Skip to main content
×
Home
The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c.500–1492
  • Get access
    Check if you have access via personal or institutional login
  • Cited by 2
  • Cited by
    This book has been cited by the following publications. This list is generated based on data provided by CrossRef.

    Cameron, Averil 2011. THINKING WITH BYZANTIUM. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 21, p. 39.


    Holmes, Catherine 2006. New Approaches to Byzantine History. History Compass, Vol. 4, Issue. 1, p. 172.


    ×
  • Export citation
  • Recommend to librarian
  • Recommend this book

    Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this book to your organisation's collection.

    The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c.500–1492
    • Online ISBN: 9781139055994
    • Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311
    Please enter your name
    Please enter a valid email address
    Who would you like to send this to? *
    ×
  • Buy the print book

Book description

Byzantium lasted a thousand years, ruled to the end by self-styled 'emperors of the Romans'. It underwent kaleidoscopic territorial and structural changes, yet recovered repeatedly from disaster: even after the near-impregnable Constantinople fell in 1204, variant forms of the empire reconstituted themselves. The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire tells the story, tracing political and military events, religious controversies and economic change. It offers clear, authoritative chapters on the main events and periods, with more detailed chapters on particular outlying regions, neighbouring powers or aspects of Byzantium. With aids such as a glossary, an alternative place-name table and references to English translations of sources, it will be valuable as an introduction. However, it also offers stimulating new approaches and important new findings, making it essential reading for postgraduates and for specialists.

Reviews

    • Aa
    • Aa
Refine List
Actions for selected content:
Select all | Deselect all
  • View selected items
  • Export citations
  • Download PDF (zip)
  • Send to Kindle
  • Send to Dropbox
  • Send to Google Drive
  • Send content to

    To send content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about sending content to .

    To send content to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about sending to your Kindle.

    Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

    Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

    Please be advised that item(s) you selected are not available.
    You are about to send:
    Your Kindle email address
    ×

Save Search

You can save your searches here and later view and run them again in "My saved searches".

