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The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy
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  • Cited by 13
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    Otten, Willemien 2016. Christianity’s Content: (Neo)Platonism in the Middle Ages, Its Theoretical and Theological Appeal. Numen, Vol. 63, Issue. 2-3, p. 245.


    Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla 2016. Socrates’ Debt to Asclepius: Physicians and Philosophers with Asclepian Souls in Late Antiquity. Numen, Vol. 63, Issue. 2-3, p. 167.


    Clark, Stephen R. L. 2009. Plotinus: Charms and Countercharms. Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement, Vol. 65, p. 215.


    Mazur, Zeke 2009. Late Antique Epistemology.


    Türker, Sadik 2007. The Arabico-Islamic background of Al-Fārābī's logic. History and Philosophy of Logic, Vol. 28, Issue. 3, p. 183.


    Beaney, Michael 2005. The Rise and Fall of German Philosophy. British Journal for the History of Philosophy, Vol. 13, Issue. 3, p. 543.


    Edwards, Mark 1994. Plotinus and the emperors. Symbolae Osloenses, Vol. 69, Issue. 1, p. 137.


    Trompf, G. W. 1994. Vico's universe.La Provvedenzaandla Poesiain the New Science of Giambattista Vico1∗. British Journal for the History of Philosophy, Vol. 2, Issue. 1, p. 55.


    Allen, V. 1993. Portrait of a lady: Blaunche and the descriptive tradition. English Studies, Vol. 74, Issue. 4, p. 324.


    Simonetta, Alberto M. 1992. Problems of systematics: Part 1. A critical evaluation of the ≪species problem≫ and its significance in evolutionary biology. Bolletino di zoologia, Vol. 59, Issue. 4, p. 447.


    Raschid, M.Salman 1991. Mysterium tremendum: Clark'sMysteries of religion. Religion, Vol. 21, Issue. 3, p. 279.


    Sellew, Philip 1989. Achilles or Christ? Porphyry and Didymus in Debate over Allegorical Interpretation. Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 82, Issue. 01, p. 79.


    Thomas, O. C. 1977. Being and Some Theologians. Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 70, Issue. 1-2, p. 137.


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    The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy
    • Online ISBN: 9781139055147
    • Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549
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Book description

Surveys philosophy from the neo-Platonists to St Anselm, showing how Greek philosophy took the form in which it was known to its cultural inheritors and how they interpreted it.

