Skip to main content
×
Home
The Cambridge History of Egypt
  • Get access
    Check if you have access via personal or institutional login
  • Cited by 1
  • Cited by
    This book has been cited by the following publications. This list is generated based on data provided by CrossRef.

    Jones, Linda G. 2012. Islām al-kāfir fÄ« ḥāl al-juá¹­ba: sobre la conversión de los “infieles” al Islam durante el sermón del viernes en el Egipto mameluco. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, Vol. 42, Issue. 1, p. 53.


    ×
  • Volume 1: 640–1517
  • Edited by Carl F. Petry, Northwestern University, Illinois

  • Export citation
  • Recommend to librarian
  • Recommend this book

    Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this book to your organisation's collection.

    The Cambridge History of Egypt
    • Online ISBN: 9781139053372
    • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374
    Please enter your name
    Please enter a valid email address
    Who would you like to send this to? *
    ×
  • Buy the print book

Book description

The Cambridge History of Egypt offers the first comprehensive English-language treatment of Egyptian history through thirteen centuries, from the Arab conquest to the present day. The two-volume survey considers the political, socio-economic and cultural history of the world's oldest state, summarizing the debates and providing insight into controversies. As Egypt reclaims a leading role in the Islamic, Arab and Afro-Asian worlds, the project stands as testimony to its complex and vibrant past. Volume 1 addresses the period from the Arab invasion in 640 to the Ottoman conquest in 1517. It opens with a discussion of the preceding centuries to illustrate the legacy of ancient Egypt, and then progresses chronologically according to the major dynastic episodes. Authors have been encouraged to address their topics in the light of new research.

Reviews

Review of the hardback:‘… a fine addition to any personal or institutional library with interest in the Islamic world … the authors and editors are to be congratulated.’

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society

Review of the hardback:' … this excellent volume is a reliable summary of recent research in the field.'

Amalia Levanoni - University of Haifa

Review of the hardback:‘… a notable scholarly achievement … the main contribution of the editor, Carl F. Petry, in making this book an important landmark in the modern historiography of Muslim Egypt, lies in his broad vision of the history of Egypt and its people.’

Source: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam

    • Aa
    • Aa
Refine List
Actions for selected content:
Select all | Deselect all
  • View selected items
  • Export citations
  • Download PDF (zip)
  • Send to Kindle
  • Send to Dropbox
  • Send to Google Drive
  • Send content to

    To send content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about sending content to .

    To send content to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about sending to your Kindle.

    Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

    Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

    Please be advised that item(s) you selected are not available.
    You are about to send:
    ×

Save Search

You can save your searches here and later view and run them again in "My saved searches".