Please provide a title, maximum of 40 characters.
×

Page 1 of 2


  • 1 - Justinian and His Legacy (500–600)
    pp 97-129
    • By Andrew Louth, Professor of Patristic and Byzantine Studies, University of Durham
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The beginning of the sixth century saw Anastasius on the imperial throne, ruling an empire that was still thought of as essentially the Roman empire, coextensive with the world of the Mediterranean. Anastasius inherited, and promoted, religious divisions that were to cast a long shadow over the Christian Roman empire. Anastasius was succeeded by Justin I, a peasant from Illyria, who had risen through the ranks to become count of the excubitors. Justin's first act was to repudiate his predecessors' attempts to achieve unity among the Christians by ignoring, or even implicitly condemning, the council of Chalcedon: the Henotikon was revoked and Chalcedonian orthodoxy became imperial policy. Justin announced his election and religious policy to Pope Hormisdas, who sent legates to Constantinople. Justinian died childless on 14 November 565. Justin II continued, or reinstated, Justinian's policy of religious orthodoxy had earlier inclined towards monophysitism. In renewing his uncle's religious policy, Justin restored religious harmony between east and west.
  • 2a - Persia and the Sasanian Monarchy (224–651)
    pp 130-155
    • By Zeev Rubin, Professor of Ancient History, Tel-Aviv University
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Sasanian Empire embraced two distinct geographical areas, the very fertile lowlands of Mesopotamia and the Iranian uplands, which were separated from each other by the mighty Zagros chain stretching from the Kurdistan highlands to the fringes of the Persian Gulf in the south. The established view that the Sasanian shahs relied on the Zoroastrian priesthood's support, and as a consequence actively encouraged their beliefs and enhanced their power, has been largely modified in recent decades. The Sasanian monarchy has a reputation for being better organised and more centralised than its Arsacid predecessor. In an empire which minted a stable silver coinage, the drahm, throughout most of its history, the continuing resort to land-grants in return for military service calls for an explanation. The last decades of the Sasanian dynasty are the story of a chain of violent upheavals, exposing all the inherent weaknesses of the huge empire.
  • 2b - Armenia (400–600)
    pp 156-172
    • By R. W. Thomson, Formerly Calouste Gulbenkian Professor of Armenian Studies, University of Oxford
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Armenia always had an ambiguous place between the major powers, be they the East Roman empire and Sasanian Iran, the Byzantine empire and the caliphate, or the Ottoman empire and the Safavids. Armenian lands west of the border with Iran were then fully integrated into the empire as the four provinces of Armenia. It was in eastern Armenia, the sector under Persian suzerainty, which composed about four-fifths of the earlier kingdom, that the major cultural and religious developments of this period had their origin. The development of a specifically Armenian literature brought several consequences, including an increasing sense of solidarity among Armenians on either side of the Byzantine-Iranian border. The attention of Armenian historians moves from Vahan's success to the involvement of Armenia in the Byzantine-Persian wars of the late sixth and early seventh centuries. They ignore the growing estrangement of the Armenian from the imperial church, a rift with cultural and political consequences of the first magnitude.
  • 2c - The Arabs to the Time of the Prophet
    pp 173-195
    • By Lawrence Conrad, Professor of the History and Culture of the Middle East, Asia–Africa Institute, University of Hamburg
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Pre-Islamic Arabia played an important role in early Islamic preaching of the Word. In explaining the success of Islam and the Arab conquerors, scholars and commentators interpreted Islam's emergence from Arabia as part of God's divine plan. The social organisation of pre-Islamic Arabia was closely bound up with considerations of religion, and it is in this area that problems of methodology and source criticism are most acute. It is difficult to generalise on the notion of an Arabian economy, since the internal economic situation in the peninsula varied from place to place and depended on whether a community was settled or nomadic. The spread of Christianity and to a lesser extent Judaism in Arabia reflects the interest of external powers from an early date. In fact, it was the great triad of politics, trade and religion that determined the course of events there from late antiquity onwards, with trade providing an imperial momentum later transferred to the other two factors.
  • 3 - Western Approaches (500–600)
    pp 196-220
    • By John Moorhead, McCaughey Professor of History, University of Queensland
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Throughout the political history of western Europe, there have been few periods of such dramatic change as the fifth century. Western Europe had moved decisively into a post-Roman period, and the middle ages had begun. This chapter reviews the Vandal war, through the eyewitness account of Belisarius' legal assistant, Procopius. The nomadic Berbers had been pressing increasingly on the Vandal kingdom, and they were to pose a major problem to Byzantine Africa, for their practice of lightly armed and mobile combat made them difficult opponents. In 540 it must have seemed that the Gothic war, like the Vandal war, had come to a wished-for conclusion. Despite the waning of Byzantine power in the west, the latter continued to be vitally interested in the east. Emperors, moreover, gave indications that they still regarded the west as important. A ready market remained for imported luxury items.
  • 4 - Byzantium Transforming (600–700)
    pp 221-248
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The seventh and eighth centuries have been regarded as the Byzantine dark ages, though historians have begun to recognise that it is only in respect of traditional historical literary material that one can speak of a paucity of sources for the period. This chapter outlines the political history of the period 630-790. The century began with Maurice on the imperial throne, urging his army to resist the incursion of Slavs who were seeking to cross the Danube from the north bank. At the beginning of the seventh century the administration of the empire, both civil and military, was essentially what had emerged from the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine in the late third and early fourth centuries. By the end of the eighth century quite different forms of administration were in place. Two canons, namely Canon 100 and Canon 82, bear witness to the place of religious art in the Byzantine world.
  • 5 - State of Emergency (700–850)
    pp 249-291
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Byzantine iconoclast period is a dark age whose obscurity is only randomly illuminated by the few remaining sources, and even these are difficult to interpret. A series of natural catastrophes afflicted Constantinople and its hinterland in the middle of the century. The overall demographic decline had two important consequences: shortage of manpower became a principal factor in imperial policy, and this in turn transformed the landscape of the empire. The debate over the arrangements for recruitment of the army is connected with the debate over whether the tax system worked in cash or in kind. The state of emergency in the empire led to a tightening up of the administration and a change in the emperor's role. The switch in imperial religious policy was the work of Irene and of Tarasios, the patriarch whom she had chosen after the death of his predecessor, Paul IV.
  • 6 - After Iconoclasm (850–886)
    pp 292-304
    • By Shaun Tougher, Senior Lecturer in Ancient History, Cardiff School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Two emperors dominate the generation or so following iconoclasm, Michael III the Amorian and Basil I the Macedonian. A clear understanding of the reigns of Michael and Basil is fraught with difficulty given the nature of our main narrative sources. A hostile view of Basil is provided by the chronicle of Symeon the Logothete, which also treats Michael more ambiguously. Despite these sources' polarity and emphasis on court politics it is clear that there was continuity in the goals of the two regimes. The security of the east was paramount, although the west was still of concern. The main concern of Byzantium was the Muslim threat. The focus fell naturally on the eastern frontier, beyond which lay the Abbasid caliphate. The difficult court politics towards the end of the reign revolve around Basil's heir Leo, but can perhaps be opened up to reveal larger issues.
  • 7 - Religious Missions
    pp 305-332
    • By Sergey Ivanov, Professor of Byzantine Literature, Moscow State University
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Although Christianity would seem by its very nature to be a missionary religion, both the sense of what mission means and the specific motivations of missionaries have varied as each generation reads afresh the Gospels' injunctions. During the sixth century Christian space was very significantly expanded to centralised missionary policies. Justinian's aims were purely political, as is clear from the account of the baptism of the Abkhazians by Procopius of Caesarea. A notable upswing in the empire's missionary activities may be observed around the turn of the ninth century. The role attributed to Patriarch Photios in ninth century Byzantine missionary activity is usually exaggerated. The attempt to convert the northern Caucasus had been instigated by the Abkhazian principality rather than directly by Byzantium, but Nicholas was personally responsible for several significant initiatives. In the Byzantine mind the concept of universal Christianity was linked to the idea of world empire, which the Byzantines never entirely abandoned.
  • 8 - Armenian Neighbours (600–1045)
    pp 333-364
    • By T. W. Greenwood, Lecturer in Mediaeval History, University of St Andrews
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Anyone wishing to unravel the history of the relationship between Byzantium and Armenia from late antiquity into the eleventh century has to confront a series of historical and historiographical challenges. As the literary sources record the development of Byzantium's relationship with Armenia, they tend to do so in terms of the principal Armenian political and ecclesiastical leaders. Byzantium cultivated multiple ties with several noble houses at the same time. The literary sources reveal almost nothing about the reigns of John-Smbat III Bagratuni and Ashot IV the Brave between 1022 and 1041. Contemporary inscriptions and colophons, however, confirm ongoing relations with Byzantium, and the numismatic evidence is persuasive. From the reign of Nikephoros II Phokas, Armenia switched from a silver-based coinage to a gold- and copper-based coinage, using exclusively Byzantine issues. Armenian princes looked to Byzantium to bolster their own status within Armenia through the concession of titles, gifts and money.
  • 9 - Confronting Islam: Emperors Versus Caliphs (641–c. 850)
    pp 365-394
    • By Walter Kaegi, Professor of History, University of Chicago
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Emperors, caliphs and amirs took responsibility for major operations on the Byzantine-Arab frontiers intermittently between the seventh and the mid-ninth century, but none persisted in campaigning in person. The Arabs' dramatic conquest of Byzantium's eastern territories in the 630s was followed by four further periods of Muslim expansion, by gradual stabilisation, and then by Byzantine strengthening and eventual territorial recovery. The most vulnerable period for Byzantium came immediately after the disastrous battle of the river Yarmuk in 636, during the imperial succession crisis triggered by Heraclius' death in 641 and in the earliest years of his successor Constans II. Byzantine military effectiveness against the Arabs was mixed. The very ease with which Mu'awiyas forces penetrated Anatolia in the mid-650s indicates that, in the first fifteen years following the early Islamic conquests, the government in Constantinople failed to mount effective resistance against the Muslims on the Anatolian plateau.