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Page 1 of 2


  • Chapter 1 - Introductory
    pp 1-10
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This introduction presents an overview of the contents discussed in the book and how the book is organized. The first Part of the book provides the complex story of the developments in Greek philosophy which led up to Plotinus, from Plato and Aristotle onwards. The second part focuses on Philo and the beginning of Christian thought, where authors find Jews and Christians taking over Greek ideas and adapting them to their own purposes and ways of thinking long before Plotinus. Third and fourth parts of the book deal with Plotinus himself and the story of pagan Neoplatonism to its end in the sixth century. The next two parts concerns exclusively with Christian thought and the story of Greek Christian Platonism from the fourth to the ninth century. Final part of the book gives a sketch of early Islamic philosophy.
  • Chapter 2 - The Old Academy
    pp 11-38
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Neoplatonism is a term usually designating Plato's philosophy as reinterpreted by Plotinus and post-Plotinian Platonists. The term is slightly misleading, in that it tends to obscure the debt of Plotinus to Platonists before him, particularly the Old Academy and the Platonism of the period between the first century BC and his time. The main aspects of Platonism leading to the system of Plotinus can best be seen if we start from what Aristotle presents as the main features of Plato's philosophy. Plotinus is the first to interpret the Parmenides as containing a serious presentation of the One as the highest reality. The Timaeus, doctrines of the Platonic dialogues, is fully devoted to one of the central topics of pre-Socratic philosophers, viz. cosmogony. Finally, Plato's cosmogony, two-opposite-principles doctrine in Speusippus and Plato's letters, particularly the 2nd, 6th, and 7th are discussed.
  • Chapter 3 - Aristotle
    pp 39-52
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter focuses on controversial between pre-Plotinian Platonists and Aristotelians and single out six concerning: psychology, cosmology, noetic, cosmogony, ideas, and matter. For Aristotle's cosmology, the ether theory is of prime importance. Ether constitutes the supra-lunar sphere of the divinely changeless. Great as the role of intelligence is in the context of Aristotle's psychology, it is even greater within the context of his astronomy-theology. For, most certainly, intelligence is supposed to be impassible, and its activity is not bound up with the body as the soul's is. For Aristotle the couple dynamis-energeia is of fundamental importance, particularly to replace the Two-opposite-principles doctrine. Aristotle's ethics exhibits three main aspects. It distinguishes perfections of character, which consist in subordinating the unreasonable part of the soul to the rule of reason, from perfections of the intelligence, the higher activity of which consists in contemplation, either of truth or of God.
  • Chapter 4 - The Later Academy and Platonism
    pp 53-83
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo, and Crates were the successive heads of the Academy. It seems that the successor of Crates, Arcesilaus, completely changed its character, teaching a kind of non-dogmatic, Socratic, in some sense of the word, sceptical Platonism. This chapter discusses Plutarch, Calvenus Taurus, Albinus, Apuleius and Herodes Atticus, Disagreement between Plutarch and Taurus exists on the problem of the soul's incarnation. Plutarch was sometimes inclined to take the pessimistic point of view that incarnation is an evil for the soul. Taurus opted for the optimistic interpretation. Albinus and Apuleius represent an almost complete synthesis of Plato with Aristotle. Atticus vigorously objects to Platonists who find Aristotelian doctrines helpful in teaching Platonism. The disagreement of Atticus with the Aristotelian ethics and theology continues in the field of physics. He rejects Aristotle's notion of ether. Atticus, therefore, denies the premise: not everything that has come into being in time will also perish.
  • Chapter 5 - The Pythagoreans
    pp 84-106
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter discusses three classes of Pythagorean writings. The first consists of pseudepigrapha. Two names are of particular interest in this group: that of Ps. -Archytas and that of Ps. -Brontinus. Speaking of Brontinus, Syrianus assures that the Pythagoreans were familiar with the doctrine that there is a principle higher than the two opposite principles. A second group of Pythagorean writings is represented by three complexes, such as the anonymus Photii, the anonymus of Alexander Polyhistor, and the anonymus of Sextus Empiricus. The third class of Pythagorean writings consists of works by Moderatus of Gades, Nicomachus of Gerasa and Numenius of Apamea. Their Pythagoreanism differs from that represented by the two other classes. For it is generally assumed that Plotinus was the first to interpret the Parmenides ontologically. Plotinus was accused, obviously by Athenian Platonists, of plagiarizing Numenius. Numenius professes the doctrine of incarnation and reincarnation. He considers incarnation an evil and the result of some guilt.
  • Chapter 6 - The Peripatos
    pp 107-123
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The development of the Peripatos down to the time of Strato exhibits two main aspects. First, philosophic-speculative interest is largely replaced by interest in all kinds of special and empirical knowledge. Secondly, to the extent that philosophic interest is preserved at all, it often finds its satisfaction in non-theological, naturalistic, or even materialistic doctrines. In comparison with the Platonism of Clearchus and the Platonism of Theophrastus, Dicaearchus, Aristoxenus represent a different kind of Aristotelianism. Andronicus gave a new turn to the Peripatos. Andronicus is the first Peripatetic to write a commentary on Aristotle's Categories, and to arrange the works of Aristotle in the order logic-ethics-physics plus metaphysics. Boethus continues the work of Andronicus in writing commentaries on Aristotle's esoterica. Aristocles is the first Peripatetic whose writings permit us with certainty to assess the attitude of the Peripatos towards Plato in the post-Christian era. Alexander developed his own interpretation of Aristotle's noetics against the background of that by Aristocles.