Please provide a title, maximum of 40 characters.
×
  • 1 - Egypt under Roman rule: the legacy of ancient Egypt
    pp 1-33
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Long-standing assumptions regarding the unique status of Egypt have been based upon a perceived uninterrupted continuity of agricultural life for the great mass of the Egyptian peasantry. Always primarily an agricultural society, Egypt was uniquely dependent for its survival upon the Nile flood waters, harnessed by an extensive network of local irrigation canals. Regardless of language, ethnicity or religion, scribes of Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine Egypt utilized almost exclusively the indigenous system. Deprived of most civil and military offices during the long centuries of foreign domination, prominent Egyptian families had turned instead to the temples as their source of income and prestige. Mixed marriages between Egyptians and Greeks were increasingly common. On the political level, Roman efforts to enforce security in Egypt were largely successful until the third century, and an overview of the official history of the province is fairly straightforward.
  • 2 - Egypt on the eve of the Muslim conquest
    pp 34-61
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Many aspects of Egypt's economy, social structure and spiritual outlook during Late Antiquity persisted into the early seventh century. Egypt returned to Byzantine authority in late 629 but in another five years the Muslim menace became apparent. Surviving Byzantine sources at Constantinople probably owe some of their information to Arab Christian traditions and transmission. They are so fragmentary in their coverage that it would be impossible to understand the Muslim conquests of Egypt by relying exclusively on them. Egypt remained relatively prosperous after the Persian departure. The resumption of coastal trading and the end of the Persian occupation helped to revive the economy of Alexandria and other coastal towns. Egypt had provided financial support for military operations in Syria and many earlier campaigns. The imposition of a heavy tribute on the province temporarily forestalled a Muslim invasion.
  • 3 - Egypt as a province in the Islamic caliphate, 641–868
    pp 62-85
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Muslim conquest of Egypt followed naturally from that of Syria. In the aftermath of the final Byzantine surrender of Alexandria in 22/642, the most important decision facing ‘Amr was the settlement of the victorious troops. There is an old tradition that ‘Amr himself wished to establish Alexandria as the capital but the Caliph ‘Umar intervened to forbid this. The most important figure in the political life was the governor or wālī. He was in charge of leading the prayers in the mosque on Fridays and of making sure that the kharāj was collected. In the years which followed the conquest the Muslim community in Egypt was involved in two major developments, expanding Muslim rule in north Africa and responding to the major political upheavals in the rest of the Muslim world. The most striking characteristic of early ‘Abbāsid administration in Egypt is its continuity with the Umayyad period.
  • 4 - Autonomous Egypt from Ibn Tūlūn to Kāfūr, 868–969
    pp 86-119
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Syria and Egypt witnessed a number of brief military revolts or tribal rebellions during the second half of the ninth century. From 870 to 960, the Arab navy based in Crete joined with fleets sailing out of Syria to disrupt shipping in the Aegean and Adriatic seas. From the time of the Arab conquest, Egypt had played a passive role, but between 868 and 969, Ibn Ṭūlūn and his successors radically transformed this state of affairs, and thereby created a powerful autonomous regime. During the reign of Ibn Ṭūlūn, Theodore, Patriarch of Jerusalem, praised him for his benevolent exercise of power. The situation began to change in the fourth/tenth century, after the fall of the Ṭūlūids. Upon the death of ‘Alī ibn al-Ikhshīd in 355/January 966, Abu‘1-Misk Kāfūr succeeded him without making the pretense of protecting a prince of the family.
  • 5 - The Ismā‘īlī Da‘wa and the Fātimid caliphate
    pp 120-150
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Fāṭimid caliphate began as a restoration of the rights of ‘Alīʾs family as descended from ‘Alīʾs sons by the prophetʾs daughter Fāṭima. The spread of the Ismāʿīlī Daʿwa by this time was impressively wide, reaching and included significant cells in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Baḥrayn, the Yemen, and the Maghreb. The Fāṭimid position in Egypt was precarious. Al-Mʿizz recognized that the strength of the Fāṭimid appeal had been seriously weakened by the long standing defection of eastern Qarmatian Ismāʿīlīs. The arrival of the imam, which transformed the new city of Cairo into the seat of an empire, was itself an event that signalled the ultimate achievement of the Fāṭimids. Many eastern Ismāʿīlīs did, however, and those who acceded to the Fāṭimid imamate now regarded Cairo as a destination of pilgrimage and as the center of Ismāʿīlī doctrine and teaching.
  • 6 - The Fātimid state, 969–1171
    pp 151-174
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At the heart of the Fāṭimid state lay the imamate, which challenged both the political hegemony and the religious authority of the Sunnī ‘Abbasid caliphate. The Fāṭimids were a sect of Shi‘īs one of several groups who argued that ‘Alī ibn Abī Talib should have succeeded the Prophet Muhammad as head of the Islamic community of believers. By the late Fāṭimid period, the state itself had become militarized so that the army was involved in almost every aspect of Fāṭimid government and administration. The Fāṭimids had come to power in north Africa and conquered Egypt largely on the strength and loyalty of a Berber tribal army. Egypt's flourishing economy in the Fāṭimid period was founded not only upon agriculture but also on international trade. Although Islamic civilization in general and Fāṭimid culture in particular were highly urbanized, the majority of men and women in medieval Egypt lived in the countryside.
  • 7 - The non-Muslim communities: Christian communities
    pp 175-197
