Huencú Nazar es un sitio arqueológico a cielo abierto localizado en el Sistema Lagunar Hinojo-Las Tunas (región pampeana, Argentina) que fue ocupado durante el Holoceno tardío (ca. 3000 aP). En un área de 5.000 m2 se distribuyen 22 fogones, escondrijos de roca y concentraciones de rocas granitoides. En uno de los sectores excavados se registraron fogones en cubeta y el uso de huesos de Lama guanicoe (Artiodactyla, Camelidae) como combustible. El uso de combustible óseo permitió solucionar el problema de los residuos molestos para la comodidad de las personas ubicadas alrededor de los fogones. En torno a las estructuras de combustión se depositaron materiales relacionados con la subsistencia y la tecnología.

En el Viejo Mundo algunos arqueobotánicos, a partir de fuentes etnográficas y etnobotánicas, desarrollaron modelos interpretativos sobre el procesamiento de cereales, pudiendo interpretar antiguas prácticas de preparación y consumo a partir de restos arqueobotánicos. En el caso del Noroeste argentino, los estudios etnobotánicos —junto a otros de corte etnohistórico o histórico— han permitido abordar el análisis de restos arqueobotánicos procurando identificar los trazos materiales de comportamientos vinculados a diversas preparaciones culinarias en las que participaron distintas plantas y partes de las mismas. El objetivo del trabajo es analizar las posibles técnicas de procesamiento de los restos del género Chenopodium recuperados del sitio de Soria 2 (Valle de Yocavil), del período Formativo, a partir de un modelo etnobotánico y experimental. Se recuperaron 23 ejemplares del género Chenopodium, los cuales pertenecen a Chenopodium sp., Chenopodium quinoa var. quinoa y C. cf. carnosulum. El 57% de los restos presentaron evidencias de procesamiento. Los restantes mostraron deterioros que, si bien permitieron identificarlos, no hicieron posible la identificación de marcas de procesamiento. La aplicación de este tipo de estudios a restos arqueobotánicos permite un acercamiento más detallado sobre las prácticas poscosecha llevadas a cabo por las sociedades en el pasado.

Dentre as inúmeras informações possíveis de se obter a partir da análise de artefatos ósseos, uma delas é a identificação das espécies e partes anatômicas utilizadas para a confecção desses artefatos. No território brasileiro, quatro espécies de cervídeos são comumente encontradas nas regiões sul e sudeste: Mazama americana, Mazama gouazoubira, Ozotoceros bezoarticus e Blastocerus dichotomus. Ao longo do Holoceno, ossos e galhadas dessas espécies de cervídeos foram utilizados no lascamento lítico, na produção de pontas ósseas e espátulas, entre outros artefatos. Estudos preliminares dos artefatos ósseos recuperados de três sítios arqueológicos de grupos caçadores-coletores do sudeste e sul do Brasil - sítio Lapa do Santo (MG), sítio Tunas (PR), e sítio Garivaldino (RS) - demonstram uma preferência por ossos de cervídeos para a confecção desses artefatos.

The European conquest and colonization of the Caribbean precipitated massive changes in indigenous cultures and societies of the region. One of the earliest changes was the introduction of new plant and animal foods and culinary traditions. This study presents the first archaeological reconstruction of indigenous diets and foodways in the Caribbean spanning the historical divide of 1492. We use multiple isotope datasets to reconstruct these diets and investigate the potential relationships between dietary and mobility patterns at multiple scales. Dietary patterns are assessed by isotope analyses of different skeletal elements from the archaeological skeletal population of El Chorro de Maíta, Cuba. This approach integrates carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of bone and dentine collagen with carbon and oxygen isotope analyses of bone and enamel apatite. The isotope results document extreme intrapopulation dietary heterogeneity but few systematic differences in diet between demographic/social groups. Comparisons with published isotope data from other precolonial and colonial period populations in the Caribbean indicate distinct dietary and subsistence practices at El Chorro de Maíta. The majority of the local population consumed more animal protein resources than other indigenous populations in the Caribbean, and their overall dietary patterns are more similar to colonial period enslaved populations than to indigenous ones.