  • Chapter 7 - The Stoa
    pp 124-132
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Stoic system can be interpreted in two ways, either as a 'mundanization' and materialization of the divine, or, on the contrary, a divinization and spiritualization of matter. Nothing exhibits this ambiguity better than the relation between determinism and providence in the Stoic system. However, the Stoa tried to identify the two. The strict immanentism of the Stoa can be taken to assert either the divine character of the cosmos or the strictly mundane character of the divine. With Posidonius the Stoa opened itself to Platonic influence. Not only did Posidonius admire Plato and comment on some of his dialogues, particularly on the Timaeus, perhaps also on the Phaedrus though hardly in the form of formal commentaries. In Seneca, Epictetus, and M. Aurelius the Platonizing of the Stoa continues. Time and again they express attitudes strongly reminiscent of those of Plato's Phaedo.
  • Chapter 8 - Philo
    pp 133-157
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The history of Christian philosophy begins not with a Christian but with a Jew, Philo of Alexandria, elder contemporary of St Paul. Philo's work is an elaborate synthesis of biblical revealed religion and Greek philosophy, mainly cast in the form of an allegorical commentary on Genesis. Although Philo is as deeply hellenized as a loyal Jew could conceivably be, he ultimately shares the Maccabean spirit of resistance to the totalitarian claims of Hellenistic culture. Philo's statements about the Logos were to have a notable future when adapted to the uses of Christian doctrine. Philo's Logos is not merely an essential clue to the Christian development but also a stage on the way towards the Middle Platonist and Neoplatonist speculations about two or three levels of being in God. The complexities of Philo make a just estimate of his work hard to achieve. The modern reader is exasperated by the repetitiousness and the verbose rhetorical style.
  • Chapter 9 - The beginning of Christian philosophy: Justin: the Gnostics
    pp 158-167
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The origins of Christian philosophy are more than a matter of discovering passing echoes of Greek ideas within the New Testament writings, such as the Platonic and Philonic overtones of the Epistle to the Hebrews. The first serious beginnings of Christian philosophy appear in Justin Martyr in the middle years of the second century. Justin explains his positive appreciation of Greek philosophy partly by the conventional thesis that the Greek philosophers had studied the Old Testament, but chiefly by his doctrine of the divine Logos. Justin's basic presupposition is a highly optimistic confidence in human reasoning. The truth underlying the charge is simply that some of the basic propositions of the Gnostics came from their pessimistic view of Platonism. The man who developed at once a positive view of philosophy and a negative critique of Gnosticism was Clement of Alexandria.
  • Chapter 10 - Clement of Alexandria
    pp 168-181
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Clement of Alexandria was born probably of pagan parents about the middle of the second century and died probably before 215. He sat at the feet of a succession of Christian teachers, of whom the last was the Alexandrian Pantaenus, a Stoic philosopher converted to Christianity. Clement has two chief theories of the origin of philosophy. First, there is his thesis that the Greeks plagiarized Moses and the prophets. Secondly, Clement affirms that the positive value of philosophy for theology is a simple corollary of the capacity for reason and insight implanted in man by the Creator. Clement's judgement on the problem of transmigration is obscure since his promised discussion never materializes. Clement is sensitive to the criticism that in some degree the New Testament holds out heavenly rewards for virtue and threatens punishment for unrepented sin. He sought to make the Church safe for philosophy and the acceptance of classical literature.
  • Chapter 11 - Origen
    pp 182-192
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Origen was born about 184-5 at Alexandria, probably of Christian parents. He studied Greek philosophy in the lecture room of Ammonius Saccas, with whom Plotinus was later to study for eleven years. Origen's work resembles Philo more closely than Clement's, mainly because its form is almost entirely a series of massive commentaries and expository sermons on the Bible. For Origen the idea is fundamental to his view of revelation. Both the Bible and the Incarnation exemplify the principle that God uses earthly symbols to help people to rise to the spiritual reality that they veil. Origen's doctrine of God unreservedly accepts the traditional Platonic definitions that God is immutable, impassible, beyond time and space, without shape or colour, not needing the world, though creating it by his goodness. Origen's mythological picture of the hierarchy of being as a diversity resulting from free choices is explicable against the Gnostic background.
  • Chapter 12 - Life: Plotinus and the religion and superstition of his time
    pp 193-210
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Plotinus begins a new period in the history of Greek philosophy. One reliable source of information about the life of Plotinus is the Life of his master which Porphyry, his disciple and editor, wrote in the year 301, and prefixed to his edition, the Enneads. The general belief in the Egyptian origin of Plotinus may be based on nothing more than the fact that he studied in Alexandria. The episode in the Life which helps people to understand the attitude to the pagan religion of Plotinus's time which is indicated casually and incidentally in the Enneads is that of the famous answer to Amelius. Plotinus strongly disapproved of the Gnostic use of magic. However, there are two stories in the Life and some passages in the Enneads which have led some scholars to believe that he was not above practising it himself when the occasion required.