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Christian community in Egypt between 641 and 1517 was an often divided population in a state of constant transition. At the time of the Muslim conquest, the majority of Egyptians were Christians of some sort, Christianity having been the religion of the Byzantine rulers of Egypt for over 300 years. The early development of Christian monasticism in Egypt in third century had a major impact on the growth of Christian institution throughout the Mediterranean world. By the early fourth century, a significant portion of the population of Egypt had become Christian. The Christians of Egypt were treated as dhimmī, falling under the protection extended to the non-Muslim groups that fell under Muslim rule. Written histories, chronicles and biographies, mostly in Arabic but in some cases in Coptic, Greek or other languages, are the most significant sources for the political and institutional history of the Egyptian Christians and their churches.
  • 8 - The non-Muslim communities: the Jewish community
    pp 198-210
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Egypt had always been the foremost center of Hellenistic Jewry. However, by the time of the Arab conquest, the heyday of the Egyptian Jews had long passed and their numbers were considerably reduced in the suppression of Jewish uprisings. There was also a Samaritan community in medieval Egypt, which was considered to be part of the Jewish subject population by the Islamic governmental authorities during the later Middle Ages. Each Egyptian Jewish community had a common chest for wide-ranging social services which included philanthropy, the upkeep and maintenance of the houses of worship and communal properties, and the salaries of communal officials. The decree of the Sultan al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ in 1354 went further in imposing restrictions. Non-Muslim men were henceforth to wear a distinctive metal neck ring when visiting the public baths, so that even undressed they could not be mistaken for believers.
  • 9 - The crusader era and the Ayyūbid dynasty
    pp 211-241
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Ayyūbid period was a turning-point in Egypt's pre-modern history. The Ayyūbids came to power in the long aftermath of the second crusade. This crusade, having been launched to recover Edessa and fought in central Syria, had little immediate impact on Egypt. For the remainder of the Ayyūbid period the Latin states restricted their military operations to Syria or were junior partners in crusades launched from Europe. Ṣalāh al-Dīn, hitherto a fairly minor figure, made an effort to understand the Fāṭimid court and administrative apparatus, had treatises written to explain the Fāṭimid court and revenue system, and employed Fāṭimid secretaries. The Ayyūbids made money from sultanal monopolies and goods traded on their own account, but they benefited principally from taxes and duties. The combination of affective household ties with the politics of revenue assignment penetrated rulership, military organization, diplomacy, urban administration, education, land tenure, the administration of justice, and bureaucracy.
  • 10 - The Bahrī Mamlūk sultanate, 1250–1390
    pp 242-289
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Two conditions favoured the emergence of the Baḥrī Mamlūk Sultanate: the evolved state of the mamluk institution in the thirteenth century, and the nascent political hegemony of Egypt in the region and its vital role in a global trade system. For a thousand years, from the ninth until the nineteenth century, the mamlūk institution was a prominent feature of nearly all Islamic societies. The name Baḥrī derives from the Baḥrī regiment whose members dominated the political, economic and military structure of the empire during the last half of the thirteenth century and whose descendants continued to rule during most of the fourteenth. Early Mamlūk Egypt harboured a wide spectrum of Islamic religious expression, a range which included the remnants of Ismāʿīlī Shiʾism, but now increasingly Sunnism and Ṣūfīsm in all their variety. The Baḥrī Mamlūks embraced Sunnism and Ṣūfīsm out of both personal piety and political expediency.
  • 11 - The regime of the Circassian Mamlūks
    pp 290-317
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The regime of the Circassian Mamlūks formed a bridge between Egypt's most brilliant medieval period and the beginning of the sixteenth century. This chapter describes the military confrontations and international relations of Circassian Mamlūks of the period, 1382-1517, which saw the restoration of the Mamlūk state under the amīr al-Malik al-Ẓāhir Barqūq. Barqūq was Circassian and he had promptly purchased mamlūks of that race. From 1383, non-Circassian elements had been attempting unsuccessfully to overthrow him, who was quickly arrested and replaced in the caliphate. The political changes in the Mamlūk system seem to be linked to two basic causes: the ethnic solidarity of the Circassians and the steady relative growth of the financial means available to the sultans, compared with the revenues of the amīrs as a whole. The Mamlūk state was always run by civilian administrators who made up the various dīwāns in the capital.
  • 12 - The monetary history of Egypt, 642–1517
    pp 318-338
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    This chapter presents an overview of the monetary history of Egypt. It discusses some of the basic terminologies and the theoretical issues and controversies affecting the analysis of old money in Islamic Egypt. The chapter provides an outline of Egyptian monetary history, broken into three periods: from the Muslim conquest to the Fāṭimids; the Fāṭimids and the Ayyūbids; and developments in the Mamlūk period. Lacking a tradition of minting coins, as the early Muslim state expanded beyond the Arabian peninsula it simply adopted the coinage traditions of the lands conquered. As for developments in silver, there are few Fāṭimid dirhams found in the published catalogues of major public collections. This lacuna has been cited in support of the existence of a silver famine across the Islamic world in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Mamlūks, like the Ayyūbids before them, minted coins in both Cairo and Alexandria.
  • 13 - Art and architecture in the medieval period
    pp 339-374
