This article focuses on the placement of ruins in the Mixtec landscape and in painted screen-fold manuscripts or codices during the Late Postclassic period, with an eye toward shedding light on broader Mesoamerican dynamics. I argue that while ruins of previous ages constituted meaningful links to the past in and of themselves, much of their significance, or even “vibrancy,” in the Postclassic inhered from the processes of persons journeying to and from them across the landscape. In the highly mountainous terrain of the Mixtec highlands, this movement frequently involved dramatic vertical ascents and descents, a phenomenon accentuated in the surviving codices from the region. Drawing from archaeological, textual, and iconographic evidence, I argue that this vertical movement to and from ruins of the past was closely intertwined with Mesoamerican understandings of temporality, and that traversing up and down the landscape could effectively constitute a kind of movement through time. Consistent with our grasp of Mesoamerican temporalities more generally, these spatiotemporal movements should not be seen as linear or teleological but instead as largely cyclical and bound up with concerns surrounding cosmic renewal.

A la caída de Teotihuacan, la ciudad no queda en total abandono; grupos culturales continuaron viviendo sobre las ruinas, reutilizando espacios y áreas a las que quizás, en algún momento, no les era permitido acceder. Hacia 600-650 dC comienza a prevalecer un nuevo complejo cerámico Coyotlatelco integrado por formas, diseños y estilos, y caracterizado por la decoración rojo sobre café. En el 800-850 dC el complejo cerámico Mazapa se encuentra en el área; sus formas y estilos (la decoración con líneas ondulantes y la olla blanco levantado cuyo origen se remonta a la región del Bajío) la hacen diferente. De 1390 dC a 1520 dC, el Complejo cerámico Azteca II, III tardío, IV y contacto está presente en Teotihuacan. Toda esta intensa actividad que se dio sobre la antigua urbe se ve reflejada en los túneles que se encuentran al este de la Pirámide del Sol. De 1987 a 1996, Linda R. Manzanilla lleva a cabo un proyecto interdisciplinario donde excava extensivamente cuatro túneles, y registra diferentes actividades al interior de ellos. Con el análisis detallado de la cerámica se pudieron identificar, ubicar cronológicamente y conformar los complejos cerámicos Coyotlatelco, Mazapa y Azteca en Teotihuacan.

Este trabajo tiene un doble objetivo, por un lado, profundizar el estudio de las prácticas alimentarias y la dieta de las poblaciones que habitaron la costa sur de la Laguna Mar Chiquita, mediante el análisis de microrrestos vegetales en contenedores cerámicos y, por otro, conocer las modalidades de producción de dichos objetos, en vínculo con estas prácticas culinarias, desde una perspectiva tecnológica. Para ello, se analizaron 34 fragmentos, procedentes de los sitios El Diquecito e Isla Orihuela Playa Sudeste, correspondientes al Holoceno tardío. Entre los artefactos identificados se encuentran vasijas simples y compuestas, abiertas y cerradas. Los análisis permitieron identificar tanto especies vegetales silvestres (algarrobo, chañar y Arecaceae) como cultivadas (maíz, zapallo o calabaza, porotos, papa y mandioca), evidenciando una notable diversidad en las plantas seleccionadas y el uso de recipientes específicos según las preparaciones. Este abordaje multidisciplinar integra información arqueobotánica y tecnológica sobre los recipientes cerámicos, sus formas, usos y funciones, contribuyendo a comprender los modos de vida y prácticas cotidianas de estas poblaciones cazadoras-recolectoras-horticultoras, destacando su interacción con las plantas en las llanuras cordobesas.

New Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates from archived samples from the site of Ch’uxuqullu, excavated 30 years ago on the Island of the Sun, Bolivia, provide a more precise and older chronology for human occupation. The first occupation began in the middle of the fourth millennium BC, considerably earlier than previously known. The site area was continually in use from at least 3500 BC up to around 160 BC. This new data, in conjunction with work in the last two decades, provides new insights into the archaeology of the lake region. The first use of pottery on the island is now refined with greater precision than previously proposed. We also know that watercraft technology began a millennium earlier than originally suggested. We report on these new dates and briefly discuss their implications for archaeological models of exchange and sedentism in the circum-Titicaca Basin.

This article presents the results of the first diachronic study of obsidian procurement patterns in the Gulf of Fonseca on the Pacific coast of Central America; it sheds light on the integration of the region in long-distance exchange systems. This study is based on portable X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (pXRF) analysis of all 713 obsidian artifacts collected from Terminal Classic and Postclassic contexts on Tigre Island, Honduras, and of 54 additional obsidian artifacts from two sites on the south coast of Honduras that are housed in museum collections. Analysis of obsidian artifacts collected in the excavation of the earlier occupation of the site of La Tigüilotada (AD 800–1200) on Tigre Island revealed the predominance of Ixtepeque obsidian and the lesser presence of Güinope obsidian. Obsidian artifacts from excavations of the reoccupation of La Tigüilotada (AD 1300–1500) and of the site of Gualorita (AD 1400–1550) relied almost exclusively on La Esperanza obsidian. Least-cost path analysis shows likely riverine routes connecting all three sources to the Gulf. We contextualize these results within prior obsidian sourcing studies from the region and conclude that precolonial island settlements took part in different transference networks from their mainland counterparts.

Se presentan los detalles del rescate de una tumba parcialmente saqueada, localizada al pie del Jasi Hablador —un gran paredón de areniscas terciarias, ubicado al norte del Departamento de Belén, Catamarca, Argentina—, y los primeros avances en el análisis de los materiales recuperados. Fue posible rescatar más de 30 fragmentos de textiles, abundantes restos óseos humanos —algunos con tejidos blandos— y distintos materiales arqueobotánicos secos. Una datación radiocarbónica sobre una muestra textil arrojó una fecha para mediados del siglo quince dC, coincidente con la ocupación inka en la región. A partir de estos primeros resultados, se discute la relación de este espacio funerario con el paisaje del Jasi Hablador en el contexto más amplio de la conquista inka. La preservación de los materiales orgánicos en el sitio es excepcional para la región, por lo cual, la continuidad de estos estudios aportará información de gran relevancia sobre los vínculos entre los grupos locales y el imperio inka.

This article examines the sociopolitical evolution of Palenque and the Mensäbäk Basin, focusing on shifting models of organization from the Late Preclassic (300 BC–AD 250) to the Late Postclassic (AD 1250–1525). We argue that changes in access to ritual spaces and landscape-related ceremonies reflected broader transformations in Maya social organization as it made the transition from collective to less collective societies. The transformation from Preclassic to Postclassic occupations in the Mensäbäk Basin provides visible evidence of political and ideological shifts. Findings from Mensäbäk highlight the diversity of governance structures, showing that exclusionary and communal models varied based on spatial and temporal contexts.

The Incas territorial expansion process was motivated not only by ideological, political, and economic factors but also involved the ritual integration of ancient sanctuaries through capacocha offerings. Notable examples include the Sacred Rock (Roca Sagrada) of the Island of the Sun (Lake Titicaca) and the Oracle of Pachacamac (Lurín Valley). The antiquity of these two sanctuaries, combined with their roles as destinations for imperial-scale pilgrimages during the Inca period, underscore their significance and uniqueness and the role of the capacocha ritual to connecting places into the Inca world. The material correlates associated with numerous capacocha rituals recorded in the Andes demonstrate that this ritual adhered to standardized conventions and criteria. The canonical archaeological remains of capacocha are characterized by human sacrifices and specific offerings, particularly anthropomorphic figurines made of precious metals or Spondylus. The absence of human corpses in certain contexts can be attributed to taphonomic factors but also to ritual adaptations specific to the locations where they were discovered. In this article, we develop this adaptive model for two of the major sites of Inca cosmology: Lake Titicaca and Pachacamac, emphasizing their close connection to Cuzco, the imperial capital and center of the Inca world.