  • 10 - Western Approaches (700–900)
    pp 395-432
    • By Michael McCormick, Francis Goelet Professor of Medieval History, Harvard University
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The early medieval societies of Byzantium and western Europe that emerged from the late Roman world shared more than a few institutions, traditions and religious experiences. The upheavals of the seventh century had transformed Byzantium. The old urban fabric of the Roman empire largely gave way. Broad economic structures had once spanned the Mediterranean and fostered Byzantine commercial interaction with the west. The sweeping changes of the seventh century naturally affected communications between the two former halves of the empire. Constantinople took the diplomatic initiative in order to defend its own vital interests on its western flanks, especially in Italy. Diplomatic interaction had cultural ramifications. Linguistic evidence yields some tentative insights into technology transfers and material culture, since words could be borrowed with the thing they designated. Byzantium's interaction with the west appears chiefly political and cultural. Economic links to the imperial metropolis seem distinctly secondary.
  • 11 - Byzantine Italy (680–876)
    pp 433-464
    • By Thomas Brown, Reader in History, University of Edinburgh
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By the last quarter of the seventh century the Byzantine areas of Italy had experienced over a century of upheaval. The loss of Carthage to the Arabs and the general weakening of imperial power led to a dramatic decline in imports such as pottery from Africa and the east, and to an increase in the importance of local Italian centres of production. The impact of 'une sorte de snobisme byzantinisant' proved more than a passing fashion, since it helped to build support for renewed political relations between the Roman elite and Byzantium in the tenth century. The major area within the central bloc of formerly Byzantine territories, the exarchate and the Pentapolis, was also claimed by the popes after 751, but their authority there was always much less effective. The term Calabria was originally applied to a late Roman civilian province corresponding to the Terra d'Otranto.
  • 12 - The Middle Byzantine Economy (600–1204)
    pp 465-492
    • By Mark Whittow, Lecturer in Modern History, University of Oxford
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Byzantine economy is an important subject on a number of grounds. It is arguably the key to the history of the Byzantine state, society and culture. A once widespread picture of late antique decline has been replaced by an appreciation of the wealth and complexity of the late antique economy. By the tenth century at latest it is clear that the Mediterranean economy was reviving and, equally, that the Byzantine world shared in this process. Using the same indices that plotted the decline of the late antique economy, buildings, pottery, coinage, settlement surveys and pollen analysis, a new prosperity can be seen emerging. The crucial issue for the twelfth century as a whole is not taxation, but the role of the great landed estates. A number of documentary texts make it plain that vast areas of the Komnenian empire were run as the estates of various Constantinopolitan landlords.
  • 13 - Equilibrium to Expansion (886–1025)
    pp 493-536
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The dislocation of the resource-rich Abbasid caliphate was a mixed blessing for Byzantium. The events of the mid-tenth century tend to bear out the unarticulated grounds for imperial statesmen's caution in exploiting Abbasid disarray. The jihad would eventually overturn the underlying equilibrium, and equilibrium was the best that palace-based emperors could realistically hope for. The reign of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus as senior and dominant emperor has traditionally been viewed as the apogee of Byzantium as a great power resplendent in culture and learning. It would be more accurate to say that the gathering strength of the economy and manpower began to be harnessed to imperial politics in spectacular ways, in the palace and on the battlefield. As the ruler of a greatly enlarged empire, Basil became his own general, thereby dispensing with the military establishment which had been the mainstay of governance in the first years his reign. Basil's dominions were half as extensive again as those of Constantine VII.
  • 14 - Western Approaches (900–1025)
    pp 537-559
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Byzantium's relations with the Latin west in the period 900-950 have a Cheshire cat character in comparison with ninth-century exchanges. Although Byzantium's most active concerns lay in the Balkan and Mediterranean worlds, the empire also maintained some contacts with potentates based north of the Alps. Increased Byzantine attention to Otto I during the late 940s may have been induced by recent Bavarian victories over the Hungarians. The nature and extent of the impact of Theophano on Ottonian court culture is controversial and ambivalent. The reaction of the Byzantine government to Otto's experiment was as mixed as that of the Saxon nobility. Byzantium's build-up of power in southern Italy antagonised the papacy and the western emperor, but their retaliatory capability was very limited. It was small groups of alien predators whose energies, greed and organisational skills wore down the Byzantine authorities in the mid-eleventh century.
  • 15 - Byzantium and Southern Italy (876–1000)
    pp 560-582
    • By G. A. Loud, Professor of Medieval Italian History, University of Leeds
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.022
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The last seventy years of the ninth century were an era of disorder and continued crisis in southern Italy. After 915 the main problem for the Byzantine government was disaffection among their provinces' inhabitants, combined with the ambitions of the princes of Capua to extend their rule towards the Adriatic coast. The conflict between the two empires in the 960s had a further aspect, however, and one which was of very considerable significance for southern Italy. The Byzantines' reaction was to reorganise the church in Apulia, to create new archiepiscopal sees rivalling Benevento, and to ensure that the Apulian church remained loyal to Constantinople. In the principality of Capua-Benevento family stability was ensured by joint rule between brothers, as well as between father and son. In the 970s the growing power of the prince of Capua-Benevento was threatening to take over those parts of southern Italy not under Byzantine rule.
  • 16 - Belle Époque or Crisis? (1025–1118)
    pp 583-626
    • By Michael Angold, Professor Emeritus of Byzantine History, University of Edinburgh
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.023
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Modern historiography has singled out the period from 1025 to 1118 as the watershed of Byzantine history. George Ostrogorsky provided the classic interpretation. Constantinople was disproportionately large and gave a false impression of Byzantine strength. It drew its wealth and population from well beyond the political frontiers of the Byzantine empire. When pondering the collapse of the Byzantine empire in the eleventh century, it must be remembered that Basil II left his successors a poisoned legacy. It would be hard to square the financial difficulties that the imperial government faced from the death of Basil II onwards with rapid economic growth. In modern historical writing the schism of 1054 dominates the end of Monomachos' reign. The work of John Italos was just one more sign of the cultural vitality of the eleventh century. Many great families were not included in the Komnenian circle and it was from these that the main opposition to Alexios' regime came.
  • 17 - The Empire of the Komnenoi (1118–1204)
    pp 627-663
    • By Paul Magdalino, Bishop Wardlaw Professor of Byzantine History, University of St Andrews
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.024
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Between the death of Alexios I Komnenos and the establishment of the Latin empire of Constantinople, eight emperors ruled in the eastern Roman capital. The empire's involvement with the west derived partly from its historic interest in the Italian peninsula, and partly from the consequences of its attempt to use western military power to restore its position in Asia Minor. The Byzantine state was one of the most centralised in the medieval world, and never more so than in the period 1081-1180, when the loss of central and eastern Anatolia forced the empire's military elite, as well as its bureaucratic elite, to identify with the capital as never before. Territorial contraction thus accentuated the already marked tendency of the Byzantine aristocracy to think fiscally rather than territorially, to invest in office-holding rather than land-holding. Under the successors of Manuel I the Komnenian system, centred on Constantinople, was programmed for self-destruction.
  • 18 - Balkan Borderlands (1018–1204)
    pp 664-691
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.025
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Byzantine emperors desired stability and security in the peripheral regions of the empire so as to continue controlling and exploiting the productive lands which provisioned the principal cities, most importantly Constantinople. These also yielded tax revenues to support the apparatus of government. Basil II's efforts to consolidate military control of the north-western limits of Bulgaria have left clear traces in the archaeological record. The reorganisation of the western Balkan lands in the mid-eleventh century took place against a background of renewed nomad threats to Paradounabon. Payments and opportunities for trade failed to prevent a massive migration of Pechenegs into Byzantine lands in 1043. In the early years of his reign Manuel I Komnenos remained committed to his father's policies in the east. The crusader principalities, particularly Antioch, were priorities, and he was prepared to tolerate both increased Hungarian influence in Sirmium and the Venetian domination of Dalmatia.
  • 19 - Raiders and Neighbours: The Turks (1040–1304)
    pp 692-728
  • DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521832311.026
  • View abstract
    Summary
    A strong vein of mutual toleration characterised relations between the Byzantine and the Turkish ruling families in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Individual careerists and exiles moved between their respective courts in quest of advancement or asylum, and the Seljuq sultan showed little inclination to take full advantage of those occasions when the Byzantine administration in western Asia Minor was in disarray. The coming of the Mongols, their erosion of the power of the Rum sultanate to the advantage of individual warlords and their savage measures against local populations in eastern Asia Minor, that prompted the migration of sizable numbers of Turks westwards, swamping the Byzantine defences. The Turkish conquest of 1302-5 was a simple nomadic invasion, seeing that sedentary and transhumant elements had long co-existed in the border zone. Byzantium's former possessions in western Anatolia were divided between various Turkish warlords, who managed to establish successful principalities along the coasts of the Aegean and the Sea of Marmara.