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Cities and their buildings stood at the center of the visual culture of medieval Egypt. Recognized as significant forms in themselves, the cities and their buildings both provided a central focus and constituted an underlying structure to which other elements of the visual world related. Understanding Egypt's visual practices also mandates two different strategies for reconstructing visual culture, namely by noting historical change and dynastic change. During the early decades of the twentieth century, scholars sponsored by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York produced the fundamental study of medieval Coptic visual culture, an analogue to Creswell's study of Muslim architecture. Many architectural elements as well as objects and textiles remain from the Fāṭimid period that indicate a significant level of luxury in the arts. The luxury arts of the Mamlūks mentioned by Ibn Khaldūn can be exemplified by textiles and by metalwork.
  • 14 - Culture and society during the late Middle Ages
    pp 375-411
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Most historians have rightly stressed the social segmentation of medieval Islamic societies, and particularly the cities, of the Near East. Muslim writers defined the different layers of Egyptian society in various ways and the competing demands of religion, wealth, occupation, ethnicity, and educational attainment. The shrinkage of the population was sharpened by the waves of pestilence which swept over Egypt from the mid-fourteenth century, but it may have been in motion before the first epidemic struck in 1347. In Egypt as in other medieval Islamic societies, slavery was largely an urban phenomenon. The most prominent slaves in medieval Egyptian society were the Mamlūks. The Mamlūk regime was tied to an international Sunnī culture which embraced Egypt, Syria, Anatolia and Iran. The Middle Ages saw a boom in the construction and endowment of Ṣūfī khānqāhs, along with madrasas and mosques, Mamlūk amīrs, and other leading political and social figures.
  • 15 - Historiography of the Ayyūbid and Mamlūk epochs
    pp 412-444
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    With the establishment of the Mamlūk dynasty following the murder of the last Ayyūbid sultan of Egypt and the short, curious reign of Shajar al-Durr as Queen of the Muslims, the surviving Ayyūbid historians from Syria continued to record political events of the ruling circles in Egypt. One of the most interesting historians of the Baḥrī Mamlūks, Sayf al-Dīn Abū Bakr ibn al-Dawādārī, was a member of the group called awlād al-nās. The conventional history of Ibn al-Furāt and other Mamluk historians does nothing to anticipate the contribution of Ibn Khaldūn. Apparently unappreciated for his genius during his lifetime and for centuries thereafter, he was finally discovered by the Ottoman historian Na‘īma in the eighteenth century and was subsequently recognized and acclaimed in the west as a major figure in the development of the philosophy of history and sociology.
  • 16 - Egypt in the world system of the later Middle Ages
    pp 445-461
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    An understanding of Egypt's place in its Eurasian and African milieu must begin with some reflections on periodization. Only in the later Middle Ages did Egypt become a major imperial center, with all that implied in the arenas of commerce, religious influence, and cultural expression. When Egypt was captured by an Arab Muslim expeditionary force in the 640s, after a remarkably easy campaign, no one could have predicted the size and durability of the new empire ballooning out of Arabia. Only in the ninth century did Egypt begin to play a major role in the greater Muslim world. The growing role of Fusṭāṭ in Islamic thought and practice was certainly connected with demographic and cultural changes within the country as well. By the middle decades of the ninth century, Lower Egypt had undergone a considerable process of Arabization and Islamization, owing in part to conversion and acculturation among the native population and in part to large-scale immigration by Arab tribes.
  • 17 - The military institution and innovation in the late Mamlūk period
    pp 462-489
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Upon the accession of Qānṣūh al-Ghawrī to the Cairo sultanate, the Mamlūk oligarchy over which he presided had ruled Egypt and Syria as a unified imperium for more than 250 years. At the outset of the sixteenth century sweeping changes were transforming the political environment of the eastern Mediterranean and southwest Asia. These changes reflected the ambitions of new actors on the regional stage, energetic polities whose agendas no longer accommodated the Mamlūk sultanate's commitment to stasis. By the late ninth/fifteenth century, the economy of the Mamlūk sultanate delivered lower sums of revenue from its traditional productive sectors than in earlier periods. Historians of Mamlūk society during the later Middle Ages have noted the frequent incidence of practices that sheltered revenue-yielding property from direct taxation by the central government. The military elite consequently invested in a wide range of charitable foundations, scholastic institutions, houses of worship and welfare services.
  • 18 - The Ottoman occupation
    pp 490-516
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521471374.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The long rivalry between the Mamlūks and the Ottomans that led to war and conquest was a confrontation between two Muslim Sunnī empires, both governed by Turkish-speaking rulers. The predominant language in the central Ottoman provinces was Turkish; the Mamlūk state included Egypt and Syria, with the Ḥijāz within its sphere of influence. The best source on the final decades of the Mamlūk sultanate, the Ottoman conquest, and the first six years of Ottoman rule is the excellent chronicle of Muḥammad Ibn Iyās. An Ottoman force headed by Grand Vizier Sinān Pasha easily defeated the Egyptians. The Ottomans realized that Egypt was necessary to control Syria; there is also little doubt that Khayrbāk's, the governor of the province of Aleppo, advice contributed to Salīm's determination to conquer Egypt. The overwhelming victory of the Ottomans did not put an end to the political ambitions of the Mamlūk elite.