  • Chapter 13 - Teaching and writing
    pp 211-221
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The part of Porphyry's description of Plotinus at Rome which is most interesting to a historian of philosophy is his account of his master's method of teaching and writing. A story which Porphyry tells gives an excellent idea of the spirit in which Plotinus met queries and objections. What Porphyry has to say about his master's knowledge and use of previous philosophers has been confirmed and amplified by recent studies of the Enneads, and is extremely helpful to people understanding of how Plotinus worked out his own philosophy. Plotinus was not the founder of Neoplatonism in the sense that he founded a school with a continuous tradition based on his teaching. Once Plotinus had begun to write he continued to do so to the end of his life, but his writings were not intended for general circulation. They were meant for a few of his close friends, and disciples, and it was not easy to get hold of copies.
  • Chapter 14 - Man and reality
    pp 222-235
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Man for Plotinus is in some sense divine, and the object of the philosophic life is to understand the divinity and restore its proper relationship with the divine All. The object, then, of philosophy according to Plotinus is to attain to our true end, union with the Good, in the divine All, by waking to a knowledge of our true self and its place in reality. The moral teaching of Plotinus is, as has often been remarked, strongly influenced by Stoicism. Plotinus keeps the Stoic ideal of freedom from irrational affections and passions but because of his different conception of man it means something very different for him. The teaching of Plotinus about the human, earthly body is very much influenced by the Phaedo. However, when he considers what the philosopher's attitude should be to the material universe as a whole and its order and beauty the predominant Platonic influence is that of the Timaeus.
  • Chapter 15 - The One and Intellect
    pp 236-249
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Plotinus was the first to work out a coherent doctrine of the One or Good clearly distinguished from and transcending its first product, the divine Intellect which is also real being in the Platonic sense. A being for Plotinus is always limited by form or essence. An absolutely formless being is impossible, and perfect or absolute being is the unified whole of all forms which is the divine Intellect. The supreme achievement of the intellect is to leave itself behind. However, for Plotinus there is no way of passing beyond intellect other than through intellect. Plotinus seems to have taken it from the Neopythagoreans, who called the dyad tolma because it was the first to separate itself from the monad. The World of Intellect for Plotinus is finite, limited and determined in its structure or pattern, but infinite in its life and power.
  • Chapter 16 - From Intellect to matter: the return to the One
    pp 250-268
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Soul is, of Plotinus' three hypostases, the most wide-ranging and various in its activities. The way in which Soul proceeds from Intellect and is informed by returning upon it in contemplation is parallel to the way in which Intellect proceeds from the One. Though Soul remains closer and more intimately related to Intellect because Intellect has not the unique transcendence and total otherness of the One. At the very end of the descent from the One lies the utter negativity and darkness of matter, the absolute limit, one might say, for Plotinus in both the metaphysical and the colloquial sense. The mystical religion of Plotinus does not differ from other religions in any absence of moral seriousness. Amelius Gentilianus, from Etruria, appears in the Life of Plotinus as a pious, long-winded and rather pompous person. Porphyry, whose importance for the later development of Neoplatonism was much greater than that of Amelius.
  • Chapter 17 - Introduction to later Neoplatonism
    pp 269-282
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Of the surviving Neoplatonic literature far the greatest part is commentary. Except for Proclus' Timaeus, which is indispensable to the historian. The most important are the commentaries on Aristotle to be found in the Berlin Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca. Neoplatonism presents a number of constant features. Some of them reflect pressure from the outside as much as any internal development of Plato's or Plotinus' doctrines. Neoplatonism grew up not only as an academic institution of the Empire but as a spiritual movement in an age of religions. This is a development which had begun long before Plotinus, and the character of it is sufficiently familiar. It is well known that the hostility of Neoplatonists to Christianity was partly political. The Neoplatonists can be said to write often in the interests of a theology, even though in theory there is no part of this theological philosophy which they would not have expected to defend on philosophical grounds.
  • Chapter 18 - Porphyry and Iamblichus
    pp 283-301
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Porphyry was born in about 232, the year when Plotinus started to study philosophy at Alexandria. The old-fashioned taste of the famous critic no doubt had some part in the clarity of Porphyry's style which was soon contrasted with Plotinus' indirectness. Iamblichus mentions that Plotinus, Amelius and Porphyry all distinguished only doubtfully or vaguely between Intellect and Soul. They agreed in denying that the soul in itself, or essentially, was divided into parts. Iamblichus wanted soul to be a genuine third thing which both proceeds integrally in its descent into nature and remains unmixed. Iamblichus has been described as more committed to theurgy and magic than to philosophy. Certainly it would be to misunderstand him to think of him merely as the father of the scholasticism which is associated with the Athenian School. Porphyry had professed to find a hypercosmic as well as cosmic soul in the Timaeus.
  • Chapter 19 - Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism
    pp 302-326