Page 1 of 2


This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


A.Casiday , and F. W.Norris , (eds.) (2007), The Cambridge history of Christianity, Ⅱ: Constantine to c. 600, Cambridge

J.Harries , (1999), Law and empire in late antiquity, Cambridge

C.Angelidi , (1994), ‘Un texte patriographique et édifiant: le “discours narratif” sur les Hodégoi’, REB 52, pp. 113–49

L.Brubaker , (2005), ‘The age of Justinian: gender and society’, in Maas (ed.) (2005)

S. A.Ivanov , (2006), Holy fools in Byzantium and beyond, tr. S. Franklin, Oxford

K. M.Ringrose , (2003), The perfect servant: eunuchs and the social construction of gender in Byzantium, Chicago

J. O.Rosenqvist , (2007), Die byzantinische Literatur. Vom 6. Jahrhundert bis zum Fall Konstantinopels 1453, Berlin and New York

P.Stephenson , (2000), Byzantium’s Balkan frontier: a political study of the northern Balkans, 900–1204, Cambridge

J. L.Ball , (2005), Byzantine dress: representations of secular dress in eighth- to twelfth-century painting, Basingstoke

R.Browning , (1983), Medieval and modern Greek, 2nd edn., Cambridge

F. L.Cross , and E. A.Livingstone , (eds.) (2005), The Oxford dictionary of the Christian church, 3rd edn., Oxford

J.Haldon , (2005c), The Palgrave atlas of Byzantine history, Basingstoke

R.Morris , (1995), Monks and laymen in Byzantium, 843–1118, Cambridge

M.-L.Chaumont , (1958), ‘Le Culte d’Anahita à Staxr et les premiers Sassanides’, Revue de l’histoire des religions 153, pp. 154–75

A. D.Lee , (1993), Information and frontiers: Roman foreign relations in late antiquity, Cambridge

R.Blachère , (1956), ‘Regards sur l’“acculturation” des arabo-musulmans jusque vers 40/661’, Arabica 3, pp. 247–65

W.Caskel , (1953), Die Bedeutung der Beduinen in der Geschichte der Araber, Cologne

L. I.Conrad , (1987a), ‘Abraha and Muhammad: some observations apropos of chronology and literary topoi in the early Arabic historical tradition’, BSOAS 50, pp. 225–40

P.Crone , (1993), ‘Tribes and states in the Middle East’, JRAS 3, pp. 353–75

M. J.Kister , (1968), ‘Al-Hira: some notes on its relations with Arabia’, Arabica 15, pp. 143–69; repr. in Kister (1980), no. 3; repr. in Peters (ed.) (1999), pp. 81–107

S.Smith , (1954), ‘Events in Arabia in the sixth century ad’, BSOAS 16, pp. 425–68

D.Whitehouse , and A.Williamson , (1973), ‘Sasanian maritime trade’, Iran 11, pp. 29–48

M.Angold , (1995), Church and society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081–1261, Cambridge

R.Devreese , (1937), ‘La Fin inédite d’une lettre de saint Maxime: un baptême forcé de Juifs et de Samaritains à Carthage en 632’, Revue des sciences religieuses 17, pp. 25–35