This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


B. J. Beshir , “Fatimid Military Organization,” Der Islam, 55 (1978).

RogerBagnall, and B. W. Frier, The demography of Roman Egypt (Cambridge, 1994).

S. M. Stern , “Three petitions of the Fatimid period,” Oriens, 15 (1962).

Brian P. Copenhaver, , Hermetica (Cambridge, 1992).

David Ayalon , “Studies on the Transfer of the ’Abbasid Caliphate from Baghdad to Cairo,” Arabica, 7 (1960)

Peter Spufford , Money and Its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1988) 14.

K.Hopkins, , “Brother-Sister Marriage in Roman Egypt,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22 (1980).

A. H. M.Jones, , A History of Rome through the Fifth Century (London, 1970).

Jonathan Berkey P., “Tradition, Innovation, and the Social Construction of Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic Near East,” Past & Present, 146 (1995).

Gary Leiser L., “Notes on the Madrasa in Medieval Islamic Society,” The Muslim World, 76 (1986)

NaphtaliLewis, , “Mερισμὸσ ἀναкεχωρηкότων an aspect of the Roman oppression in Egypt,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 23 (1937).

J. G.Milne, , “The Ruin of Egypt by Roman Mismanagement,” Journal of Roman Studies, 17 (1927).

T. CSkeat, , “A Letter from the King of the Blemmyes to the King of the Noubades,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 63 (1977).

DonaldWhitcomb, , “Quseir al-Qadim and the Location of Myos Hormos,” Topoi, 6 (1996).

H.Delehaye, Passio sanctorum sexaginta martyrum,” Analecta Bollandiana, 23 (1904).

H.Delehaye, Une vie inédite de Saint Jean l’Aumônier,” Analecta Bollandiana, 45 (1927).

Nikiu John of, The Chronicle of John (c. 690 AD) Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version with an Introduction, Critical and Linguistic Notes, and an Index of Names, trans.R. H. Charles (London, 1916).

H. A. R.Gibb, , “The Fiscal Rescript of Omar II,” Arabica, 2 (1955).

Nikiu John of, The Chronicle of John (c. 690 AD) Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version with an Introduction, Critical and Linguistic Notes, and an Index of Names, trans. R. H. Charles (London, 1916).

H.Kennedy, , “Central Government and Provincial Elites in the early ‘Abbasid caliphate,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 44 (1981).

R. G.Khoury, , “Al-Layth ibn Sa’d (94/713–175/791), grand maître et mecène de l’Egypte”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 40 (1981).

D.Bryer, , “The Origins of the Druze Religion,” Der Islam, 52 (1975), 53 (1976).

Paul E. Walker, , “The lsmaili Da‘wa in the Reign of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hākim,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 30 (1993).

Paul E. Walker, , Early Philosophical Shiism: the Ismaili Neoplatonism of Abū Ya‘qūb al-Sijistānī (Cambridge, 1993).

A. L.Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam (Princeton, 1970).

Nikiu John of, The Chronicle of John (c. 690 AD) Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version with an Introduction, Critical and Linguistic Notes, and an Index of Names, trans. R. H. Charles (London, 1916).

