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The Cambridge History of Latin America
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    COUYOUMDJIAN, JUAN PABLO and LARROULET, CRISTIÁN 2018. Ideas, leaders, and institutions in 19th-century Chile. Journal of Institutional Economics, Vol. 14, Issue. 05, p. 925.

    Bucciferro, Justin R. 2017. The economic geography of race in the New World: Brazil, 1500-2000†. The Economic History Review, Vol. 70, Issue. 4, p. 1103.

    Ricciuti, Roberto and Zardo, Elena 2013. Hispaniola e la divergenza economica. QA Rivista dell'Associazione Rossi-Doria, p. 161.

    Roberts, Phil 2008. “All Americans are hero-worshippers”: American Observations on the First U.S. Visit by a Reigning Monarch, 1876. The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, Vol. 7, Issue. 04, p. 453.

    Vajda, Zoltán 2007. Thomas Jefferson on the Character of an Unfree People: The Case of Spanish America. American Nineteenth Century History, Vol. 8, Issue. 3, p. 273.

    Davies, Catherine 2006. Unequal States: Gender in Latin American Independence. Hispanic Research Journal, Vol. 7, Issue. 1, p. 3.

    Mintz, Steven 1996. Models of emancipation during the age of revolution. Slavery & Abolition, Vol. 17, Issue. 2, p. 1.

    BLANCHARD, PETER 1996. The 'Transitional Man' in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: the Case of Domingo Elias of Peru1. Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 15, Issue. 2, p. 157.

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  • Volume 3: From Independence to c.1870
  • Edited by Leslie Bethell, University College London

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    The Cambridge History of Latin America
    • Online ISBN: 9781139055185
    • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241
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Book description

Volume III opens with five chapters which survey the revolutions and wars of independence in Spanish America and the relatively peaceful transition to independence in Brazil during the first quarter of the nineteenth century - after three centuries of Spanish and Portuguese rule. Part Two is devoted to the Caribbean and consists of chapters on Haiti, the former French colony and the first independent Latin American republic, Santo Domingo, the former Spanish colony, and on Cuba, which remained a Spanish colony, from the late eighteenth century to c. 1870. Parts Three and Four, the central core of this volume, examine the economic, social and political history of Latin America during the first half-century after independence. There are two general chapters on post independence Spanish America, followed by chapters on Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, Chile and the River Plate republics, and there are two chapters on the empire of Brazil.