J.-C.Cheynet , (2000), ‘L’Aristocratie byzantine (Ⅷe–ⅩⅢe siècle)’, JS ; English tr. ‘The Byzantine aristocracy, 8th–13th centuries’, in Cheynet (2006), no. 1

J.Darrouzès , (1975), ‘Listes épiscopales du concile de Nicée II (787)’, REB 33, pp. 5–76

H.Grégoire , (1908), ‘Note sur une inscription gréco-araméenne trouvée à Faraša (Ariaramneia-Rhodandos)’, CRAI, pp. 434–47

C.Zuckerman , (1988), ‘The reign of Constantine V in the miracles of St Theodore the recruit’, REB 46, pp. 191–210

I.Ševčenko , and I.Hutter , (eds.) (1998), Aetos: studies in honour of Cyril Mango, Stuttgart and Leipzig

C.Holmes , (2005), Basil Ⅱ and the governance of empire (976–1025), Oxford

M.Whittow , (1996a), The making of orthodox Byzantium, 600–1025, London

H.Kennedy , (2001), The armies of the caliphs: military and society in the early Islamic state, London

J. H.Pryor , (1988), Geography, technology and war: studies in the maritime history of the Mediterranean, 649–1571, Cambridge

C.Wickham , (2005), Framing the early middle ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800, Oxford

H.Barnes , and M.Whittow , (1993), ‘The Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara survey of medieval castles of Anatolia (1992). Mastaura Kalesi: a preliminary report’, Anatolian studies 43, pp. 117–35

R. J.Belletzkie , (1980), ‘Pope Nicholas I and John of Ravenna: the struggle for ecclesiastical rights in the ninth century, Church history 49, pp. 262–72

A.Chavarría , and T.Lewit , (2004), ‘Archaeological research on the late antique countryside: a bibliographic essay’, in Bowden et al. (2004)

C.Foss , (1976), Byzantine and Turkish Sardis, Cambridge, MA

C.Foss , (1977a), ‘Archaeology and the “twenty cities” of Byzantine Asia’, AJA 81 ; repr. in Foss (1990a), no. 2

E.Zangger , et al. (1997), ‘The Pylos Regional Archaeological Project, part II: landscape evolution and site preservations’, Hesperia 66, pp. 549–641

C. E.Bosworth , (1992), ‘The city of Tarsus and the Arab–Byzantine frontiers in early and middle ’Abbasid times’, Oriens 33, pp. 268–86; repr. in Bosworth (1996), no. 14

M. F.Hendy , (1985), Studies in the Byzantine monetary economy, c. 300–1450, Cambridge

A. E.Laiou , and C.Morrisson , (2007), The Byzantine economy, Cambridge

J.Phillips , (1996), Defenders of the Holy Land: relations between the Latin east and the west, 1119–1187, Oxford

H.Chadwick , (2003), East and west, the making of a rift in the church: from apostolic times until the council of Florence, Oxford

R. L.Wolff , (1948), ‘The organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204–1261: social and administrative consequences of the Latin conquest’, Traditio 6 ; repr. in Wolff (1976), no. 8

H.Ahrweiler , (1983), ‘La Région de Philadelphie au ⅩⅣe siècle (1290–1390), dernier bastion de l’hellénisme en Asie Mineure’, CRAI, pp. 175–97

C. A.Frazee , (1983), Catholics and sultans: the church and the Ottoman empire, 1453–1923, Cambridge

T.Živković , (1999), ‘The date of creation of the theme of Peloponnesus’, Symmeikta 13, pp. 141–55

J. N.Adams , et al. (eds.) (2002), Bilingualism in ancient society: language contact and the written text, Oxford

D. E.Afinogenov , (2004), ‘Le Manuscrit grec Coislin 305: la version primitive de la Chronique de Georges le Moine’, REB 62

H.Ahrweiler , (1962b), ‘Une inscription méconnue sur les Mélingues du Taygète’, BCH 86, pp. 1–10; repr. in Ahrweiler (1971), no. 15

P. J.Alexander , (1958b), ‘Church councils and patristic authority: the iconoclastic councils of Hiereia (754) and St Sophia (815)’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 63, pp. 493–505; repr. in Alexander (1978), no. 9

M. J.Amitai-Preiss , (1995), Mongols and Mamluks: the Mamluk-Ilkhanid war 1260–81, Cambridge

P.Amory , (1997), People and identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489–554, Cambridge

E.Amsellem , (1999), ‘Les Stigand: des Normands à Constantinople’, REB 57

T. H.Andel , van et al. (1986), ‘Five thousand years of land use and abuse in the southern Argolid’, Hesperia 55, pp. 103–28

I.Andreescu-Treadgold , and W.Treadgold , (1997), ‘Procopius and the imperial panels of S. Vitale’, The Art Bulletin 79, pp. 708–23

M.Angold , (ed.) (2006), The Cambridge history of Christianity, V: Eastern Christianity, Cambridge

Anonymi professoris epistulae, ed. A.Markopoulos , CFHB 37, Berlin (2000) (contents summarised by Browning (1954), pp. 402–25)

W.Arafat , (1958), ‘Early critics of the authenticity of the poetry of the Sira’’, BSOAS 21, pp. 453–63

W.Arafat , (1965), ‘An aspect of the forger’s art in early Islamic poetry’, BSOAS 28, pp. 477–82

L. J.Archer , et al. (eds.) (1994), Women in ancient societies: an illusion of the night, Basingstoke

M. A.Atherden , and J. A.Hall , (1994), ‘Holocene pollen diagrams from Greece’, Historical biology 9, pp. 117–30

M. A.Atherden , and J. A.Hall , (1999), ‘Human impact on vegetation in the White Mountains of Crete since ad 500’, The Holocene 9, pp. 183–93

B.Bavant , (1979), ‘Le Duché byzantin de Rome: origine, durée et extension géographique’, MEFRM 91, pp. 41–88

J.Beaucamp , (1977), ‘La Situation juridique de la femme à Byzance’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, Xe–XIIesiècles 20, pp. 145–76