C.Cahen, , “Douanes et commerce dans les ports méditerranéens de l’Egypte médiévale d’après le Minhādj d’al-Makhzūmī,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 7 (1964).

A. S.Ehrenkreutz, , “Contributions to the knowledge of the fiscal administration of Egypt in the middle ages,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 16 (1954).

A. S.Ehrenkreutz, , “The place of Saladin in the naval history of the Mediterranean sea in the middle ages,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 75 (1955).

S. D.Goitein, , “The Exchange Rate of Gold and Silver Money in Fātimid and Ayyūbid Times. A Preliminary Study of the Relevant Geniza Material,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 8 (1965).

DavidAyalon, , “Aspects of the Mamlūk Phenomenon: I. The Importance of the Mamlūk Institution; II. Ayyūbids, Kurds and Turks,” Der Islam, 53 (1976); 54 (1977).

MichaelBrett, , “The Way of the Peasant,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 47 (1984).

M. A.Hiyari, , “The Origins and Development of the Amirate of the Arabs during the Seventh/Thirteenth and Eighth/Fourteenth Centuries,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 38 (1975).

P. M.Holt, , “Some Observations on the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate of Cairo,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 47 (1984).

P. M.Holt, , “The Sultanate of Mansūr Lachīn (696–8/1296–9),” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 36 (1973).

BoazShoshan, , Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo (Cambridge, 1993).

Jere L. Bacharach, , “Circassian Mamlūk Historians and Their Economic Data,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 12 (1975).

Jere L. Bacharach, , and Henri Amin Awad, “Rare Early Egyptian Islamic Coins and Coin Weights: The Awad Collection,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 18 (1981).

PaulBalog, , “Islamic Bronze Weights from Egypt.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 13 (1970).

RobertBrunschvig, , “Conceptions monétaires chez les juristes musulmans (VIIIe-XIIIe siècles),” Arabica, 14 (1967).

Richard. C. Cooper, , “A Note on the Dīnār Jayshī,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 16 (1973).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “Arabic Dinars Struck by the Crusaders — A case of ignorance or of economic subversion,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 7 (1964).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “Byzantine Tertartera and Islamic Dinars,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 7 (1964).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “The Crisis of the Dinar in the Egypt of Saladin.” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 76 (1956).

GillesHennequin, , “Waqf et monnaie dans l’Égypte mamlūke,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 38 (1995).

SubhiLabib, , “Geld und Kredit,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 2 (1959).

R.Bulliet, , Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period, An Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, MA, and London, 1979).

M. M.Badawi, Medieval Arabic Drama: Ibn Dāniyāl,” Journal of Arabic Literature, 13 (1982).

WilliamBrinner, , “The Significance of the Harāfīsh and their ‘Sultan’,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 6 (1963).

S. D.Goitein, , “New Light on the Beginnings of the Kārimī Merchants,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 1 (1958).

Leiser, L.Gary, , “The Madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle East: The Case of Egypt,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 22 (1985).

CarlPetry, , “A Paradox of Patronage,” The Muslim World, 73 (1983).

CarlPetry, , “Scholastic Stasis in Medieval Islam Reconsidered: Mamlūk Patronage in Cairo,” Poetics Today, 14 (1993).

UlrichHaarmann, , “Altun Ḫān und Čingiz Ḫan bei den ägyptischen Mamluken,” Der Islam, 51 (1974).

P. M.Holt, , “The Virtuous Ruler in Thirteenth-Century Mamluk Royal Biographies,” Nottingham Medieval Studies, 24 (1980).

TarifKhalidi, , Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period (Cambridge, 1994).

Donald P. Little, , “The Recovery of a Lost Source for Bahrī Mamlūk History: Al-Yūsufī’s Nuzhat al-Nāẓir fī Sīrat al-Malik al-Nāsir,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 94 (1974); reprinted in Little, History, No. II.

DavidAyalon, , “Studies on the Structure of the Mamlūk Army — I, II, IIIBulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 15 (1953); 16 (1954).

K. N.Chaudhuri, , Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean. An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750. (Cambridge, 1985).

Winslow W. Clifford, , “Some Observations on the Course of Mamlūk-Safavi Relations (1502–1516/908–922), I and II,” Der Islam, 70, 2 (1993).

MarshallHodgson, , The Venture of Islam, II (Chicago, 1974).