In this article, I investigate the Northern and Southern Moche archaeological cultures by evaluating the data gathered and theories developed since their first identification 25 years ago. I suggest that what was previously considered the Southern Moche tradition was the dominant one throughout most of the North Coast, with regional variations, prior to about AD 650. After that date, the “Classic Moche” tradition ended in both regions and was succeeded by distinct Northern and Southern ceramic and mortuary traditions and, inferentially, reorganized social, political, and religious systems as well. The relations between regional mortuary and other traditions and fineware styles are considered in light of pan-regional dynamics including the ascendancy of the Wari Empire.

We investigated foodways at Real Alto, an early Formative (4400–1800 BC) Valdivia site in coastal Ecuador, using starch and phytoliths recovered from 50 stone tools from three residential and two ceremonial structures, as well as 46 human dental calculus samples, to explore how food reflects the social relationships and economy of the community. Maize was important in daily meals and ceremonial foods by the Middle Valdivia (2800–2400 BC), but it was only one component of an agricultural system that included yuca, arrowroot, llerén, canna, yam, jackbean, squash, gourd, chili, and cotton. Ceremonial and everyday foods at Real Alto did not differ: actions surrounding food were both domestic and ceremonial, depending on context. Households had equal access to annual crops and to root-tubers with longer growing seasons. Gelatinized starch was commonly recovered on tools, indicating the processing of cooked foods. Dental calculus residues confirmed common consumption of cooked foods, fruits, and root-tubers. Cultivating crops with different water and growing season requirements necessitated diverse practices, potentially including selection of short-season varieties, hand watering, and growing crops over multiple rainy seasons. The latter two practices required increased labor inputs: access to labor was likely a key element supporting the nascent social hierarchy that emerged by the Middle Valdivia.

The famous greenstone figure known as the Tuxtla Statuette is one of only 12 objects known to bear an epi-Olmec inscription and was the first to become known to scholarship. For more than a century its original find-spot was imprecisely and erroneously identified as lying in the township of San Andrés Tuxtla or, more generally, in the Tuxtla Mountains. Correspondence in the National Anthropology Archives of the Smithsonian Institution documents that the figure was found on the Hacienda de Hueyapan de Mimendi, near the colossal head of Tres Zapotes. Archival research in Mexico's National Museum of Anthropology and the Archivo General del Estado de Veracruz, as well as interviews with descendants of owners of the Hacienda de Hueyapan and the statuette, allow us to confirm several features of the Smithsonian correspondence. The data indicate that the statuette was found within or very near the epi-Olmec regional center of Tres Zapotes and within the township of Santiago Tuxtla.

In the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul, the term cerrito was traditionally used to designate archaeological phenomena that emerge in the form of mounds in different landscapes. Except for recent research developed in the southwestern region of the Patos Lagoon, few advances have occurred since the 1980s in the study of cerritos in Brazil. This article presents an analysis of the lithic industries of sites with mounds in the southwestern region of the Patos Lagoon and in the central region in the current territory of Rio Grande do Sul. The results, along with other data from the sites, suggest that coastal sites were occupied by sedentary fisher-hunter-gatherers, who also possibly domesticated certain plants. Lithic material was scarce there and was mainly produced from pebbles and quartz cobbles using the anvil technique. In contrast, central region formations presented mounds on outcrops, using land, pebbles, and boulders; the area was occupied by a hunter-gatherer group that had projectile points and other instruments carved mainly by façonnage and débitage.