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  • 1 - The Origins of Spanish American Independence
    pp 1-50
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Spanish empire in America rested upon a balance of power groups, namely the administration, the Church, and the local elite. The administration possessed political though little military power, and derived its authority from the sovereignty of the crown and its own bureaucratic function. Crisis came in 1808, the culmination of two decades of depression and war. The modest progress of Bourbon reform in Spain was cut short by the impact of the French Revolution, which drove frightened ministers into reaction and a bewildered king into the arms of Manuel Godoy. The great agrarian crisis of 1803 was a time of acute famine, hunger and mortality, proof of how little the Bourbons had done to improve agriculture, trade and communications. Meanwhile, in spite of its efforts to maintain national independence, the government had neither the vision nor the resources to resolve the pressing problems of foreign policy.
  • 2 - The Independence of Mexico and Central America
    pp 51-94
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Spain might have restored its control over New Spain but it had not restored the full measure or prestige of its ancient authority. The idea of monarchy remained sufficiently attractive for it to form the foundation for the compromise leading to independence for all Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America. Mexico, Central America and Yucatan chose independence they did so because the Constitution of Cadiz was guaranteed in the programme of independence. As in Mexico and Yucatan, independence was to be based on the precepts of the Constitution of 1812. With both Mexico and Central America abandoning centralism and establishing states' rights and regional self-government in federal republics, the long-sought objective of many regions, local autonomy, was at last achieved. The achievement of Iturbide and the Plan of Iguala was immense but it was also limited, for Mexico and Central America now had to begin the process of remaking their own political, economic and social structures.
  • 3 - The Independence of Spanish South America
    pp 95-156
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The crisis of the Spanish monarchy in 1808, which left the nation with no government of generally accepted legitimacy, could not help but have a profound impact on the American colonies from New Spain to the Rio de la Plata. In the larger picture of Spanish American independence, the Pueyrredon administration is remembered chiefly for the support that it gave to the military exploits of Jose de San Martin even as it was abandoning Artigas to his fate. The participation of Peruvian forces in suppressing Chile's Patria Vieja was just one manifestation of the role played by Peru as the principal base of royalist strength in Spanish South America throughout most of the independence struggle. The impasse in Peru was finally broken by the entry of forces from northern South America, where the cause of independence had gradually recovered from the low point of 1816.
  • 4 - The Independence of Brazil
    pp 157-196
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The transfer of the Portuguese court to Rio de Janeiro is generally regarded as a major stage in the evolution of Brazil towards independence since it would prove impossible to restore the status quo ante. By the middle of 1823 Brazil had established her independence from Portugal beyond all doubt, while at the same time avoiding civil war and territorial disintegration. The new Brazilian government, however, was still anxious to secure international recognition of Brazil's de facto independence. Once Brazil's independence had been recognized, and Brazil had abolished the slave trade, Portugal's own excuse for not fulfilling its treaty engagements with Britain to abolish at some future date its trade south as well as north of the equator would collapse. The Brazilian empire was also fortunate in securing early international recognition of its independence. The transition from colony to independent empire was characterized by an extraordinary degree of political, economic and social continuity.
  • 5 - International Politics and Latin American Independence
    pp 197-228
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The political and military struggles which resulted in the independence of the Latin American nations were, from the outset, a matter of concern to the whole of the European and Atlantic state system of which the Spanish and Portuguese colonies formed an integral part. Because of her naval, commercial and industrial supremacy, Britain was much the most important external influence during the period of Latin America's transition to independence. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, her policy towards the Spanish colonies varied from annexation or emancipation to liberalization within the imperial framework. During the course of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars in Europe and the Wars of Independence in Spanish America, much of Latin America's trade had already been diverted from the Iberian Peninsula to the more northerly parts of Europe. This process continued after independence, but increases in the overall volume of external trade were modest rather than spectacular.
  • A note on the Church and the Independence of Latin America
    pp 229-234
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Both sides in the struggle for Spanish American independence, 1808-25, sought the ideological and economic support of the Catholic Church. From the beginning the church hierarchy for the most part supported the royalist cause. The governments of the newly independent Spanish American republics acknowledged Catholicism as the state religion, but at the same time frequently accepted the principle of religious toleration. Many liberals, besides asserting the supremacy of the secular state and defending freedom of thought, aimed considerably to reduce the temporal power and influence of the Church which they regarded as the principal obstacle to post-independence economic, social and political modernization. The Church for its part, as it came under the influence of ultramontane ideas, especially during the papacy of Pius IX, increasingly resisted and mobilized in its own defence the conservative forces in Spanish American society, including popular forces.
  • 6 - Haiti and Santo Domingo, 1790–c. 1870
    pp 235-276
    • By Frank Moya Pons, Fondo para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales, Santo Domin
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In the late eighteenth century the French colony of Saint-Domingue, the western third of the island of Hispaniola, was the most productive colony in the Antilles. It was also the one afflicted by the most complex economic and social problems. The relative harmony between the French and the Dominicans was shattered in 1808, first by Governor Ferrand's order to the colony's inhabitants to suspend all trade with the Haitians, in particular the commerce in cattle, and secondly, and more seriously by Napoleon's invasion of Spain. As in other areas of the Caribbean, the mulatto in Santo Domingo had not the faintest desire to be considered black. The proclamation of the Independent State of Spanish Haiti coincided with the arrival in Santo Domingo of three envoys of President Boyer to tell the Spanish authorities of the Haitian government's decision to support the independence movements in the frontier areas.
