In politically contested health debates, stakeholders on both sides present arguments and evidence to influence public opinion and the political agenda. The present study aimed to examine whether stakeholders in the Soft Drinks Industry Levy (SDIL) debate sought to establish or undermine the acceptability of this policy through the news media and how this compared with similar policy debates in relation to tobacco and alcohol industries.

Quantitative and qualitative content analysis of newspaper articles discussing sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxation published in eleven UK newspapers between 1 April 2015 and 30 November 2016, identified through the Nexis database. Direct stakeholder citations were entered in NVivo to allow inductive thematic analysis and comparison with an established typology of industry stakeholder arguments used by the alcohol and tobacco industries.

UK newspapers.

Proponents and opponents of SSB tax/SDIL cited in UK newspapers.

Four hundred and ninety-one newspaper articles cited stakeholders’ (n 287) arguments in relation to SSB taxation (n 1761: 65 % supportive and 35 % opposing). Stakeholders’ positions broadly reflected their vested interests. Inconsistencies arose from: changes in ideological position; insufficient clarity on the nature of the problem to be solved; policy priorities; and consistency with academic rigour. Both opposing and supportive themes were comparable with the alcohol and tobacco industry typology.

Public health advocates were particularly prominent in the UK newspaper debate surrounding the SDIL. Advocates in future policy debates might benefit from seeking a similar level of prominence and avoiding inconsistencies by being clearer about the policy objective and mechanisms.

The present study examined the effect of ingredient bundles (i.e. measured ingredients with recipes) and recipe tastings as a strategy to increase the selection of healthy, target foods (kale, brown rice and whole-wheat pasta).

Each of the three conditions was tested once per week for three weeks. The conditions were: Treatment 1 (T1), recipe tastings only; Treatment 2 (T2), ingredient bundle plus recipe tastings; and Control, no intervention.

A food pantry in Bridgeport, CT, USA.

Food pantry clients.

Controlling for family size and intervention week, the likelihood of clients in T2 (n 160) selecting at least one target item compared with the Control group (n 160) was 3·20 times higher for kale, 4·76 times higher for brown rice and 7·25 times higher for whole-wheat pasta. Compared with T1 (n 128), T2 clients were 2·67 times more likely to select kale, 7·67 times more likely to select brown rice and 11·43 times more likely to select whole-wheat pasta. No differences between T1 and the Control group were found.

Findings suggest that innovative, nudging strategies such as ingredient bundles may increase appeal of foods and encourage pantry clients to select healthier options.

To identify examples of the ‘corporate political activity’ (CPA) of the industry producing and selling ultra-processed food and drink products (UPP) in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Searches were conducted on the national websites and social media accounts of large industry actors. Coding was deductive and based on a framework for classifying the CPA of the food industry.

Fifteen countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Twelve members of the International Food and Beverage Alliance (IFBA) and major trade associations and chambers of commerce in the region.

During the current pilot study, more than 200 examples of CPA were found in Latin America and the Caribbean. The UPP industry lobbied governments during the development of national health policies. UPP companies tried to build alliances with health professionals, but also with communities where they operated and with policy makers. In addition, the UPP industry fought against regulation in court and proposed weaker alternatives to public health policies, such as self-regulation.

Food systems in low- and middle-income countries, including in Latin America and the Caribbean, are increasingly penetrated by the UPP industry. These countries are at risk of being influenced by the CPA strategies described in the present study. There is a need to further identify, monitor and evaluate the impact of these CPA strategies on public health policies and public opinion in the region, in order to develop mechanisms to effectively prevent such interference.

To explore the formal and informal ways in which different actors involved in shaping trade agreements pursue their interests and understand the interactions with nutrition, in order to improve coherence between trade and nutrition policy goals.

The paper draws on empirical evidence from Australian key informant interviews that explore the underlying political dimensions of trade agreements that act as barriers or facilitators to getting nutrition objectives on trade agendas.

Countries experiencing greater availability and access to diets full of energy-dense and nutrient-poor foods through increased imports, greater foreign direct investment and increasing constraints on national health policy space as a result of trade agreements.

Interviews took place with Australian government officials, industry, public-interest non-government organizations and academics.

The analysis reveals the formal and informal mechanisms and structures that different policy actors use both inside and outside trade negotiations to pursue their interests. The analysis also identifies the discourses used by the different actors, as they attempt to influence trade agreements in ways that support or undermine nutrition-related goals.

Moving forward requires policy makers, researchers and health advocates to use various strategies including: reframing the role of trade agreements to include health outcomes; reforming the process to allow greater access and voice to health arguments and stakeholders; establishing cross-government partners through accountable committees; and building circles of consensus and coalitions of sympathetic public-interest actors.

To examine the contribution of child, maternal and household factors in stunting, wasting and underweight among children under 5 years in Ethiopia.

Quantitative cross-sectional design based on nationally representative data.