The anthracological analyses of domestic and ceremonial contexts of proto-Jê archaeological sites in southern Brazil and Argentina have yielded data regarding landscape, fire technology, fuel economy, wood selection, and wood use from about 1200 to 250 years BP. The inhabitants of these sites built up the landscape that they occupied, actively constructing and experiencing their domestic and ceremonial places and possibly engaging in vegetation management practices. They gathered timber and firewood in the Araucaria Forest and in intensely modified areas covered by secondary vegetation. These practices likely included logging and gathering fallen deadwood. Our data indicate cultural selection of particular species. Inga sp., Jacaranda sp., and Araucaria angustifolia were probably selected because of the meaning of these woods in the cosmological dual system of proto-Jê societies. Bamboos and palm stems may have been used as kindling and for fire making. These results are an important contribution to our understanding of the proto-Jê occupation and the relationships that these groups maintained with their plant environment.

We explored the site context of a late Holocene shell midden on the coast of Los Vilos in north-central Chile (31°51′ S, South America) to better understand the spatial organization of short-term, small-sized hunter-gatherer campsites. The Dunas de Agua Amarilla (LV 007) site comprises 14 separate surf clam refuse deposits. Extensive stratigraphic excavations of the shell middens and the areas free of residue allowed interpretation of potential activity areas bounded by hearths, the shell middens, and a possible dwelling space. Late Holocene campsites in the area correspond to brief occupational events framed within littoral residential mobility, in which predictable coastal resources became a staple for groups residing and circulating over long periods in the area. Data on shell midden composition and the spatial distribution of site features shed light on the organizational dynamics of dwelling and activity spaces of coastal hunter-gatherers of the South Pacific.

In this article, we use the precision of Bayesian modeled radiocarbon dates to reconstruct a generational history of Late Preclassic (300 BC–AD 250) Cerros (Cerro Maya), Belize. This research was made possible by long-curated excavation records and material remains now housed at the Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville. Our interpretations build on earlier research and refine the temporal resolution significantly, enabling us to view site development from the perspective of adjacent generations sharing a lived experience. Here we examine material evidence of their collective actions as they built new buildings and renovated aging ones, characterizing their roles in inventing a visual future for the Late Preclassic Maya port that engaged ancestral actions while reinventing the landscape.

We examined copper production at the archaeological site of El Manchón, located in the Sierra Madre del Sur of Guerrero, using archaeological, historical, ethnographic, and materials engineering data. Thirty-six AMS wood charcoal samples from El Manchón, analyzed using Bayseian statistics, date the two domestic sectors of El Manchón from cal AD 1250–1440 (Sector 1) and cal AD 1280–1680 (Sector 3). The smelting sector (Sector 2) contains copper ore and slag and dates to cal AD 1630–1825. Historical sources show that the Spanish had no experience smelting copper metal and were forced to negotiate with indigenous specialists to acquire smelted copper. These specialists provided it in return for tax exemptions and other economic privileges. The indigenous specialists requested iron tools for mining; the Spanish suggested introducing bellows to smelt copper in volume. In the smelting sector we excavated the stone foundations and a slag cake that conform to the dimensions of a hand-powered bellows-driven furnace in which the copper ore was smelted in a circular depression known as a cendrada. Thus far, this furnace design has only been excavated at El Manchón. This bellows-powered furnace was likely operated by indigenous Manchón specialists, who probably initially smelted copper using the more ancient blowpipe technology. The dates for the smelting and occupation of El Manchón overlap.

En este trabajo se discute la movilidad y uso del espacio terrestre por parte de los grupos cazadores-recolectores costeros que habitaron la Bahía Moat, en la costa sureste de Tierra del Fuego, Argentina. Para ello, se analizan las pautas de explotación del guanaco (Lama guanicoe), único animal terrestre que tuvo un rol significativo para la subsistencia y requirió planificación en términos logísticos para su aprovechamiento. Los conjuntos estudiados corresponden al Holoceno tardío y los restos óseos se analizan en función de distintos modelos y marcos de referencia que evalúan las modalidades de búsqueda, transporte y procesamiento de camélidos. Los resultados alcanzados permiten plantear que la organización espacial de las prácticas de subsistencia pudo haberse desarrollado a partir de un alto dinamismo entre la costa y el interior. El elevado consumo de guanacos, junto con los patrones de selección y transporte, sugiere que las partidas de caza hacia el interior y las zonas ecológicas adyacentes al litoral pudieron haber estado integradas logísticamente dentro de un sistema de movilidad residencial localizado geográficamente en la costa.

