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This chapter reviews the revolutions of modernity that flowered during the nineteenth century, redefining the material and ideational landscapes of humankind, and setting up the modern international system in which we still live. It takes a particular look at Japan as both a harbinger of the rise of the rest, and as a refutation of the idea that the first round of modernity was exclusively Western. It concludes by looking at the causes and consequences of the First World War.
The key theme of this chapter is the first wave of institutionalisation of IR in the wake of the trauma to the European core. IR emerged tenuously in the core countries as a distinct academic discipline and policy science, with particular strengths in the US and Britain. Its main focus was on the immediate policy crisis confronting the core after the First World War: understanding its causes in order to prevent a second, giving particular attention to the role of armaments, diplomacy and the potential of the new League of Nations. Concern with the periphery stayed firmly in the background. A few institutions, university chairs and departments were dedicated to teaching and researching IR, and there was an annual academic International Studies Conference linked to the League of Nations that tried to define the scope and content of the discipline. There was also more thinking about ir in the periphery, though this remained largely marginal to Western IR.
The key theme of this chapter is the emergence before 1914 of the modern concept of ‘the international’, and international relations, as something that needed to be studied. During these decades, most of the current approaches to IR took shape, but not in an integrated way. Nevertheless, this period can be seen as laying the foundations for modern IR, predominantly, but not only, in the West. The first conscious moves towards making IR a discipline happened during and after the First World War. Throughout this period there was a strong sense of separation between international relations and international society on the one hand, seen as being about relations among the ‘civilised states’, and on the other hand, colonial relations, which were not viewed as ‘international’ though they were very concerned with differences of culture, race and development. There were also significant lines of IR thinking emerging in the periphery, mostly with an anti-colonial inspiration. We conclude that IR’s founding myth of 1919 is not wholly wrong, but it is also quite far from being an accurate account, distorting as much as it enlightens.
The main development here is the ongoing dominance of the US in IR, but with increasing differentiation from Europe, and with continued spread and institutionalization of IR beyond the West, notably in China, Singapore, and India. This is also the period when Constructivism takes off, first as a direct rival to neo-realism and neo-liberalism, but later some of its variants become engaged in a more accommodating relationship with the rationalist theories. While the inter-paradigm debates of the earlier period die down, accompanied by a preference for mid-range theories. These, however, do not provide enough space to accommodate the range of theoretical and practical concerns of scholars outside the Western core. There is also a growing momentum in postcolonial approaches as well as indications of increasing dissatisfaction in the non-Western world about the parochialism of American and Western IR.
This chapter covers ir from the end of the Cold War to 2017. Like Chapter 3 it is a story of two halves. In the first half, up to 2008, version 1.1 Western GIS reached its peak and the framings of unipolarity and globalisation dominated understanding. In the second half, after 2008, the relative decline of the West became increasingly obvious, and the transition into version 1.2, deep pluralist GIS, began. The core expands, and the periphery shrinks, and ir within the core is increasingly about relations among a set of great powers – Russia, China, Japan, the EU and India – and between them and the US as the declining superpower. At the same time, core and periphery become ever more deeply entangled by a set of shared-fate issues ranging from nuclear proliferation, terrorism and migration; through management of the global economy, environment and cyberspace; to a set of interventions by core powers into periphery conflicts.
This chapter argues that the First World War did not fundamentally alter GIS either normatively or materially. Thus version 1.0 Western-colonial GIS continued, albeit with the trauma of the First World War elevating war and the defence dilemma to top priority. One effect of this was to marginalise the periphery even further. We continue to look at Japan as part of the core, and trace the attempt to rebuild GIS during the 1920s, and the breakdown of this attempt during the 1930s. The chapter concludes by looking at the Second World War in comparison with the First, arguing that it had much bigger consequences for GIS, triggering the shift to version 1.1 GIS.
The key theme of this chapter is the second wave of institutionalisation of IR in the wake of the Second World War, and the onset of the nuclear era, the Cold War and decolonisation. Initially, the main focus of IR was again on the problems of the core as defined by the Cold War and nuclear weapons, reflected in theoretical developments, especially Realism and Neorealism, and Strategic Studies. Developments in liberal theories, such as Regional Integration Theory and Neoliberal Institutionalism, also focused on the problems of economic interdependence among the Western countries. The ‘great debate’ of this period, between scientific and classical approaches, did nothing to extend the purview of IR beyond the West. Despite the tentative beginnings of the dependencia perspective in the 1950s, it was only in the 1970s that concern with the Third World began to develop (along with IPE) as a main theme of IR. There was a massive widening and deepening of institutionalisation of the discipline, again most notably in the US and Britain, though also in Europe, Japan, Korea and others. There were a lot more research outfits, university chairs and departments devoted to the subject, and a lot more teaching of it. In the 1950s, the International Studies Association was founded in the USA and national academic IR associations formed and promoted the discipline in various ways.
This chapter looks at the gathering sense of both crisis and transformation around the current world order. Capitalism, despite having won the Cold War, seems to be in considerable trouble. Brexit and Trump have removed the Anglosphere from world leadership. A rising China poses many unknowns about what kind of world order it favours. Wealth, power and cultural authority are diffusing to multiple centres, some states, some not. In this context, we look at seven key structural features of GIS and propose and defend assumptions about how they will unfold in the coming decades. We then set out some ideas about the possible material shape and normative character of GIS in a context of deep pluralism.
This chapter argues for the need to have a third founding, or re-founding, of the discipline, that moves IR decisively out of its West-centrism, and onto more truly global foundations. The widening and deepening of IR needs to continue in order to match the widening and deepening of globalisation and the move towards a world of deep pluralism. There is a proliferation of interests and ideas from Global South scholars as well as their non-mainstream Western counterparts on how to redefine and broaden IR, leading to debates such as ‘Non-Western’ or ‘post-Western’ IR, and ‘Global IR’. We sketch out some of these debates, including the pathways they propose and similarities and differences among them. We also examine some of the features of Global IR, and the research themes and strategies that might lead its realisation, and the challenges these efforts face.
This chapter argues that the impact of the Second World War was substantial enough to mark a change to version 1.1 Western-GIS. It examines the core in terms of the Cold War, looking particularly at bipolarity and the huge amplification of the defence dilemma generated by nuclear weapons. It looks at the periphery in terms of decolonisation, arguing that this might come to be seen as more important than the Cold War. Decolonisation eventually broke the separation between ir as relations between ‘civilised’ states on the one hand, and metropolitan–colonial relations on the other, and thus made ir truly global for the first time. While seeing them as substantially independent phenomena, we look at the interplay between the Cold War and decolonisation, and at the rise of China as an enigmatic outsider to both processes. The chapter concludes by looking at the ending of the Cold War mainly as a victory for capitalism, though still seeing this as within the frame of version 1.1 GIS.
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