I. M.Lapidus, , “The Grain Economy of Mamlūk Egypt,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 12 (1969).

HassaneinRabie, , “Political Relations between the Safavids of Persia and the Mamluks of Egypt and Syria in the Early Sixteenth Century,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 15 (1978).

JohnWansbrough, , “The Safe-Conduct in Muslim Chancery Practice,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 34 (1971).

AnnemarieSchimmel, , “Kalif und Kadi in spätmittelalterlichen Ägypten,” Die Welt des Islams, 24 (1942).

MichaelWinter, , Egyptian Society Under Ottoman Rule, 1517–1798 (London and New York, 1992).

ReuvenAmitai-Preiss, , Mongols and Mamlūks: The Mamlūk-Īlkhānid war, 1260–1281 (Cambridge, 1995).

E.Ashtor, , “L’évolution des prix dans le Proche-Orient à la basse époque,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 4 (1961).

DavidAyalon, , “The System of Payment in Mamlūk Military Society,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 1 (1958).

J.Bacharach, The Career of Muhammad ibn Tughj al-Ikhshīd,” Speculum, 50 (1975).

J.Bacharach, , “Circassian Monetary Policy: Copper,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 19 (1976).

Jere L. Bacharach, Al-Ikhshīd, the Hamdānids, and the Caliphate: The Numismatic Evidence,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 94 (1974).

Jere L. Bacharach, , and Adon A. Gordus. “Studies on the Fineness of Silver Coins,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 11 (1968).

PaulBalog, , “The Ayyubid Glass Jetons and Their Use,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 9 (1966).

PaulBalog, , “The Fātimid Glass Jetons: Token Currency or Coin Weights,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 24 (1981).

Michael L. Bates, , “The Function of Fātimid and Ayyūbid Glass Weights,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 24 (1981).

JonathanBerkey, , The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Education, Princeton Studies on the Near East (Princeton, 1992).

PeterBrown, , “Christianity and Local Culture in Late Roman Africa,” Journal of Roman Studies, 58 (1968).

C.Cahen, , “Le régime des impôts dans le Fayyūm Ayyubide,” Arabica 3/1 (1956).

C.Cahen, , “Un traité financier inédit d’époque fatimite ayyūbide,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 5 (1962).

J.Černý, , “Consanguineous Marriages in Pharaonic EgyptJournal of Egyptian Archaeology, 40 (1954).

R. S.Cooper, , “Land Classification Terminology and the Assessment of the Kharaj Tax in Medieval Egypt,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 17 (1974).

R. S.Cooper, , “The Assessment and Collection of Kharaj Tax in Medieval Egypt,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 96 (1976).

PatriciaCrone, , Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge, 1980).

M.Dols, , “The Second Plague Pandemic and its Recurrences in the Middle East: 1347–1894,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 22 (1979).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “Numismato-Statistical Reflections on the Annual Gold Coinage Production of the Tulunid Mint in Egypt,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20 (1977).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “Studies in the Monetary History of the Near East in the Middle Ages: (I) The Standard of Fineness of Some Types of Dinars,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 2 (1959).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “Studies in the Monetary History of the Near East in the Middle Ages: II, The Standard of Fineness of Western and Eastern Dinars,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 6 (1963).

Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz, , “The Standard of Fineness of Gold Coins Circulating in Egypt at the Time of the Crusades,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 74 (1954).

JosephEscovitz, , “The Establishment of Four Chief Judgeships in the Mamlūk Empire,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 102 (1982).

Walter J. Fischel, , “The Spice Trade in Mamlūk Egypt: A Contribution to the Economic History of Medieval Islam,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 1 (1958).

Jean-ClaudeGarcin, and Mustapha A. Taher, “Enquête sur le financement d’un waqf égyptien du XVe siècle: les comptes de Jawhār al-Lālā,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 38, 3 (1995).

NormanGolb, , “The Topography of the Jews of Medieval Egypt,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 24 (1965), 33 (1974).

R. J. H.Gottheil, , “A Fetwa on the Appointment of Dhimmis to Office,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 26 (1912).

R. J. H.Gottheil, , “An Answer to the Dhimmis,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 41 (1921).

P. M.Holt, , “An Early Source on Shaykh Khadir al-Mihrānī,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 46 (1983).