N.Bisaha , (2004), Creating east and west: Renaissance humanists and the Ottoman Turks, Philadelphia

J. A.Boyle , (ed.) (1968), The Cambridge history of Iran, V: The Saljuq and Mongol periods, Cambridge

C. M.Brand , (1969), ‘Two Byzantine treatises on taxation’, Traditio 25, pp. 35–60

E. W.Brooks , , ‘The Arabs in Asia Minor (641–750) from Arabic Sources’, JHS 18 (1898), pp. 182–208

E. W.Brooks , (1899), ‘The campaign of 716–718 from Arabic sources’, JHS 19, pp. 19–33

T. S.Brown , and N.Christie , (1989), ‘Was there a Byzantine model of settlement in Italy?’, MEFRM 101, pp. 377–99

R.Browning , (1975c), ‘Homer in Byzantium’, Viator 6, pp. 15–33; repr. in Browning (1977), no. 17

A. A. M.Bryer , (1991), ‘The Pontic Greeks before the diaspora’, Journal of Refugee Studies 4

K. W.Butzer , (1957), ‘Der Umweltfaktor in der grossen arabischen Expansion’, Saeculum 8

AverilCameron , (1993), The Mediterranean world in late antiquity ad 395–600, London

AverilCameron , (ed.) (2003), Fifty years of prosopography: the later Roman empire, Byzantium and beyond, PBA 118, Oxford

DioCassius , , Roman history, ed. and tr. E.Cary , 9 vols., London (1914–27)

H.Chadwick , (2001), The church in ancient society: from Galilee to Gregory the Great, Oxford

M.-L.Chaumont , (1960), ‘Recherches sur le clergé zoroastrien: le herbad’, RHR 158, pp. 54–80, 161–79

J.-C.Cheynet , (1995), ‘Les Effectifs de l’armée byzantine (Xe–XIIe s.)’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 38, pp. 319–35; repr. in Cheynet (2006), no. 12

J.-C.Cheynet , et al. (2004), ‘Une inscription d’Akroïnos datant de Constantin Porphyrogénète’, REB 62, pp. 215–28

A. O.Citarella , (1968), ‘Patterns in medieval trade: the commerce of Amalfi before the crusades’, JEH 28, pp. 531–55

L. I.Conrad , (1996a), ‘The Arabs and the Colossus’, JRAS 6, pp. 165–87

L. I.Conrad , (1996b), ‘Die Pest und ihr soziales Umfeld im Nahen Osten des frühen Mittelalters’, Der Islam 73, pp. 81–112

M.Costambeys , (2007), Power and patronage in early medieval Italy: local society, Italian politics and the Abbey of Farfa, c. 700–900, Cambridge

H. E. J.Cowdrey , (1998), Pope Gregory Ⅶ, 1073–1085, Oxford

L. R.Cresci , (1991), ‘Cadenze narrative e interpretazione critica nell’opera storica di Michele Attaliate’, REB 49, pp. 197–218

P.Crone , (1980), Slaves on horses: the evolution of the Islamic polity, Cambridge

P.Crone , (1991), ‘Kavad’s heresy and Mazdak’s revolt’, Iran 29 ; repr. in Crone (2005), no. 1

P.Crone , (1992), ‘Serjeant and Meccan trade’, Arabica 39, pp. 216–40

P.Crone , (1994), ‘The first-century concept of Higra’, Arabica 41, pp. 352–87

C.Cubitt , (ed.) (2003), Court culture in the early middle ages: the proceedings of the First Alcuin Conference, Turnhout

F.Curta , (2006), Southeastern Europe in the middle ages 500–1250, Cambridge

F.Curta , (2001a), The making of the Slavs: history and archaeology of the lower Danube region, c. 500–700, Cambridge

F.Curta , (2005b), ‘Female dress and “Slavic” bow fibulae in Greece’, Hesperia 74, pp. 101–46

F.Curta , (ed.) (2005), East central and eastern Europe in the early middle ages, Ann Arbor, MI

A.Cutler , and A.Papaconstantinou , (eds.) (2007), The material and the ideal: essays in medieval art and archaeology in honour of Jean-Michel Spieser, Lieden

V.Déroche , (1993), ‘L’Autorité des moines à Byzance du Ⅷe au Xe siècle’, Revue bénédictine 103, pp. 241–54

G.Dagron , (1983), ‘Byzance et le modèle islamique au Xe siècle: à propos des Constitutions tactiques de l’empereur Léon VI’, CRAI

J.Darrouzès , (1987), ‘Le Patriarche Méthode contre les iconoclastes et les Stoudites’, REB 45, pp. 15–57

T.Daryaee , (2003), ‘The Persian Gulf trade in late antiquity’, Journal of World History 14, pp. 1–16

W.Davies , and P.Fouracre , (eds.) (1986), The settlement of disputes in early medieval Europe, Cambridge

B.Dignas , and E.Winter , (2007), Rome and Persia in late antiquity: neighbours and rivals, Cambridge

Documents sur le régime des terres dans la principauté de Morée au ⅩⅣe siècle, ed. J.Longnon and P.Topping , Paris (1969)

A.-M.Dubarle , , ‘L’Homélie de Grégoire le Référandaire pour la réception de l’image d’Édesse’, REB 55 (1997), pp. 5–51

P.Edbury , (1991), The kingdom of Cyprus and the crusades, 1191–1371, Cambridge

E.Eickhoff , (1966), Seekrieg und Seepolitik zwischen Islam and Abendland: das Mittelmeer, 650–1040, Berlin

Excavations at Nessana, Ⅲ: Non-literary papyri, ed. C. J.Kraemer , Princeton, NJ (1958)

P.-A.Février , (1983), ‘Approches récentes de l’Afrique byzantine’, Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 35, pp. 25–53

V.Falkenhausen , von (1989b), ‘Die Städte im byzantinischen Italien’, MEFRM 101, pp. 401–64