Over the history of Maya studies, archaeologists have proposed various models for the structure of Maya settlements and their use of the landscape. The introduction of lidar to Maya studies, and the wealth of data this technology yielded, has many of these ideas coming under renewed study. Some of the most prominent models discussed in the last two decades have centered on low-density agrarian urbanism and forest gardens. Using settlement studies, lidar data, and hydrological analysis, this article discusses the applicability of these models for the ancient Maya at Lamanai and Ka’kabish, and more generally, Northern Belize. The Maya in the periphery at Lamanai developed wetland management strategies by capitalizing on natural drainage next to seasonally inundated swamps, or bajos. Evidence suggests that the Maya sustained large populations by using channels at the edge of bajos for field systems. These systems may be key to understanding their sustainability in the past.

In the Nejapa region of Oaxaca, places now categorized by some as archaeological ruins have retained power and meaning through time. Ruins often retain vibrancy and are (and were) typically treated respectfully and carefully. Although many of the sites may no longer be occupied by humans, these ruined or palimpsest places should not be considered entirely abandoned or uninhabited. Some sites in Nejapa, such as Los Picachos and Cerro del Convento, were charged with spiritual valency that inspired people to leave offerings at the sites. Other long unoccupied archaeological sites, such as the ruins of La Baeza, Casa Vieja, and the Pueblo Viejo, were viewed in multiple ways: sometimes approached with trepidation or purposely avoided, and at other times viewed with nostalgia and reverence. Part of what makes ruins powerful and layered with meanings is their association with ancestors and their common connections to memorable, and often difficult, historical events. Thus, ruins play active roles and can at times inspire social actions and at other times entail intentional avoidance.

In Mesoamerica ceramics are used to define spatial and chronological units of past social, political, and economic activities. Here we compare results on ceramics subjected to type-variety classification, INAA and thin-section petrography, and symmetry analysis of design structure. The samples are primarily from sites in the Lake Pátzcuaro and Zacapu Basins in central and northern Michoacán from the Late Preclassic to the Late Postclassic periods (200 BC–AD 1522). We offer this analysis as a test case that introduces and compares the results of symmetry analysis with the more familiar typological and paste analyses. We explore how each approach monitors the timing and rate of sociocultural stability and change, as well as the kinds of social processes that each method documents.

La espelunca La Espiral, en la provincia Artemisa, presenta varias pinturas de las que sobresalen círculos concéntricos y una espiral. Para conocer la composición química de sus pinturas y obtener la fracción orgánica, que resulta la más difícil de estudiar a causa del comprensible proceso de degradación en el tiempo, se emplearon la microscopía electrónica de barrido y microanálisis de energía dispersiva por rayos-X, la microespectroscopía Raman y la cromatografía de gases acoplada a espectrometría de masas. El estudio nos muestra una comunidad de bajos niveles productivos con la capacidad técnica de crear una mezcla compleja con huevo, leche, ácido elágico y, como colorante principal, guano de murciélago. El hallazgo de residuos de aminoácidos de triptófano de huevo y leche en la mezcla pictórica resulta la primera evidencia arqueológica concreta del empleo de ambos productos en Cuba y las Antillas. Se propone la propuesta de la posible cadena operativa vinculada a la preparación de la pintura, a una aproximación a la inversión laboral y al número de miembros implicados en la ejecución de los gestos técnicos. Se teoriza sobre la relevante presencia femenina en su manufactura.