  • 7 - Cuba from the middle of the eighteenth century to c. 1870
    pp 277-296
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Spanish colony of Cuba in the mid-eighteenth century was a largely forested, half unmapped island. During the second half of the eighteenth century Cuba was transformed into a prosperous sugar colony. More and more investors from outside the Spanish empire put money into Cuba to the benefit both of themselves and of the island, and the colony was quick to introduce new technology in the sugar industry. The Napoleonic wars not only interrupted trade and delayed the introduction of steam engines for the mills of Cuba on any large scale but also gave the planters an experience of wild fluctuations in sugar prices. The Napoleonic wars were the midwife of Latin American independence. Cuba had become since the Napoleonic wars the richest colony in the world. For a time, coffee had made an effective challenge to sugar as Cuba's main export crop. Coffee, however, remained an important crop till the beginning of the wars of independence.
  • 8 - Economy and society in post-Independence Spanish America
    pp 297-346
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The third quarter of the nineteenth century was a transition in the economic history of Spanish America between the period of economic stagnation after independence, except in Cuba, and the period of export-led growth from the 1870s or 1880s until the World Depression of the 1930s. The relations between the Spanish American economies and the metropolitan economies were gradually redefined. New opportunities for the export sectors of some continental Spanish American economies, notably Argentina, Peru and Chile, were opened up. The beginning of the transformation of Spanish America's external commercial and financial relations and the consequent improvement in the finances of the state in this period contributed to the growth as well as the increased political and social influence of the cities, especially the capitals. The prosperity and stability of both the state and the cities were now dependent on the continued growth of the primary export sector of the Spanish American economies.
  • 9 - Politics, ideology and society in post-Independence Spanish America
    pp 347-422
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    To develop valid general statements about Spanish American politics in the half century that followed independence is a formidable task. Through the interplay of liberal ideologies and economic realities, some corporate groups that had dominated colonial society, notably the colonial guilds of merchants, mining entrepreneurs and artisans, for the most part disappeared. The two largest corporate groups of the colonial period, the Church and the military, remained important, if not dominant, even though their structures were also shaken during the independence period. From the point of view of the intellectual and cultural historian the Porfiriato and other authoritarian liberal regimes are notable for their abandonment of all but the external trappings of liberal ideology and for the adoption of a more hardheaded, authoritarian political style. These regimes may thus be considered as having returned to something more closely approximating the governing mode of Spanish tradition.
  • 10 - Mexico from Independence to 1867
    pp 423-470
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The royalist brigadier, Agustin de Iturbide, proclaimed the independence of Mexico on 24 February 18 21 at Iguala, a small town in the heart of the southern, tropical tierra caliente or 'hot country'. Independence in 1821 did not bring any immediate revolutionary change in the social or economic structure of the country. The first and principal effect was that the political power formerly exercised by the royal bureaucracy was transferred to the army, that is to say, to a coalition of Iturbide's royalist and Guerrero's republican armies. Restored by Juarez in 1867, the liberal republic lasted until 1876 when General Porfirio Diaz, a hero of the patriotic war against the French, overthrew the civilian president, Sebastian Lerdo, a younger brother of Miguel Lerdo and successor to Juarez after his death in 1872. Diaz built one of his own which helped him to retain power for thirty-five years. He was to bring considerable stability to Mexico, making possible unprecedented economic development.
  • 11 - Central America from Independence to c. 1870
    pp 471-506
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Historians of Latin America often pass rapidly over Central American independence with the suggestion that it came about merely as a natural consequence of Mexican independence. It is true that Central America was spared the bloody wars that characterized the struggles for independence in Mexico and Spanish South America. The period 1810-14 witnessed the beginnings of the political struggles in Central America that were to last for decades. The economy of Central America had experienced considerable change in the two decades prior to independence, which placed additional burdens on the new republic. Since the independence of Central America commercial interests in North America and Europe had viewed the isthmus in terms of an interoceanic transit route. Great Britain and the United States, however, pursued an active diplomacy designed both to insure their respective rights in any interoceanic route and to protect the interests of their subjects.
  • 12 - Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador: The first half-century of independence
    pp 507-538
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Military and diplomatic necessity had made the vice-royalty of New Granada, the captaincy-general of Venezuela and the audiencia of Quito form one republic, the Republic of Gran Colombia, at independence. The three successor republics had certain characteristics in common. The population in all three was overwhelmingly rural, no city in the region had forty thousand inhabitants, and in the nineteenth century both their total populations and their cities were to grow only slowly. At the time of independence the economy of New Granada, the most populous of the three republics, was the least dynamic. In comparison with New Granada, Venezuela had a stronger and more diversified export-sector. For all three republics the nineteenth century was an era of government either seen to be unstable, or at best seen optimistically to be recently emerged from instability. All three suffered frequent civil wars and ended the century in war.
  • 13 - Peru and Bolivia from Independence to the War of the Pacific
    pp 539-582
    • By Heraclio Bonilla, Pontifica Universidad Catdlica del Peru and Institute de Estudios Peruanos, Lima
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Peru and Bolivia, which had shared one history from the remote past until the crisis of the colonial system, had gone their separate ways after independence from Spain. Despite the wars of independence, the political, social and economic order of colonial Peru remained in many respects intact. The social structure of Peru in the period immediately after independence reflected the segmentation of the Peruvian economy. From the early 1840s to the beginning of the war with Chile in 1879 the economic and political evolution of Peru was dependent in one way or another on the exploitation of guano deposits on the coastal islands. The growing use of fertilizers was one of the innovations in English farming techniques which was designed to increase productivity and meet the demands of industrial Britain. The victories of the Chilean army and navy in the War of the Pacific brought to a climax in Peru both the financial and the political crises of the 1870s.