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Athenians learnt much from Iamblichus, and the work of a younger contemporary of his, Theodoras of Asine, is probably to be seen as only reinforcing the lesson. Plutarch of Athens undergoes the same influence, and in the hands of his pupils Syrianus and even Proclus the main themes of Neoplatonism do little else than become more systematized and more canonical. Proclus insists that the hidden doctrine of Plato had been expounded by Syrianus; and not enough has survived of Syrianus himself to suggest that he had not anticipated the innovations which Neoplatonists accepted from Proclus. Ammonius was Syrianus' son-in-law and heard lectures on Aristotle's logic from Proclus before being appointed to a chair in Alexandria. Aristotle's logic particularly interested Ammonius' School, but they were drawing on a long tradition of assimilation. Its extra-logical foundations are the doctrines of categories and of predicables.
  • Chapter 20 - Marius Victorinus
    pp 327-340
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Marius Victorinus' life is contained in the short notice given by St Jerome in his De viris illustribus and in the better known remarks made by St Augustine in the course of the narrative of his own conversion. Victorinus was closely associated with the senatorial aristocracy which became the last stronghold of Roman paganism. In his reply to the first letter of the Arian Candidus, Victorinus distinguishes four modalities of being. This classification, deriving ultimately from Plato and incorporated into Neoplatonic scholasticism, distinguished between four levels of being and non-being. Victorinus' trinitarian theology is essentially an essay in metaphysics, based on Neoplatonic ontology, though transforming this in the course of adapting it to the purpose in hand. The psychological trinitarianism of the second part of Victorinus' treatise De Trinitate is a study not of the divine substance and persons, but of the human soul as an image of God.
  • Chapter 21 - Augustine. Biographical introduction: Christianity and philosophy
    pp 341-353
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.022
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Augustine's own intellectual pilgrimage began with a reading of Cicero's now lost Hortensius. In the circle of Ambrose, Simplicianus, Mallius Theodorus and others, Augustine came across a Christianity coloured by Neoplatonic interpretation. 'Christianity' and 'true philosophy' are practically synonymous terms. Augustine clearly recognizes a fundamental difference between the philosophy pursued by philosophers and the 'philosophy' adhered to by Christian believers. The key constituents of Christian belief are credal statements concerning historical occurrences and, as such, lie outside the realm of the abstract, general truths accessible to philosophical reflection. Augustine frequently discusses the relation between belief and understanding. His succinct classification of credibilia in an early work provides a suitable starting-point. Faith is something incomplete for Augustine, something that by its nature points to something else and more complete: the vision of God face to face which is the reward of faith.
  • Chapter 22 - Augustine. Man: body and soul
    pp 354-361
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.023
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Augustine's views concerning the nature of man and of his place in the universe inevitably underwent profound transformations during his intellectual journey from Manichaean, through Neoplatonic, to Christian teaching. Neoplatonic views on the nature of man are far removed from Manichaean teaching in their insistence on the goodness of matter and of the human body. The soul by its nature points towards a body, and is not complete without it. Augustine is laying as much stress as he can on the unity of body and soul in man, though his adopted conceptual structure makes it difficult to speak of the substantial unity of man. Augustine's conception of the union of soul and body appears in passages in which he defends against philosophical objections the doctrine of the two natures united in the person of the Word made flesh. To God, the human soul is related as his image and likeness.
  • Chapter 23 - Augustine. Reason and illumination
    pp 362-373
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.024
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Augustine likes to distinguish different grades in the range of knowledge of which the human mind is capable. Understanding, Augustine seems to suggest, is the distinctive work of human reason: it is the result of its application and pursuit. Augustine's theory would give the human mind direct access to the divine mind by illumination. Any radical distinction between illumination as a source of concepts and illumination as a rule of judgement lay far beyond Augustine's horizon. Augustine's terminology fluctuates; but he does make it quite clear that he envisages more than one mode of the divine presence to the mind, more than one level at which the mind participates in the eternal truth. Augustine's conception of memoria, like his theory of the mind's illumination, is the direct consequence of his adoption of the essential core of the Platonic theory of knowledge.
  • Chapter 24 - Augustine. Sense and imagination
    pp 374-379
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521040549.025
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Sense-knowledge, as Augustine always insists, is, like all knowledge, a work of the soul, not of the bodily organs; it is a work 'of the soul by means of the body'. Augustine's treatment of sensation is therefore in line with his view of man as a soul using a body, and the analogy of the craftsman using his tools is the model on which it is constructed. The difference lies solely in the fact that in cases of genuine sight, the bodily process accompanies the process of 'spiritual sight', whereas in cases of imagination there is no such parallel process of bodily seeing taking place. In imagination the imagined object claims all the mind's attention and exhausts it, in sleep the effort of deliberate attention is suspended and leaves the mind free among the images which well up within it.

