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If public humanities is to realize its potential to benefit all in higher education and beyond, it must be published in some way – traditional or unconventional – and be discoverable.
There is evidence of increasing rates of hospital presentations for suicidal crisis, and emergency departments (EDs) are described as an intervention point for suicide prevention. Males account for three in every four suicides in Ireland and are up to twice as likely as females to eventually die by suicide following a hospital presentation for suicidal crisis. This study therefore aimed to profile the characteristics of ED presentations for suicidal ideation and self-harm acts among males in Ireland, using clinical data collected by self-harm nurses within a dedicated national service for crisis presentations to EDs.
Methods:
Using ED data from 2018–2021, variability in the sociodemographic characteristics of male presentations was examined, followed by age-based diversity in the characteristics of presentations and interventions delivered. Finally, likelihood of onward referral to subsequent care was examined according to presentation characteristics.
Results:
Across 45,729 presentations, males more commonly presented with suicidal ideation than females (56% v. 44%) and less often with self-harm (42% v. 58%). Drug- and alcohol-related overdose was the most common method of self-harm observed. A majority of males presenting to ED reported no existing linkage with mental health services.
Conclusions:
Emergency clinicians have an opportunity to ensure subsequent linkage to mental health services for males post-crisis, with the aim of prevention of suicides.
This paper examines folk perceptions of language in the Greater Boston Area. In particular, it seeks to understand which areas are associated with a “Boston” accent, and whether associations are changing given recent shifts in ethnic and economic demographics. A total of 111 Greater Boston residents completed a survey and map task asking what constitutes a “Boston” accent, who has one, and in which areas one can be heard. Results show that the majority of participants perceive the neighborhood of South Boston to be the geographic epicenter of the “Boston” accent, and generally associate accents with historically White working-class areas, despite sometimes changing demographics within them. There is also evidence that participant ethnic background may play a role in perceptions of speech in some areas, with White men less likely to choose South Boston, widely viewed as gentrifying, as accented, and Black and Asian participants less likely to choose the increasingly ethnically diverse neighborhood of North Dorchester. These results demonstrate the importance of eliciting folk perceptions from residents of color to obtain a fuller picture of the language attitudes in a given community.
The two investigative techniques introduced by the Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974 are the environmental impact statement and the public inquiry. The policy underlying the use of environmental impact statements was not fully achieved until administrative procedures were created under the Act in 1975. It is probably too early to assess the effectiveness of these procedures. This article is limited therefore to considering their legal nature and possible effect. Two principles emerge from this exercise: the procedures are almost entirely discretionary in nature and the policy of reducing judicial involvement to a minimum is likely to succeed. Protection of the environment is thus a matter for political decision.
Global disruption, technological advances, and population demographics are rapidly affecting the types of jobs that are available and the workers who will fill those jobs in the future of work. Successful workers in the dynamic and uncertain landscape of the workplace of the future will need to adapt rapidly to changing job demands, highlighting the necessity for lifelong learning and development. With few exceptions, industrial-organizational (I-O) psychologists have tended to take an organization-centered perspective on training and development; a perspective that promotes worker development as a means to organizational success. Hence, we call for a broadening of this view to include a person-centered perspective on workplace learning focused on individual skill development. A person-centered perspective addresses lifelong learning and skill development for those already in the labor force, whether they are working within or outside of organizations (e.g., gig workers), or those looking for work. It includes the most vulnerable people currently working or seeking work. We describe the factors affecting the future of work, the need to incorporate a person-centered perspective on work-related skill learning into I-O research and practice, and highlight several areas for future research and practice.
Given the rate of advancement in predictive psychiatry, there is a threat that it outpaces public and professional willingness for use in clinical care and public health. Prediction tools in psychiatry estimate the risk of future development of mental health conditions. Prediction tools used with young populations have the potential to reduce the worldwide burden of depression. However, little is known globally about adolescents’ and other stakeholders’ attitudes toward use of depression prediction tools. To address this, key informant interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in Brazil, Nepal, Nigeria and the United Kingdom with 23 adolescents, 45 parents, 47 teachers, 48 health-care practitioners and 78 other stakeholders (total sample = 241) to assess attitudes toward using a depression prediction risk calculator based on the Identifying Depression Early in Adolescence Risk Score. Three attributes were identified for an acceptable depression prediction tool: it should be understandable, confidential and actionable. Understandability includes depression literacy and differentiating between having a condition versus risk of a condition. Confidentiality concerns are disclosing risk and impeding educational and occupational opportunities. Prediction results must also be actionable through prevention services for high-risk adolescents. Six recommendations are provided to guide research on attitudes and preparedness for implementing prediction tools.
