chapter emphasizes the transnational spread of ideas associated with mass consumerism. It then argues that mass consumption contributed to the Cold War's end less because it was closely identified with the United States than because it was no longer primarily associated with it. In the closing years of the nineteenth century, many people in the world came to associate mass-produced consumer goods with the United States. World War II lifted the United States out of the Great Depression and restored the basis for a flourishing consumerism at home and abroad. Robust consumer revolutions, inspired by the American model, transformed most countries of Western Europe and Japan from the mid-1950s on.
  • 24 - An ‘incredibly swift transition’: reflections on the end of the Cold War
    pp 513-534
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    The end of Cold War was dramatic, decisive, and remarkably peaceful: a rapid succession of extraordinary events, symbolised above all by the opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the end of the USSR in December 1991. This chapter summarises certain characteristics of the Cold War that help to explain its ending. It then explores six possible explanations for the end of the Cold War. The 'incredibly swift transition' of 1989-91 was the most remarkable case of large-scale peaceful change in world history. The historical evidence suggests a multi-faceted explanation of the end of the Cold War. Each of the six possible explanations explored is well supported and has persuasive power. The documentary evidence now available indicates that the pressures for change felt by the Soviet leadership were of many different kinds: some came from Europe rather than the United States, and some dated back to long before Reagan's presidency.
  • 25 - The restructuring of the international system after the Cold War
    pp 535-556
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    The restructuring of international relations after the Cold War is a tale of two orders. During the Cold War, these two orders coexisted. One was the Cold War bipolar order. The other was the American-led liberal hegemonic order that existed "inside" the larger bipolar global system. This chapter makes four arguments. First, the end of the Cold War was a conservative world-historical event, a story of the triumph, continuity, and consolidation of the American-led postwar order. Second, this "inside" order expanded and deepened during the 1990s and onward. Its watchwords were globalization, integration, democratization, and the expansion of liberal international order. Third, along the way, however, the bargains and institutions of this American-led order came under pressure. Finally, out of this crisis of governance, new forms of cooperation are taking shape. The post-Cold War era of American-led order seems to be giving way to a new pluralism of governance.
  • Bibliographical essay
    pp 557-602
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    This bibliography of the Cambridge History of the Cold War presents the critical overviews of the literature available in each subfield of historical investigation. A large amount of literature about Eurocommunism was written in the second half of the 1970s and in the early 1980s. However, this literature is now much more meaningful as a source for understanding the political and intellectual perception of the phenomenon at the time than for studying it today. Richard Andersen's Public Politics in an Authoritarian State: Making Foreign Policy during the Brezhnev Years is a fine study of Soviet foreign policy of the Leonid Brezhnev period with special emphasis on internal political struggles in the Soviet elite. The indispensable work for students of superpower detente and its collapse in the 1970s is Raymond L. Garthoff, Detente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan, rev. ed.

This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.

RaymondAron, , ‘Student Rebellion: Vision of the Future or Echo from the Past?’, Political Science Quarterly, 84, 2 (1969).

VáclavBenda, , ‘The Parallel “Polis”’, in H. Gordon Skilling and Paul Wilson (eds.), Civic Freedom in Central Europe: Voices from Czechoslovakia (London: Macmillan, 1991).

Jeffrey C. Isaac, , ‘Critics of Totalitarianism’, in Terence Ball and Richard Bellamy (eds.), The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

HelmutSchelsky, , Die Arbeit tun die anderen: Klassenkampf und Priesterherrschaft der Intellektuellen (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1975).

GiovanniArrighi, , Beverly J. Silver, and Benjamin D. Brewer, “Industrial Convergence and the Persistence of the North–South Divide,” Studies in Comparative International Development, 38 (2003).

GiovanniArrighi, , “Globalization and Uneven Development,” in I. Rossi (ed.), Frontiers of Globalization Research: Theoretical and Methodological Approaches (New York: Springer, 2007), table 2.

Benjamin J. Cohen, , Organizing the World’s Money (New York: Basic Books, 1977);

MakotoItoh, , The World Economic Crisis and Japanese Capitalism (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990);

Ozawa, “Pax Americana-Led Macro-Clustering and Flying-Geese-Style Catch-Up in East Asia: Mechanisms of Regionalized Endogenous Growth.” Journal of Asian Economics, 13 (2003).

John G. Ruggie, , “Third Try at World Order? America and Multilateralism after the Cold War,” Political Science Quarterly, 109 (1994).

Beverly J. Silver, , Forces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) –61.

Beverly J. Silver, and Giovanni Arrighi, “Polanyi’s ‘Double Movement’: The Belles Epoques of British and US Hegemony Compared,” Politics and Society, 31 (2003) –55.

SilvioPons, , “Meetings between the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Moscow and Rome, 1978–1980,” Cold War History, 3 (2002) –66.

JeremiSuri, , “The Promise and Failure of ‘Developed Socialism:’ The Soviet ‘Thaw’ and the Crucible of the Prague Spring, 1964–1972,” Contemporary European History, 15, 2 (2006) –58.

Odd Arne Westad, , The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

Shaheen F. Dil, , ‘The Cabal in Kabul: Great-Power Interaction in Afghanistan’, American Political Science Review, 71 (1977).

G.Farrell, and J. Thorne, ‘Where Have All the Flowers Gone? Evaluation of the Taliban Crackdown against Poppy Cultivation in Afghanistan’, International Journal of Drug Policy, 16, 2 (2005).

ThomasHavens, , Fire Across the Sea: The Vietnam War and Japan, 1965–1975 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987).

George R. Packard, , III, Protest in Tokyo (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966) –86.

Edwin O. Reischauer, , “The Broken Dialogue with Japan,” Foreign Affairs, 39 (October 1960).

JussiHanhimä, , The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004);

YangKuisong, , “The Sino-Soviet Border Clash of 1969,” Cold War History, 1, 1 (August 2000).

JeremiSuri, , Henry Kissinger and the American Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007) –84, 234–35;

W. RaymondDuncan, , “Soviet Interests in Latin America: New Opportunities and Old Constraints,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs, 26, 2 (May 1984) –98.

EytanGilboa, , “The Panama Invasion Revisited: Lessons for the Use of Force in the Post Cold War Era,” Political Science Quarterly, 110, 4 (Winter, 1995) –62.

GregGrandin, , The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000) –33.

DouglasAnglin, , ‘Southern African Responses to East European Developments’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 28, 3 (1990) –55.

A.DeRoche, , ‘Non-Alignment on the Racial Frontier: Zambia and the USA 1964–1968’, Cold War History 7, 2 (2007) –50.

A.Guelke, , ‘The Impact of the End of the Cold War on the South African Transition’, and J. Daniel, ‘A Response to Guelke: The Cold War Factor in the South African Transition’, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 14, 1 (1996) –04.

AdrianGuelke, , ‘Southern Africa and the Superpowers’, International Affairs, 56., 4 (Autumn 1980).

S. F.Jackson, , ‘China’s Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–1993’, China Quarterly, 142 (1995);

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