Page 1 of 2


This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


J. N. Sevenster , Paul and Seneca (Leiden, 1961).

D. J. O'Connor Critical history of Western philosophy, ed. (New York, 1964).

J. F. Callahan , Four Views of Time in Ancient Philosophy (Cambridge, Mass., 1948).

R. Roques , ‘Symbolisme et théologie négative chez le ps.-Denys’, Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, ser. 4 (March 1957).

C. Andresen Logos and Nomos.Berlin, 1955.

J. Trouillard Valeur critique de la mystique plotinienne’, in Revue philosophique de Louvain, 59 (1961).

A. H. Armstrong Was Plotinus a Magician?’, in Phronesis, 1, 1 (1955).

A. C. Lloyd Neoplatonic and Aristotelian Logic’, in Phronesis, 1 (1955–6) and (also for Part IV, ch. 19).

P. Merlan Plotinus and Magic’, in Isis, 44 (1953).

E. R. Dodds Tradition and Personal Achievement in the Philosophy of Plotinus’, in Journal of Roman Studies, 50 (1960).

J. M. Rist Plotinus on Matter and Evil’, in Phronesis, 6 (1961).

J. Bidez Le philosophe Jamblique et son école’, in Revue des études grecques, 32 (1919).

P. Hadot Fragments d'un commentaire de Porphyre sur le Parménide’, in Revue des études grecques, 74 (1961).

J. Trouillard Le sens des médiations proclusiennes’, in Revue philosophique de Louvain, 55 (1957).

P. Henry The Adversus Arium of Marius Victorinus: the first systematic exposition of the doctrine of the Trinity’', in J. Theol. Stud. N.S. I (1950).

G. B. Ladner The Concept of the Image in the Greek Fathers and the Byzantine Iconoclastic Controversy’, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 7 (1953).

M. Meyerhof New Light on Hunain ibn Ishāq’, in Isis, 8 (1926).

Adalbold of Utrecht ed. R. B. C. Huygens, ‘Mittelalterliche Kommentare zum “O qui perpetua”’, Sacris erudiri, 6 (1954), 373–427 (with Bovo of Corvey).

E. R. Dodds The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic “One”’, in Classical Quarterly, 22 (1928), 129–42.

P. Merlan Monopsychism, Mysticism, Metaconsciousness.The Hague, 1963.

I. P. Sheldon-Williams A Bibliography of the Works of Johannes Scottus Eriugena’, in Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 10, 2 (1960), 198–224.