This chapter canvasses coalitions for and against pluralism that emerged with the foundation of the Republic of Turkey. It shows that while the early nation-builders pursued a unitary, ethno-nationalist project, Kemalism also entailed an “embedded liberalism” inherited from late Ottoman modernization, including resources for eventual democratization. Throughout the twentieth century, political actors sought to mobilize these resources toward pluralizing the political system across a series of critical junctures (e.g., the 1920s’ cultural revolution; the 1950 transition to multiparty democracy; successive coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980; and a 1997 “postmodern coup.”) Across these junctures, the chapter argues, there were only two pronounced periods of secularist/Islamist cleavages. More often, conflict was driven by significant, cross-camp cooperation and intra-camp rivalry. Tracing when and why pluralizing and anti-pluralist alignments succeeded or failed, the chapter captures a key dynamic: the installation of an ethno(-religious nationalist project – the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis (TIS) – as national project, even as ideas and actors invested in pluralization continued to mobilize.
After nationwide protests in 2013, Turkey was convulsed by a “clash of Islamisms” on the one hand, and the breakdown of a peace process between Ankara and the Kurdish movement on the other. Driven by the fraught interplay of charismatic personalities, rousing ideologies, and an increasingly unstable regional context, these processes exacerbated the turns to illiberal governance and religious populism. Two key results of these processes were (i) the Erdoğan-led AKP’s pivot to an alliance with the right-wing Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and (ii) a failed coup attempt on July 16, 2016. A critical juncture in the fullest sense of the word, the coup attempt led to the consolidation of the ruling alliance around a renewed version of Turkish-Islamist synthesis.
This introductory note provides an overview of the book’s original and timely framework with which to debunk Orientalism in how we read (Turkey’s) political history and present. The main argument is that political contestation is driven by shifting alliances for and against a more pluralistic society, not by forever polarized camps.
This chapter recaps the books framework and findings. It shows how putting the logic of complex systems into conversation with qualitative and multi-method tools enables us to read political contestation in a non-binary way. Thus, we capture the causal role of shifting coalitions for and against pluralism (understood as openness to “Others” who may look, speak, pray or love differently than we do). Applying this framework to a pivotal, Muslim-majority country, Contesting Pluralism(s) offers an alternative to Orientalist accounts of Turkey’s history and present. The conclusion then offers a roadmap for channeling the book’s original and timely approach to comparative research wherever the nexus of political religion, populist nationalism and pluralism is hotly contested from India and Italy to the United States.
This chapter traces Ottoman responses to the challenge of Europe’s rise and global hegemony – responses that engendered two emergent properties: religious disenchantment and growing resentment at the loss of Muslim primacy. These properties informed new political programs in the buildup to and during critical junctures. Milestones included the Tanzimat (1839) and subsequent, Young Ottoman reforms led by bureaucrats and intellectuals. The result was a framework for multicultural citizenship – an Islamo-liberal project. It bore fruit in the first Ottoman constitution (1878), but was soon suspended by Sultan Abdülhamid II (r.1876–1908/9) who instead developed (pan-)Islamism as a political program. His authoritarian rule, in turn, spurred a coalition of liberal and proto-nationalist Young Turks to revolt (1908), launching the “second constitutional period.” The revolution was then captured by an illiberal Triumvirate espousing a more unitary, proto-nationalist project. No linear or teleological process, the chapter reveals that contests were driven by the complex interplay of ideas, actors, and contextual pressures. These forces informed a new menu of programs for managing religion and diversity that would outlive the empire itself: Islamo-liberalism, liberalism, Islamism, and Turkism.
This chapter traces how, in an increasingly unstable domestic and regional context, the ruling coalition of religion and secular nationalists promoted a “Turkish-Islamist Synthesis 2.0” (TIS 2.0). This agenda infused the anti-pluralist, Turkish-Islamic synthesis of the 1980s with an attempt to Islamicize public life. Such efforts culminated in a major critical juncture: abandonment of Turkey’s 150-year-old parliamentary tradition for an executive presidency.
The consolidation of the TIS 2.0 enlivened resistance among diverse groups who came together in the seventh major pluralizing coalition since the late Ottoman period. Coalescing around multiple – but not always compatible – visions of living in diversity, the coalition brought together pro-secular Turks on the right and left including municipal actors, youth, women and LGBTQ+ activists, ethnic and religious minorities, and environmentalists, among others. Innovating frames for political, religious, ethnic, and gender pluralism, the coalition registered a major success, retaking city governments in the 2019 elections, an outcome it repeated in 2024.
This chapter grapples with a major tension in interdisciplinary Turkish/Middle Eastern area studies, comparative politics, and the study of religion and politics: namely, how to deal with the persistence of Orientalist explanations despite their explanatory poverty. It does so via an intellectual history, identifying three “waves” or logics via which analysts and practitioners have sought to reckon with Orientalist binaries and their limitations. The chapter argues that today, a third wave within which this project is situated, seeks to dispense with Orientalism and Occidentalism alike toward making clear-eyed sense of the complex, interacting forces that shape politics in Muslim-majority countries, like anywhere else.