J. M.Featherstone , (2003), ‘Olga’s visit to Constantinople in De cerimoniis’, REB 61

W. B.Fisher , (ed.) (1968), The Cambridge history of Iran, I: The land of Iran, Cambridge

B.,Flusin , Le Panégyrique de Constantin Ⅶ Porphyrogénète pour la translation des reliques de Grégoire le Théologien (BHG 728)’, REB 57 (1999), pp. 5–97

C.Foss , (1990b), ‘Byzantine Malagina and the lower Sangarius’, Anatolian Studies 40, pp. 161–83; repr. in Foss (1996c), no. 7

G.Fowden , (2002), ‘Elefantiasi del tardoantico?’, Journal of Roman archaeology 15, pp. 681–6

S.Franklin , (2002b), Writing, society and culture in early Rus, c. 950–1300, Cambridge

A.Freeman , (1985), ‘Carolingian orthodoxy and the fate of the Libri Carolini’, Viator 16

R. N.Frye , (1959), ‘Zurvanism again’, HTR 52

R. N.Frye , (ed.) (1975), The Cambridge history of Iran, Ⅳ: The period from the Arab invasion to the Saljuqs, Cambridge

C.Galatariotou , (1987), ‘Byzantine ktētorika typika: a comparative study’, REB 45

P.Gautier , (1969), ‘L’Obituaire du typikon du Pantocrator’, REB 27, pp. 235–62

P.Gautier , (1971), ‘Le Synode des Blachernes (fin 1094): étude prosopographique’, REB 29, pp. 213–84

I.Gershevitch , (ed.) (1985), The Cambridge history of Iran, II: The Median and Achaemenian periods, Cambridge

H. A. R.Gibb , (1962), ‘Pre-Islamic monotheism in Arabia’, HTR 55 ; repr. in Peters (ed.) (1999)

W.Goffart , (1957), ‘Byzantine policy in the west under Tiberius II and Maurice: the pretenders Hermengild and Gundovald’, Traditio 13, pp. 73–118

M.Grünbart , (ed.) (2007), Theatron: Rhetorische Kultur in Spätantike und Mittelalter (Rhetorical culture in late antiquity and the middle ages), Berlin and New York

G.Greatrex , (1997), ‘The Nika riot: a reassessment’, JHS 117, pp. 60–86

R.Guilland , (1922), ‘Le Palais de Théodore Métochite’, REG 35, pp. 82–95

D.Gutas , (1998), Greek thought, Arabic culture: the Graeco-Arabic translation movement in Baghdad and early ‘Abbasid society (2nd–4th/8th–10th centuries), New York

J.Johns , (2002), Arabic administration in Norman Sicily: the royal diwan, Cambridge

W. E.Kaegi , (1992), Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests, Cambridge

W. E.Kaegi , (1968) Byzantium and the decline of Rome, Princeton

A.Kaldellis , (2004), Procopius of Caesarea: tyranny, history, and philosophy at the end of antiquity, Philadelphia

A. P.Kazhdan , and S.Franklin , (1984), Studies on Byzantine literature of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Cambridge

T. M.Kolbaba , (1997), ‘Meletios Homologetes On the customs of the Italians’, REB 55, pp. 137–68

D.Korobeinikov , (2003), ‘Orthodox communities in eastern Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, I: the two patriarchates: Constantinople and Antioch’, Al-Masaq 15, pp. 197–214

D. A.Korobeinikov , (2004b), ‘Diplomatic correspondence between Byzantium and the Mamluk sultanate in the fourteenth century’, Al-Masaq 16, pp. 53–74

D.Korobeinikov , (2005), ‘Orthodox communities in eastern Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, II: the time of troubles’, Al-Masaq 17, pp. 1–29

E.Kountoura-Galake , (1997), ‘New fortresses and bishoprics in eighth-century Thrace’, REB 55, pp. 279–89

E.Kountoura-Galake , (2004), ‘Iconoclast officials and the formation of surnames during the reign of Constantine V’, REB 62, pp. 247–53

A. E.Laiou , (1973), ‘The Byzantine aristocracy in the Palaeologan period: a story of arrested development’, Viator 4 ; repr. in Laiou (1992c), no. 6

V.Laurent , (1968), ‘Les Premiers Patriarches de Constantinople sous domination Turque (1454–1476)’, REB 26, pp. 229–63

M.Lecker , (1994), ‘Kinda on the eve of Islam and during the ridda’, JRAS 4, pp. 333–56; repr. in Lecker (1998), no. 15

P.Lemerle , (1963), ‘La Chronique improprement dite de Monemvasie: le contexte historique et légendaire’, REB 21, pp. 5–49; repr. in Lemerle (1980), no. 2

P.Lemerle , (1967), ‘“Roga” et rente d’état aux Xe–Ⅺe siècles’, REB 25, pp. 77–100; repr. in Lemerle (1978), no. 16

Life of Gregentios, ed. and tr. A.Berger and G.Fiacciadori , Life and works of Saint Gregentios, archbishop of Taphar: introduction, critical edition and translation, Berlin and New York (2006).

A.Louth , (2002), St John Damascene: tradition and originality in Byzantine theology, Oxford

M.Maas , (ed.) (2005), The Cambridge companion to the age of Justinian, Cambridge

M. C. A.Macdonald , (1993), ‘Nomads and the Hawran in the late Hellenistic and Roman periods: a reassessment of the epigraphic evidence’, Syria 70, pp. 303–413

A.Madgearu , (2001a), ‘The end of town-life in Scythia Minor’, Oxford journal of archaeology 20, pp. 207–17

P.Magdalino , (1993a), The empire of Manuel I Komnenos 1143–1180, Cambridge

L.Mandić , and R.Mihajlovski , (2000), ‘A XIth century Byzantine seal from Heraclea near Bitola’, REB 58, pp. 273–7

L.Margetić , (1988), ‘Quelques aspects du plaid de Rižana’, REB 46, pp. 125–34

B.Martin-Hisard , (2001), ‘Moines et monastères géorgiens du 9e siècle: la Vie de saint Grigol de Xancta’, REB 59

B.Martin-Hisard , (2002), ‘Moines et monastères géorgiens du 9e siècle: la Vie de saint Grigol de Xancta. Deuxième partie: une mise en perspective historique’, REB 60

