In some languages, syllable weight depends exclusively on vowel
length,
while in others, coda consonants add weight to syllables. In this paper
we
assume that syllable weight is reflected in moraic structure, and that
weight-bearing coda consonants are the exclusive dependents of a mora,
while weightless consonants share a mora with the preceding vowel. We
consider whether the durations of vowels and coda consonants reflect the
distinction between a segment which occupies its own mora and a segment
that shares a mora. We examine three patterns of coda weight, reflected
in
stress assignment: in Hindi, codas always contribute to syllable weight;
in
Malayalam, coda consonants are always weightless; and in Levantine
Arabic, coda weight is contextually determined, with word-internal codas
contributing to syllable weight following a short vowel, but weightless
following a long vowel. These phonological patterns translate into different
moraic representations of CVC and CVVC syllables across the
different languages. We examine the durations of vowels and coda
consonants in CV, CVC, CVV and CVVC syllables in Hindi, Malayalam
and Levantine Arabic, and find that in all three languages, segments that
we represent as mora-sharing are significantly shorter than segments that
we represent as occupying an independent mora. The striking differences
in durational patterns across the three languages correlate with the
different moraic representations proposed on the basis of phonological
patterning.