In premodern economic systems where the social embedding of exchange provided actors with the ability to control or monopolize trade, including the goods that enter and leave a marketplace, “restricted markets” formed. These markets produced external revenues that could be used to achieve political goals. Conversely, commercialized systems required investment in public goods that incentivize the development of market cooperation and “open markets,” where buyers and sellers from across social sectors and diverse communities could engage in exchange as economic equals within marketplaces. In this article, we compare market development at the Late Postclassic sites of Chetumal, Belize, and Tlaxcallan, Mexico. We identified a restricted market at Chetumal, using the distribution of exotic goods, particularly militarily and ritually charged obsidian projectile points; in contrast, an open market was built at Tlaxcallan. Collective action theory provides a useful framework to understand these differences in market development. We argue that Tlaxcaltecan political architects adopted more collective strategies, in which open markets figured, to encourage cooperation among an ethnically diverse population.

El registro arqueológico de cazadores-recolectores localizado en ambientes de altura ha sido ampliamente debatido en la literatura mundial. Las discusiones se han centrado en su funcionalidad, cronología, complementariedad con ambientes bajos y significado en los procesos de poblamiento de distintas regiones. Los Andes meridionales cuentan con un amplio espacio cordillerano dentro del cual se emplazan una serie de sitios arqueológicos localizados a aproximadamente 3.000 m snm. Las duras condiciones climáticas de estos ambientes, así como la presencia de estructuras habitacionales, despertó el interés de los investigadores en relación con su funcionalidad, tiempo de permanencia y manejo de los recursos locales. En este trabajo se presenta la información zooarqueológica de cuatro sitios de altura localizados en un sector de los Andes meridionales, en el sur de la provincia de Mendoza, Argentina: El Indígeno, Los Peuquenes, Laguna del Diamante S-4 y Risco de los Indios. El material arqueofaunístico analizado es evaluado a la luz de las características ambientales, los costos de transporte y la funcionalidad de estas locaciones en relación con los circuitos de explotación anual. Los resultados muestran un uso de taxones restringido, con un fuerte énfasis en el guanaco, y un escaso transporte de fauna desde y hacia pisos ecológicos localizados a menor altitud. Todo esto sugiere el uso de los sitios de manera residencial y no como lugares de obtención de presas para su procesamiento y traslado hacia localizaciones más bajas.

Este artigo faz uma análise das práticas portuárias empregadas no comércio de africanos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante as duas primeiras décadas do século dezenove. A partir da diferenciação conceitual entre desembarque e descarga final das arqueações de cativos, novos dados obtidos em fontes primárias inéditas foram confrontados com relatos de cronistas e com fontes documentais tradicionalmente conhecidas. Sob essa perspectiva, o texto apresenta um panorama sólido e plausível sobre o processo de importação de escravizados, resgatando a importância do papel da alfândega do Rio de Janeiro como primeiro local de desembarque, e deslocando para o litoral da Saúde, no antigo bairro do Valongo, o local de descarga final das arqueações de africanos. Trata-se, portanto, de um cenário divergente da teoria corrente, segundo a qual o Cais do Valongo, localizado na enseada do Valonguinho, teria sido a porta de entrada dos milhares de cativos africanos que chegaram ao Rio de Janeiro.

In this study, we generate novel insights regarding bodily ornaments from indigenous societies of late precolonial Greater Antilles. Previous research has highlighted the sociopolitical role of valuable, exotic, and figurative ornaments, yet there are many gaps in our current understanding of these artifacts. Here, we focus on ornaments from five recently excavated sites in the Dominican Republic (AD 800–1600). We used microwear analysis to investigate each ornament and assess its production sequence and use life. These data permitted the definition of morpho-technical groups, which we then compared to depositional contexts and the regional availability of raw materials. We demonstrate that (1) there was small-scale production of ornaments at the sites, (2) the most recurrent morpho-technical groups were likely imported from production centers, and (3) ornaments of the same group could lead different use lives and be deposited through varied processes. We conclude that bodily ornaments had highly diverse biographies involving local and regional interaction networks.