Urban and rural areas of Ethiopia.

Younger (0–24 months; n 4199) and older age groups (25–59 months; n 5497), giving a total of 9696 children.

Among the younger age group, 29 % were stunted, 14 % were wasted and 19 % were underweight; and among the older age group, the prevalence of stunting, wasting and underweight was 47, 8 and 28 %, respectively. Being female, intake of multiple micronutrients, household having a piped source of drinking-water, high maternal BMI, higher household wealth and higher maternal education were associated with decreased odds of at least one form of undernutrition in both groups. On the other hand, children who were anaemic, had low birth weight, drank from a bottle, and children of stunted or wasted or working mothers were more likely to be stunted, wasted or underweight in both groups (P<0·05). While most predictors and/or risk factors followed a similar pattern across the two age groups, child factors had higher leverage in the younger than the older group across the three forms of undernutrition.

Multiple set of factors predicted childhood undernutrition in Ethiopia. The study underscores the importance of intervening in the first 1000 days through promoting maternal education, maternal–child health services, mother’s nutrition and improving intrahousehold food distribution.

Prevalence ranges to classify levels of wasting and stunting have been used since the 1990s for global monitoring of malnutrition. Recent developments prompted a re-examination of existing ranges and development of new ones for childhood overweight. The present paper reports from the WHO–UNICEF Technical Expert Advisory Group on Nutrition Monitoring.

Thresholds were developed in relation to sd of the normative WHO Child Growth Standards. The international definition of ‘normal’ (2 sd below/above the WHO standards median) defines the first threshold, which includes 2·3 % of the area under the normalized distribution. Multipliers of this ‘very low’ level (rounded to 2·5 %) set the basis to establish subsequent thresholds. Country groupings using the thresholds were produced using the most recent set of national surveys.

One hundred and thirty-four countries.

Children under 5 years.

For wasting and overweight, thresholds are: ‘very low’ (<2·5 %), ‘low’ (≈1–2 times 2·5 %), ‘medium’ (≈2–4 times 2·5 %), ‘high’ (≈4–6 times 2·5 %) and ‘very high’ (>≈6 times 2·5 %). For stunting, thresholds are: ‘very low’ (<2·5 %), ‘low’ (≈1–4 times 2·5 %), ‘medium’ (≈4–8 times 2·5 %), ‘high’ (≈8–12 times 2·5 %) and ‘very high’ (>≈12 times 2·5 %).

The proposed thresholds minimize changes and keep coherence across anthropometric indicators. They can be used for descriptive purposes to map countries according to severity levels; by donors and global actors to identify priority countries for action; and by governments to trigger action and target programmes aimed at achieving ‘low’ or ‘very low’ levels. Harmonized terminology will help avoid confusion and promote appropriate interventions.

Unhealthy food and drink consumption is associated with a range of physical and mental health concerns. In response, public health policies have been developed targeting a reduction in obesity in particular. In the present commentary we argue that government–industry partnerships have reduced the effectiveness of resultant policies and explore why.

Perspectives of authors.

UK.

Populations in the UK; UK Government.

Industry involvement has presented three interrelated challenges for the UK Government: (i) balancing collaboration while maintaining appropriate distance from industry stakeholders; (ii) resultant production of ‘watertight’ and effective legislation or intervention; and (iii) actual or perceived limited sanctioning or bargaining power.

Industry involvement in public health policy making has led to weak action. Support with policy implementation (rather than development) and genuine ‘buy-in’ from industry could accelerate the pace of public health improvement.

Maximising synergies and minimising conflicts (i.e. building policy coherence) between trade and nutrition policy is an important objective. One understudied driver of policy coherence is the alignment in the frames, discourses and values of actors involved in the respective sectors. In the present analysis, we aim to understand how such actors interpret (i.e. ‘frame’) nutrition and the implications for building trade–nutrition policy coherence.

We adopted a qualitative single case study design, drawing on key informant interviews with those involved in trade policy.

We focused on the Australian trade policy sub-system, which has historically emphasised achieving market growth and export opportunities for Australian food producers.

Nineteen key informants involved in trade policy spanning the government, civil society, business and academic sectors.

Nutrition had low ‘salience’ in Australian trade policy for several reasons. First, it was not a domestic political priority in Australia nor among its trading partners; few advocacy groups were advocating for nutrition in trade policy. Second, a ‘productivist’ policy paradigm in the food and trade policy sectors strongly emphasised market growth, export opportunities and deregulation over nutrition and other social objectives. Third, few opportunities existed for health advocates to influence trade policy, largely because of limited consultation processes. Fourth, the complexity of nutrition and its inter-linkages with trade presented difficulties for developing a ‘broader discourse’ for engaging the public and political leaders on the topic.

Overcoming these ‘ideational challenges’ is likely to be important to building greater coherence between trade and nutrition policy going forward.