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For people in the early Middle Ages, the earth, air, water and ether teemed with other beings. Some of these were sentient creatures that swam, flew, slithered or stalked through the same environmentsinhabited by their human contemporaries. Others were objects that a modern beholder would be unlikely to think of as living things, but could yet be considered to possess a vitality that rendered them potent. Still others were things half glimpsed on a dark night or seen only in the mind's eye; strange beasts that haunted dreams and visions or inhabited exotic lands beyond the compass of everydayknowledge. This book discusses the various ways in which the early English and Scandinavians thought about and represented these other inhabitants of their world, and considers the multi-facetednature of the relationship between people and beasts. Drawing on the evidence of material culture, art, language, literature, place-names and landscapes, the studies presented here reveal a world where the boundaries between humans, animals, monsters and objects were blurred and often permeable, and where to represent the bestial could be to hold a mirror to the self.
Michael Bintley is Senior Lecturer in Medieval Literature at Canterbury Christ Church University; Thomas Williams is a doctoral researcher at UCL's Institute of Archaeology.
Contributors: Noel Adams, John Baker, Michael D. J. Bintley, Sue Brunning, László Sándor Chardonnens, Della Hooke, Eric Lacey, Richard North, Marijane Osborn, Victoria Symons, Thomas J. Williams
Though modernism has traditionally been associated with aesthetic autonomy and thus has often been considered in isolation from any political, social, or cultural context, much of what is now thought of as the new modernist studies was anticipated by developments in earlier years. Marxist political criticism, feminist scholarship, restorative work on writers of color, even the sort of textual study that went into new editions, all helped to connect modernist literature to the larger world of which it was a part. Still, modernist cultural studies was a late variant of cultural studies in general, its development retarded by the prestige of postmodernism, which had established itself against a modernism defined as disengaged and elitist. Thus, it was the decline of postmodernism as an influential category that opened the way for a new modernist cultural studies.
Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is a biological mechanism whereby a micro-organism evolves over time to develop the ability to become resistant to antimicrobial therapies such as antibiotics. The drivers of and potential solutions to AMR are complex, often spanning multiple sectors. The internationally recognised response to AMR advocates for a 'One Health' approach, which requires policies to be developed and implemented across human, animal, and environmental health. To date, misaligned economic incentives have slowed the development of novel antimicrobials and limited efforts to reduce antimicrobial usage. However, the research which underpins the variety of policy options to tackle AMR is rapidly evolving across multiple disciplines such as human medicine, veterinary medicine, agricultural sciences, epidemiology, economics, sociology and psychology. By bringing together in one place the latest evidence and analysing the different facets of the complex problem of tackling AMR, this book offers an accessible summary for policy-makers, academics and students on the big questions around AMR policy. This title is available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Developing previous work on charismatic leadership by Boas Shamir and Ken, we investigate the contention that followers of charismatic leaders have an emotional connection with that leader in the form of a ‘sense of belonging’ and links to community. We, therefore, investigate whether there is any evidence of a sense of belonging when people describe those they judge to be charismatic. Using a mixed-methods aesthetic narrative approach, we are able to supply empirical support for the existence of such a relationship and to extend the findings of previous studies by incorporating the connection that the leader has with the community, in general, as an important factor in the leader–follower relationship.
Shipping in the Holy Roman Empire and later in the German states was largely regional. Up to 1871 there was no such thing as a German merchant marine - and only recently was there a German navy. But Hamburg, Bremen, Lübeck, and a number of small cities, such as Emden, Papenburg, Husum and Tönning had merchant fleets. That is why national statistics and research on the social history of sailors before 1870 has to focus on regional developments. Indeed, before unification we are forced to use mainly data on Hamburg ships and sailors. Although this represents only a segment of the history of German sailors, it was an important one due to Hamburg's role as the most important German harbour, a position it gained after the Thirty Years’ War when, unlike most of the Holy Roman Empire, it managed to stay at peace by making frequent loans to the neighbouring states. Hamburg's rise as a port was bolstered by two factors: first by its location on the Elbe, which gave it access to the interior of Germany and central Europe; and second by its consistent neutrality during the wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when it became an alternative to Amsterdam.
The data on Hamburg shipping in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries suggests limited maritime development (tables 1 and 2). And the trends were negative: there was a 40.9% decline in tonnage between 1674 and 1765, although average tonnage did rise from 77.1 to 104 lasts. Not until the 1790s did Hamburg's tonnage reach 1674 levels and again provide sufficient capacity for the buoyant grain trade. This growth in the last third of the eighteenth century was stimulated by a decline in whaling, as Hamburg's Greenland whale fishery ceased to be profitable due to a decline in stocks. Hamburg shipowners thus had an incentive to concentrate on the carrying trades. Although the city's merchant fleet was expanding, it could handle no more than twenty percent of Hamburg's total trade.
Hamburg's merchant fleet declined again from 1806 due to the continental blockade and the consequent British blockade of the Elbe. After 1815 it stagnated; recovered somewhat in the 1830s and 1840s; and grew rapidly between 1850 and the end of the century. Before 1800 Hamburg merchantmen were mainly confined to European waters; only a few crossed the Atlantic.