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Volume IX of the second edition of The Cambridge Ancient History has for its main theme the process commonly known as the 'Fall of the Roman Republic'. Chapters 1-12 supply a narrative of the period from 133 BC to the death of Cicero in 43 BC, with a prelude analysing the situation and problems of the Republic from the turning-point year 146 BC. Chapters 13-19 offer analysis of aspects of Roman society, institutions, and ideas during the period. The chapters treat public and private law, the beginnings of imperial administration, the economy of Rome and Italy, and the growth of the city of Rome, and finally intellectual life and religion. The portrait is of a society not in decay or decline but, rather, outstripping its strength and attracting the administrations of men who rescued it at the price of transforming it politically.


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  • 1 - The crisis of the Republic: sources and source-problems
    pp 1-15
  • View abstract
    By the end of the second century before Christ the Romans faced a crisis as a result of their mastery of the Mediterranean. The accounts of the late Republic in Livy and his predecessors, and equally the important contribution of Posidonius, can only be partially pieced together from fragments, epitomes and later derivatives. The most valuable later sources are Greek historians of the Principate. Polybius in his encomium of the Roman constitution in Book VI also portended its subsequent decay. It was not immune from the process of growth and decay according to nature, which was common to all constitutions and was in form cyclic since it started with primitive monarchy and returned to tyranny. Although the Roman Republic was stabilized by a balance between the monarchic, oligarchic and democratic elements, which prevented any part rapidly, getting the upper hand, in the long run it would succumb to the luxury and ambition arising from its unchallenged overseas empire.
  • 2 - The Roman empire and its problems in the late second century
    pp 16-39
  • View abstract
    Polybius claimed in passages probably written between 167 and 146 that the Romans had become masters of the world with which his history dealt. The area of direct Roman administration was increased, with Punic Africa, Macedonia and parts of Greece now directly subjected to Roman magistrates. In the territories administered by Rome in the West the focus was the Roman magistrate or pro-magistrate in whose province the territory was. The spread of Roman administration to Africa in 146 and to Asia in 13 3 onwards is clearly relevant. There is solid evidence for the settlement of Romans and Italians in Sicily and Spain; the evidence for their presence in other regions of the Mediterranean is more scattered but equally important. The southern part of Transalpine Gaul was the land-link between Italy and Spain. The provisions of the lex agraria of 111 to consolidate land-assignments in Africa into a permanent pattern coincide with the beginning of military operations against Jugurtha.
  • 3 - Political history, 146–95 b.c.
    pp 40-103
  • View abstract
    Roman morality and political harmony were at their height between the Second and Third Punic Wars. The authority exercised by Roman magistrates abroad is exemplified by the fact that it was Scipio Aemilianus himself as proconsul, who after the defeat of Carthage in 146 drew the line which was to separate Roman territory from that assigned to the descendants of Massinissa. The extent of popular influence on politics in Rome must be judged by reference to the power of the aristocracy. Appian and Plutarch provide a generally consistent picture of the agrarian problem which was the target of Tiberius Gracchus' legislation. According to Appian, the Romans had exploited the territory seized during their conquest of Italy in order to reward and strengthen the farming people from whom they drew their military manpower. The expenditure of the wealthy would have stimulated economic life in the cities and created employment among the free poor as well as slaves.
  • 4 - Rome and Italy: the Social War
    pp 104-128
    • By E. Gabba, Istituto di Storia Antica, Università degli Studi, Pavia
  • View abstract
    The relationship between Rome and the Italian allies reached a turning point with the agrarian proposal of Tiberius Gracchus in 133 BC. The various proposals for general grants of Roman citizenship made during the 120s BC, to compensate for the economic loss caused by the agrarian law, were naturally directed above all at the Italian and Latin upper classes. The whole military structure which the Italian allies had placed at the disposal of Rome was mobilized in the cause of the rebellion. Their experience, their military skill, their knowledge of tactics, strategy, logistics, all these they owed to the wars fought alongside Rome. Towards the end of the summer of 89 the rebellion in the northern and central areas was for all practical purposes over, from Picenum to the borders of Samnium. In the south also, in 89, the Romans moved over to the offensive, under the able leadership of Sulla.