A 1.7 m marine sediment core was extracted from the Ek Way Nal underwater site to evaluate the impact of sea-level rise on the site. The location of the core was a narrow strip of land covered by living red mangroves (Rhizophora mangle) that bisects Ek Way Nal. If the site continued under the strip of land, then the core would have cultural material. Alternatively, the strip of land may have been present when the site was occupied. Loss-on ignition and microscopic sorting of sediment from the core were carried out to evaluate if the sediment was red mangrove peat—a proxy for sea-level rise and if the cultural material was present at depths similar to those at underwater portions of the site.

Rather than static traces of the past, ruins and ancient material objects represent dynamic and important generative components of communities. A relational ontology views objects and matter as animate; here we focus on their collaborative potential with humans to inspire memory practices that bring together ancestors and living humans, things, and landscapes in recursive relationships. Situated at Etlatongo in the Mixteca Alta of Oaxaca, Mexico, our research interrogates broader Mixtec and Mesoamerican perspectives on things, which indicates certain materials and ruined places could be especially potent, imbued with cosmogonic energy from previous eras. Such material had animating properties as well as inspiring memorial narratives. Continuously occupied for more than 3,500 years, Etlatongo illustrates dynamic and varied interactions with past places and things. We present two precontact archaeological case studies that highlight these persistent engagements with the past: the first focuses on the reuse and reincorporation of earlier public architecture while the second features the selection and generative power of ancient ceramic figurine heads in two later domestic settings.

This article presents the results of a contextual analysis of graffiti found in Substructure II-B at the Maya city of Calakmul. The final use of this space was for the burial of an important Kanu’l lord, whose identity—as shown by a recent analysis of the Long Count date inscribed as part of the graffiti—seems to be that of Yukno’m Ch’een II. My analysis of the frequency of appearance of different categories of graffiti within the structure, compared to the frequency of the same categories within the total set of graffiti recorded in the Maya area, suggests that the main objective of its creators was the ritual reconditioning of this space: they wished to make it more suitable for the entombment of the ruler, through its aesthetic modification, in what constitutes an example of placemaking. The inclusion of images of deities associated with death, rebirth, abundance, and kingship reconfigured the room and transformed it into a sacred space in which the burial process could be properly carried out. Analyzing the graffiti in the context in which they are located allows us to better understand the intentionality of its creators.

Un oficial del ejército chileno relata que en 1879 los atacameños (o Lickanantay; actuales comunidades indígenas del interior de la región de Antofagasta, norte de Chile) realizaban procesiones al volcán Licancabur todos los años. Contrastando este relato, nos propusimos investigar el camino de peregrinación que utilizaban desde el pueblo de San Pedro de Atacama hasta dicho centro ceremonial. Entregamos aquí los resultados iniciales de esta investigación y evaluamos la profundidad cronológica de las peregrinaciones a las altas montañas, las que hasta ahora se han considerado una práctica originada con el estado Inka (ca. 500 aP), como el caso del rito de la Capacocha. Si bien nuestros datos son preliminares, son concluyentes en mostrar que las prácticas peregrinas andinas a las montañas son milenarias y que se desarrollaron desde hace unos 3.300 años, continuando hasta fines del siglo diecinueve en el caso del Licancabur. En la actualidad, sin embargo, no hemos logrado dar con ningún registro ni memoria oral que dé cuenta de procesiones desde los oasis sanpedrinos al volcán, develando una notable amnesia histórica colectiva, provocada en gran parte por la reciente delimitación de las fronteras estados-nacionales después de la Guerra del Pacífico.

La reciente excavación arqueológica efectuada en el centro provincial inka de Tambo Viejo, en el valle de Acarí, Perú, resultó en el hallazgo de una pequeña construcción de forma rectangular y semisubterránea. En su interior encontramos hojas y semillas de coca en asociación con arena limpia. Esta evidencia sugiere que la pequeña construcción sirvió para el almacenamiento de las hojas de coca, las que habían sido cubiertas con arena limpia para garantizar su preservación. La arena tiene propiedades térmicas que crean condiciones relativamente frías y que son óptimas para la preservación de productos orgánicos.