  • 14 - Chile from Independence to the War of the Pacific
    pp 583-614
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The war of 1836-9 was an example of national assertiveness which incurred strong disapproval from Great Britain and France, but it inevitably heightened the international prestige of Chile. The connection between political stability and economic progress is never entirely clear-cut. It nevertheless seems fair to argue that the considerable commercial expansion which Chile underwent between the 1820s and the 1870s owed something, at least, to the settled conditions to be found in the country, as well as to the international demand for what Chile could produce. Sixty years after independence Chile was an altogether more prosperous land than would have seemed likely in 1810, as well as being more integrated economically than in colonial times. The War of the Pacific was seen at the time as a cynically premeditated exercise in plunder, with the aim of rescuing Chile from her economic plight by seizing the mineral wealth of the northern deserts.
  • 15 - The River Plate Republics from Independence to the Paraguayan War
    pp 615-676
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Argentina became independent in the second decade of the nineteenth century with few of the assets considered essential in a Latin American state. Argentina relied upon British manufactures, British shipping, British markets, but it did not yet need, could not yet use, British capital and technology, it made its own economic decisions, and its independence was never in doubt. And by mid-century it was already moving towards a better balance of trade as the British market consumed more of its raw materials. Paraguay was the victim of Argentina, Brazil and its own ruler, although it was the latter who allowed himself to fulfil the role of aggressor. Although Paraguay eventually achieved an inferior version of the export-oriented growth typical of other parts of the River Plate, she failed in the end to undergo the process of modernization which she herself had pioneered and which was now monopolized by Argentina and Uruguay.
  • 16 - Brazil from Independence to the middle of the nineteenth century
    pp 677-746
    • By Leslie Bethell, Associate Professor of Political Science, Institute Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro, José Murilo De Carvalho, Associate Professor of Political Science, Institute Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The independence Brazil achieved in 1822 was incomplete. The presence of a Portuguese prince willing to assume the leadership of the movement for independence from Portugual was a crucial factor in ensuring a smooth transition to independence, political, and social, stability and national unity. During the 1830s and 1840s three products, namely sugar, cotton and coffee, continued to account for 75-80 per cent of Brazil's exports. It was coffee, however, which for the first time was largely responsible for Brazil's modest but steady overall economic growth. At the beginning of the 1850s, nearly thirty years after independence, Brazil enjoyed political stability, internal peace from north to south and a certain prosperity based primarily on exports of coffee. Externally, Britain had been given satisfaction on the slave trade question and Rosas was defeated in February 1852.
  • 17 - Brazil from the middle of the nineteenth century to the Paraguayan War
    pp 747-794
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At the end of the Civil War a number of southerners migrated to Brazil hoping to recreate slave-worked cotton plantations. Although every kind of agricultural activity in all regions of Brazil counted on some slave labour, as did stock raising, cereal production, even rubber and mate gathering, it was the major cash crops of sugar and coffee that accounted for Brazil's heavy reliance on black slaves. Since 1837, as coffee emerged to give the nation a new economic centre of gravity, there had been a steady movement away from the liberalism of the previous decade and a reaction towards the restoration of the power of the central government. The Paraguayan War, a major international conflict, had effects besides preventing Zacarias from pushing through moderate reforms. It exposed the contradiction between the facade of polished discourse among political elites and the exploitative realities faced by most Brazilians. It also exacerbated tensions within the Brazilian military.
  • 18 - The literature, music and art of Latin America from Independence to c. 1870
    pp 795-840
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The independence and post-independence periods set the national rather than continental patterns for Latin American culture. It was not only a time of passionate upheaval followed by national introspection, but also one when the integration of the independent republics into the rapidly evolving international economic system had still barely begun. Latin America's historical reality has always produced Latin America's proper cultural expression: if so much of that art, particularly in the nineteenth century, now seems to have deformed or disguised Latin American realities, then that in itself is a Latin American reality for which artists alone cannot be held responsible. All the arts except literature languished or declined at first in most regions, because they required a level of wealth, investment and stability lacking in Spanish America generally until the 1870s or later. Relatively few important buildings were erected and few paintings or musical compositions were officially commissioned before mid-century, other than the traditional religious works for churches.
  • Bibliographical essays
    pp 841-920
  • https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232241.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This bibliography contains a list of reference materials and works related to the history of Latin America. The bibliography on Mexico's struggle for independence is vast, perhaps the largest in Mexican studies. Published documentary collections are rich; only the most notable can be mentioned here. Though always a subject of great fascination to scholars, Mexican late colonial and independence studies have undergone much recent revision. While not as vast or complex as the historiography of Mexican independence, Central American historiography has also been fascinated by independence and its impact, though the story there is one of a relatively bloodless political movement. The independence movement of Spanish South America has long been a favourite topic among conservative historians while attracting rather few innovative scholars either in Latin America or in other countries. In Ecuador disproportionate attention has been devoted to the first Quito junta, and on it the available literature is mainly of interest to a few specialists.

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