  • 5 - Mithridates
    pp 129-164
  • View abstract
    Mithridates was reckoned sixteenth in descent from Darius. The son of Mithridates of Cius, also a Mithridates, later surnamed Ktistes, 'founder', escaped eastwards. With six horsemen he entered Paphlagonia, first reaching Cimiata in the Amnias valley. Mithridates' ancestral kingdom was not large, but had economic, military and naval potential. Mithridates championed Hellenic and Iranian elements alike against a Roman influence which, even in the province of Asia, had roots only fifteen years deep. Shortly after his Black Sea conquests, perhaps in 109/8 Mithridates travelled incognito through Bithynia and even into the province of Asia gathering information; not surprisingly he was subsequently believed to have been spying out the land for his wars against Rome. The sacred treasure of Delos was sent under guard to Athens to bolster the prestige of Aristion's regime, and 2,000 troops were sent to ensure its security.
  • 6 - Sulla
    pp 165-207
  • View abstract
    Quintus Pompeius Rufus was a close friend of Sulpicius, and Sulla's political views may have been known to coincide at least in part with those of Livius Drusus. Sulla may have shared Livius Drusus' views on the need to restore the authority of the Senate, but he had no commitment to the cause of the Italians. When Sulpicius introduced a bill to distribute both the new citizens and also freedmen throughout the thirty-five tribes, he met vigorous opposition not only from the old citizens but also from Sulla and even from Pompeius Rufus. Sulla's treatment of his prisoners was at least governed by rational considerations of a kind. But from the moment of his capture of Rome his supporters had run riot not only in the city but all over Italy, killing for profit, pleasure or personal vengeance anyone they pleased.
  • 7 - The rise of Pompey
    pp 208-228
  • View abstract
    The gravity of the situation in Spain was underlined by a letter of complaint from Pompey, which probably reached Rome at the beginning of 74. Pompey claimed that despite his repeated appeals his army had been reduced to starvation by lack of support from home. The letter ended with an oracular warning: unless help was forthcoming from the Senate, his army and with it the whole Spanish War would shift to Italy. This should not be taken as a veiled threat to join forces with Sertorius and invade Italy, but rather as a hint that he might be driven out of Spain and chased home by Sertorius. It was fortunate for Rome that Pompey and Metellus got the upper hand in Spain so decisively in 73, for that year saw the outbreak of a serious upheaval in Italy itself, the slave insurrection led by Spartacus.
  • 8a - Lucullus, Pompey and the East
    pp 229-273
  • View abstract
    Mithridates might have accepted what the Peace of Dardanus seemed to offer - the recognition of his independence within his kingdom and freedom of action to the north and west, in the regions of his Crimean, Sarmatian and sub-Caucasian territories. After the withdrawal of Licinius Murena it was decided at Rome to restore Roman control over Pamphylia, Pisidia and Lycaonia, which had seen no Roman proconsul since 89 BC. Mithridates did not propose to fight his third war with Rome singlehanded. He rebuilt his fleet, shattered by the surrender of 70 major vessels to Sulla: some 150 warships can be traced in the operations against Lucullus, out of an alleged strength of 400 ships of all types. Acilius Glabrio, consul in 67, was commissioned to take over the eastern command from Lucullus by a plebiscite of the tribune Gabinius, following his creation of the general piracy command for Pompey, before the disaster of Zela was known at Rome.
  • 8b - The Jews under Hasmonean rule
    pp 274-309
  • View abstract
    The Roman seizure of Jerusalem in the autumn of 63 BC brought to a close a formative period in Jewish history. One of the rival Hasmoneans remained in control of a reduced Jewish entity, and he was made subject to Roman taxation and to the Roman order. This was the political outcome, together with a divided population and substantial discontent. The best way to understand the emergence of the Hasmoneans as powerful rulers in Judaea, is to look back to the beginning of the story. The Philistine town of Akron with its territory was acquired by way of reward. Other lasting results of his activities were the permanent garrisoning of Beth Zur, on Judaea's southern line, which was the Syrians' last remaining fortress apart from the Akra in Jerusalem. The association of the cities with an image of Hellenism belongs more to the ideology of the Roman conqueror than to the mentality of the Jewish king.
  • 8c - Egypt, 146–31 b.c.
    pp 310-326
  • View abstract
    In Egypt 146 BC, the year of the destruction of Corinth and Carthage, was the last full year in the life of Ptolemy VI Philometor, who died fighting in Syria in the following autumn. In looking beyond the Greek capital on the Mediterranean, Euergetes II followed the examples of his father and of his elder brother. The dynastic struggles of the last century of Ptolemaic control with constant changes of ruler, significant overseas expenditure by Auletes and, latterly, the absence of Cleopatra in Rome, had had their effect on the economy of Egypt. The family archive from 150 to 88 BC of Peteharsemtheus son of Panebkhounis or that of Dryton stationed in the garrison at Gebelen show how easily soldiers intermarried with Egyptian women; their children were bilingual often with both Greek and Egyptian names. Both languages might be used in legal documents and families who once came from Crete or Cyrene were assimilated into the society of Egypt.