Este trabajo contribuye, desde la bioarqueología, al estudio de la dieta de las poblaciones que habitaron el sur del Noreste argentino (NEA) durante el Holoceno tardío (desde ca. 2000 aP). Específicamente, se evalúa el consumo de vegetales y los posibles modos de procesamiento de los alimentos. Se revelan diferentes bioindicadores bucodentales en tres muestras bioarqueológicas de tres sectores geográficos: Delta superior e inferior del río Paraná (entre ca. 570 y 850 cal aP) y cuenca inferior del río Uruguay (ca. 2000 cal aP). Los bioindicadores observados en las tres muestras (1.355 dientes y 1.693 alveolos) se ajustan a lo esperado para economías mixtas de caza-pesca-recolección y horticultura. Los recursos animales constituyeron el componente principal de la alimentación, mientras que el consumo de vegetales fue un importante complemento en la dieta. Se registran diferentes modos de procesar los alimentos que atenuaron el estrés masticatorio y se destaca que la dieta habría sido más abrasiva en la muestra del Uruguay inferior en comparación con las otras dos muestras. Los resultados obtenidos, al integrarse con información disponible de otras líneas de análisis (e.g., arqueobotánicas, zooarqueológicas), aportan y amplían el conocimiento sobre la alimentación de las poblaciones prehispánicas del sur del NEA.

Hacia 1820, luego de una expedición dirigida por Louis Claude de Sauces de Freycinet, el dibujante del equipo científico, Jacques Arago (1790-1855), negoció un conjunto de objetos de curiosidad con el recién fundado Museo Real, en Rio de Janeiro, entonces capital del Imperio luso-brasilero. Entre los ítems negociados, se encontraban dos cabezas embalsamadas de reyes neozelandeses. Éstas, en particular, accionaron un intrincado conjunto de actores, posiciones y proyectos que ponen de manifiesto la organización sociocultural de ese período, principalmente la relación entre Ciencia, Museos e Imperio-Nación. El artículo propone una primera lectura desde las condiciones de obtención de los dos restos, enfatizando los múltiples regímenes de objetivación por los que han pasado; desde el intercambio de armas en el contexto de las guerras coloniales; su negociación como artículos de colección científica; y finalmente, los recientes debates sobre la humanización de la Antropología y la repatriación de antepasados desaparecidos.

Nuestro objetivo es estudiar las estrategias de uso del espacio por parte de sociedades humanas móviles en un paisaje andino de Patagonia caracterizado por una marcada heterogeneidad topográfica, climática y ecológica (localidad de Barrancas-Buta Ranquil, provincia del Neuquén, Argentina). Inicialmente, se analiza la estructura del paisaje desde una perspectiva biogeográfica, desarrollando un modelo de estacionalidad mediante sistemas de información geográfica. Nuestro enfoque distribucional combina una prospección sistemática para caracterizar la estructura espacial del registro en superficie y evidencias que han sido obtenidas bajo otras estrategias de muestreo. Sobre la base de la distribución de artefactos líticos y cerámicos y de motivos rupestres, se evalúan patrones de intensidad ocupacional, diversidad funcional y circulación de información en sectores del espacio con propiedades biogeográficas diferentes. Los resultados sugieren una delimitación funcional del espacio en escala temporal promediada, en la cual los espacios intermedios habrían funcionado como lugares centrales desde donde se articulan movimientos logísticos hacia otros sectores del paisaje. Dado que la unidad de muestreo captura variación biogeográfica que se expresa en forma regional más amplia, el modelo de uso del espacio propuesto es relevante para la comprensión de la arqueología del noroeste de Patagonia en general.