P. M.Holt, , “Shams al-Shujā‘ī: A Chronicler Identified?Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 58 (1995).

P. M.Holt, , “The Īlkhān Ahmad’s Embassies to Qalāwūn: Two Contemporary Accounts,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 49 (1986).

M.Jenkins, , “Muslim: An Early Fātimid Ceramist,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (May 1968).

Nikiu John of, The Chronicle of John (c. 690 AD) Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version with an Introduction, Critical and Linguistic Notes, and an Index of Names, trans. R. H. Charles (London, 1916).

David A. King, , “The Astronomy of the Mamlūks,” Isis, 74 (1983).

E.Lappa-Zizicas, , “Un épitomé inédit de la Vie de S. Jean l’Aumônier,” Analecta Bollandiana, 88 (1970).

NaphtaliLewis, , “The demise of the Demotic document: when and why,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 79 (1993).

D. P.Little, , “Religion under the Mamlūks,” The Muslim World, 73 (1983).

Donald P. Little, , “Coptic Conversion to Islam under the Bahrī Mamlūks, 692–755/1293–1354,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 39 (1976).

Donald P. Little, , “The Significance of the Haram Documents for the Study of Medieval Islamic History,” Der Islam, 57 (1980); reprinted in Little, History, no. XI.

HudaLutfi, , “Al-Sakhāwī’s Kitāb al-Nisā’> as a Source for the Social and Economic History of Muslim Women during the Fifteenth Century AD,” The Muslim World, 71 (1981).

WilferdMadelung, , “Das Imamat in der friühen ismailitischen Lehre,” Der Islam, 37 (1961).

WilferdMadelung, , “The Sources of Isma‘ili Law,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 35 (1976).

MichelMalaise, , Les conditions de pénétration et de diffusion des cultes égyptiens en Italic Études préliminaires aux réligions orientales dans l’Empire romain (Leiden) 22 (Leiden, 1972).

GastonMaspero, , “Le vocabulaire français d’un copte du XIIIe siècle,” Romania, 17 (1888).

CarolMeyer, , “A Byzantine Gold-Mining Town in the Eastern Desert of Egypt: Bir Umm Fawakhir, 1992–1993,” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 8 (1995).

VladimirMinorsky, , “The Aq-quyunlu and Land Reforms,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 17 (1955).

N. D.Nicol, and Ra‘fat al-Nabarawi, “A Hoard of Mamlūk Copper Coins, c. 770 H (1369 AD) in the Collection of Egyptian National Library,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 21 (1984).

Y.Raǧib, Lettres nouvelles de Qurra ibn Šarik”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 40 (1981).

Robert K. Ritner, , “A Uterine Amulet in the Oriental Institute Collection,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 43 (1984).

J. CRussell, , “The Population of Medieval Egypt,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 5 (1966).

B.Shoshan, , “Notes sur les épidémies de peste en Égypte,” Annales de démographie historique, (1981).

BoazShoshan, , “Exchange-Rate Policies in Fifteenth Century Egypt,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 29 (1986)).

BoazShoshan, , “Money Supply and Grain Prices in Fifteenth Century Egypt,” Economic History Review, 36 (1983).

S. E.Sidebotham, , “Preliminary report on the 1990–1991 seasons of fieldwork at ’Abu Sha’ar (Red Sea coast),” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 31 (1994).

Samuel M. Stern, , “The Succession to the Fatimid Imam al-Amir, the Claims of the later Fatimids to the Imamate, and the Rise of Tayyibi Ismailism,” Oriens, 4 (1951).

Norman A. Stillman, , “The Eleventh-Century Merchant House of Ibn ‘Awkal (A Geniza Study),” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 16 (1973).

JacquelineSublet, , “‘Abd al-Latīf al-Takrītī et la famille des Banū Kuwayk, marchands Kārimī,” Arabica, 9 (1962).

P.Von Sievers, , “Military, Merchants and Nomads: The Social Evolution of the Syrian Cities and Countryside during the Classical Period, 780–969/164–358,” Der Islam 56 (1979).

Paul E. Walker, , “Succession to Rule in the Shiite Caliphate,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 32 (1995).

Sherman L. Wallace, , Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian (New York, 1938).

JohnWansbrough, , “Venice and Florence in the Mamlūk Commercial Privileges,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 28 (1965).

UgoZanetti, , “La vie de Saint Jean Higoumène de Scété au VIIe siècle,” Analecta Bollandiana, 114 (1996).