  • 9 - The Senate and the populares, 69–60 b.c.
    pp 327-367
  • View abstract
    In 69 BC the Roman citizen body was ritually purified. The citizens assembled at dawn in the Campus Martius, each in the property-class and century to which he had been assigned. Sixteen years had passed since the last lustrum, more than three times the regular interval, and much had happened in the mean time to make the restoration of divine approval particularly urgent. Two of the ingredients in the constitutional mixture Polybius admired had been removed by Sulla - the tribunes' rights to prosecute political criminals before the people, and to carry out the people's will by legislation. The element of democracy was weakened, to the advantage of the elements of kingship and aristocracy, the consuls and the Senate. A constitutional crisis was avoided by the arrival of Pompey himself, on a flying visit between the Ligurian harbours and Brundisium, where his fleet was assembling for the great sweep eastwards.
  • 10 - Caesar, Pompey and Rome, 59–50 b.c.
    pp 368-423
  • View abstract
    Julius Caesar's huge province, Narbonensian and Cisalpine Gaul, and the Adriatic coast of Illyricum, was threatened from both east and north. Burebista the Dacian had probably expanded his power across the Danube as far as the Gallic Taurisci, perilously close to the easily passable Julian Alps and the vulnerable north-east corner of Italy. Pompey's appeal to Italy on Cicero's behalf had proved successful. In July, when Rome was always crowded for the ludi Apollinares and the elections, the consuls had written to the municipalities summoning all patriotic citizens to the capital. Pompey's close association with the king of Egypt was only one of several reasons for his dramatic loss of popularity. Perhaps hopes had been raised too high at the time of the corn-supply crisis; there really was a shortage, and Pompey could not make it disappear in a couple of months as he had once done with the pirate menace.
  • 11 - Caesar: civil war and dictatorship
    pp 424-467
  • View abstract
    Julius Caesar makes much of his mercy at Corfinium, of his control of his men and his respect for the property both of the townsfolk and his opponents. It is clear that this did have a great effect on many who had feared he would be Sulla and Catiline rolled into one. He indicates deftly that it is the other side that has links with Sulla and the Sullans. For the genuineness at least of the attempt to detach Pompey there speaks the fact that Caesar's position was in some ways weak, quite apart from the uncertainty of the outcome in a civil war. Caesar's dictatorship is probably remarkable for an attempt to harness both Greek and Roman intellectuals to the service of the state. The dictator was associated with several lawyers, notably Ofilius and Trebatius, but to some extent also the doyen of the profession, Servius Sulpicius Rufus.
  • 12 - The aftermath of the Ides
    pp 468-490
  • View abstract
    A cult of Caesar was set up in the Forum where the mob had burned his body, under the influence of one Amatius, or Herophilus, who claimed to be a grandson of Marius. The legions from Gaul and Spain did not appear in Rome as Cicero had feared at one point. Yet there was one new arrival. On the news of the Ides the young Octavius returned to Italy at his mother's summons from his place with Caesar's army on the far side of the Adriatic, to be met with the news of his adoption in Caesar's will. Octavian was clearly a real danger to Antony, particularly because he was attracting the favour of the veterans, though many ex-centurions and higher officers of Caesar stood by Antony throughout. An attempt to retain this favour may explain inconsistencies in Antony's attitude to the liberators, whom he now began to attack openly.
  • 13 - The constitution and public criminal law
    pp 491-530
  • View abstract
    The lack of any unequivocal concept of constitution among the Romans raises a problem, namely what to include under that head. The offences committed by Gabinius and contemplated by Lepidus, were in fact violations of the Lex Cornelia maiestatis and the Lex Iulia repetundarum; a cluster of offences aimed at preventing magistrates or the Senate from carrying out their duties were dealt with by the leges de vi. This chapter discusses such offences entitled ius publicum. In practice, ius publicum includes constitutional, administrative and criminal law. It can even include sacral law. The main feature of Roman public law is the establishment of a series of permanent courts with a field mainly concerned with crime. The most primitive and arguably the most tenacious was the domestic power of the pater familias. A consequence of the appearance of quaestiones perpetuae is a decline in the significance of the repetundae court.
  • 14 - The development of Roman private law
    pp 531-563
  • View abstract
    This chapter talks about the Roman private law. Conceptual puzzles can be raised about the boundary between that and other categories of law, but for present purposes the plain man's concept of the modern difference between private and criminal law suffices. The concept of increasing role-differentiation as a society develops applies well to the growing specialization of Roman legal roles. Roman private law is much admired as the one independent creative act of the Roman genius, the late Republic being its apogee of creativity. It presents to posterity especially a paradigm of 'lawyerliness', which is why it retains some interest for those who study law today. The chapter attempts to bring out what the 'lawyerliness' consisted of and how much the creativity did and did not achieve. A commonplace of criticism is that Roman law was the creation of a possessing class, reflecting their interests and enshrining their values.
  • 15 - The administration of the empire
    pp 564-598
  • View abstract
    The expansion of the power of the city of Rome through the whole of the Mediterranean world during the last three centuries BC led to the establishment of Rome as the predominant military and economic force in the region. Political involvement with the communities within the geographical limits of a provincia was evidently a major part of the work of a Roman commander in the field. The first move towards the provincial governorship being seen as a separate magistracy was the Lex Pompeia de provinciis of 42 BC. The role of the publicani in a particular area varied a great deal, depending on the form of taxation that was employed there, and the nature of the provincial communities. Taxation took a wide variety of forms throughout the Roman Empire. Demands for Roman jurisdiction were made of the Senate by peoples and kings in the orbit of Roman power throughout the second century.
  • 16 - Economy and society, 133–43 b.c.
    pp 599-643
  • View abstract
    This chapter describes the facts and changes of the Roman economy. It indicates the interaction between economy and status. Economies are responses to the needs of people for goods - material goods and services. A trait common to all Italy is the importance of drainage in the coastal plains, and also up to a point in the plain of the Po, which was being populated and Romanized in the second century. Agriculture was essentially manual, utilizing human and animal labour. The only agricultural machinery were the grape- and olive-presses described by Cato, which could be quite powerful pieces of mechanism. Italian agriculture and industry underwent, in the second and first centuries BC, pari passu with Rome's conquests, considerable change and expansion. Land transport used pack animals more than wagons, because the defective technique of harnessing was one of the biggest obstacles to development in the ancient economy. The manipulation of money certainly became an important phenomenon in economy and society.
  • 17 - The city of Rome and the plebs urbana in the late Republic
    pp 644-688
  • View abstract
    This chapter discusses the resident population of the city of Rome. It also discusses two other collectivities that need to be distinguished. The first, the plebs urbana, was a subset of the urban population. The second, the populus Romanus, was the sum of all Roman citizens of whatever status everywhere. The populus Romanus and the plebs urbana were in early Roman history very nearly co-extensive, but as Rome was involved in increasingly farflung theatres of activity and new citizens outside Rome were included within the body politic, they became widely separated. The constitutional origins of the position of the populus Romanus, and so of the plebs, were reflected in some of the more important features of its organization. The plebs urbana was a very large body. Romans and Italians began to be widely diffused throughout the Mediterranean world. The arrival of the luxury taberna was accomplished at Rome by the age of the Hannibalic War.
  • 18 - The intellectual developments of the Ciceronian age
    pp 689-728
  • View abstract
    In considering the level and nature of intellectual activity in Roman society, this chapter discusses the culture of the Roman and Italian upper classes. The social nature of intellectual activity is revealed when one considers the custom of dedication which had arisen in the Hellenistic period. Increased exposure to Greek culture and contact with Greek intellectuals helped to erode upper-class inhibitions about studying and writing on subjects not directly connected with Roman public life or traditional practical training. In those areas most closely related to formal education, scholarship and science, the outstanding figure is Marcus Terentius Varro, who was regarded as the most learned Roman of his age. Cicero affords a glimpse of the attention paid to Pythagoras in his day. He insists that the Pythagorean communities of southern Italy in the sixth to fourth centuries must have had an influence on institutions of the early Roman state. The basis of the Greek style of education was poetry.
  • 19 - Religion
    pp 729-768
  • View abstract
    This chapter aims to determine the particular characteristics of Roman religion between 146 and 44 BC and set them against the long-established traditional religious rules of Rome. It explores the elements of continuity and change that together formed the distinctive pattern of religion in the late Republic. This exploration involves more than delineating a simple spectrum between the poles of 'continuity' and 'change'. The disruption of political and social life at Rome in the late Republic necessarily brought with it the disruption of religion. The geographical expansion of Roman imperial power underlies several of the most striking losses and adaptations in the Roman religious system. As part of Roman public life, religion had always been a part of the political struggles and disagreements in the city. Rome's political and military leaders had always enjoyed close relations with the gods. The earliest surviving and best-known Republican account of Roman religion from the pen of a Greek is that by Polybius.
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