H. E.Mayer , (ed.) (1997), Die Kreuzfahrerstaaten als multikulturelle Gesellschaft: Einwanderer und Minderheiten im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert, Munich

H.Mayr-Harting , (2001), ‘Liudprand of Cremona’s account of his legation to Constantinople (968) and Ottonian imperial strategy’, EHR 116

E.McGeer , (1988), ‘Infantry versus cavalry: the Byzantine response’, REB 46, pp. 135–45; repr. in Haldon (ed.) (2007), pp. 335–45

S.McKee , (2000), Uncommon dominion: Venetian Crete and the myth of ethnic purity, Philadelphia

R.McKitterick , (1993), ‘Ottonian intellectual culture in the tenth century and the role of Theophano’, Early Medieval Europe 2, pp. 53–74; also published in Davids (ed.) (1995), pp. 169–93

R.McKitterick , (2004), History and memory in the Carolingian world, Cambridge

R.McKitterick , (ed.) (1990), The uses of literacy in early mediaeval Europe, Cambridge

A. H.Merrills , (2005), History and geography in late antiquity, Cambridge

MichaelPsellos , Orationes forenses et acta, ed. G. T.Dennis , Stuttgart (1994)

MichaelPsellos , Orationes panegyricae, ed. G. T.Dennis , Stuttgart (1994)

F.Millar , (1993a), ‘Hagar, Ishmael, Josephus and the origins of Islam’, Journal of Jewish Studies 44

F.Millar , (2000), ‘Pagan and Christian voices from late antiquity’ [review of CAH, XIII], Journal of Roman archaeology 13, pp. 752–63

V.Minorsky , (1953), ‘Caucasica Ⅳ’, BSOAS 15, pp. 504–29

P.Mirti , et al. (2001), ‘Glass fragments from the Crypta Balbi in Rome: the composition of eighth-century fragments’, Archaeometry 43, pp. 491–502

M. M.Mitchell , and F. M.Young , (eds.) (2006), The Cambridge history of Christianity, I: Origins to Constantine, Cambridge

M.Nichanian , and V.Prigent , (2003), ‘Les Stratèges de Sicile: de la naissance du thème au règne de Léon V’, REB 61, pp. 97–141

D. M.Nicol , (1979), Church and society in the last centuries of Byzantium, Cambridge

D. M.Nicol , (1962), ‘Byzantium and the papacy in the eleventh century’, Journal of ecclesiastical history 13, pp. 1–20; repr. in Nicol (1972b), no. 2

T. F. X.Noble , (1984), The republic of St Peter: the birth of the papal state, 680–825, Philadelphia

T. F. X.Noble , and J. M. H.Smith , (eds.) (2008), The Cambridge history of Christianity, Ⅲ: Early medieval Christianities, c. 600–c. 1100, Cambridge

G.Noyé , (2000), ‘Economie et société dans la Calabre byzantine (Ⅳe–Ⅺe siècle)’, JS, pp. 209–80

N.Oikonomides , (1963), ‘Le Serment de l’impératrice Eudocie (1067): un épisode de l’histoire dynastique de Byzance’, REB 21 ; repr. in Oikonomides (1976b), no. 3

E.Patlagean , (1994), ‘La Double Terre Sainte de Byzance: autour du XIIe siècle’, Annales – histoire, sciences sociales 49, pp. 459–69

C.Pellat , (1954), ‘Gahiziana, I: le Kitab al-Tabassur bi-l-Tigara attribué à Gahiz’, Arabica 1, pp. 153–65

M.Perrie , (ed.) (2006), The Cambridge history of Russia, I: From early Rus’ to 1689, Cambridge

A. G.Poulter , (2000), ‘The Roman to Byzantine transition in the Balkans: preliminary results on Nicopolis and its hinterland’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 13, pp. 346–58

T.Pratsch , (2005a), Der hagiographische Topos: griechische Heiligenviten in mittelbyzantinischer Zeit, Berlin and New York

Procopius , Buildings, ed. and tr. H. B.Dewing and G.Downey , Cambridge, MA and London (1940)

J.Rich , (ed.) (1992), The city in late antiquity, London

K. M.Ringrose , (2003), The perfect servant: eunuchs and the social construction of gender in Byzantium, Chicago

N.Robinson , (1991), Christ in Islam and Christianity: the representation of Jesus in the Qur’an and the classical Muslim commentaries, Basingstoke

U.Rubin , (1984), ‘Al-Samad and the high god: an interpretation of Sura CXII’, Der Islam 61

S.Runciman , (1977), The Byzantine theocracy, Cambridge

S.Runciman , (1970), The last Byzantine renaissance, Cambridge

P.Sabin , et al. (eds.) (2007), The Cambridge history of Greek and Roman warfare, 2 vols., Cambridge

Sainte-Sophie de Thessalonique d’après un rituel’, ed. J.Darrouzès , REB 34 (1976), pp. 45–78

J.-M.Sansterre , (1990), ‘Le Monastère des Saints Boniface et Alexis sur l’Aventin et l’expansion du christianisme dans le cadre de la “Renovatio Imperii Romanorum” d’Otton Ⅲ: une révision’, Revue Benedictine, 100, pp. 493–506

E.Saradi-Mendelovici , (1980), ‘A propos de la ville de Patras aux 13e–15e siècles’, REB 38, pp. 219–32

P.Sarris , (2002), ‘The Justinianic plague: origins and effects’, Continuity and Change 17, pp. 169–82

P.Sarris , (2004), ‘The origins of the manorial economy: new insights from late antiquity’, EHR 119, pp. 279–311

M.Sartre , (1982), ‘Tribus et clans dans le Hawran antique’, Syria 59

D. M.Schneider , (1984), A critique of the study of kinship, Ann Arbor, MI

P.Schreiner , (1985), ‘Eine merowingische Gesandschaft in Konstantinopel (590?)’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 19, pp. 195–200

P.Schreiner , (1984), ‘Das Herrscherbild in der byzantinischen Literatur des 9. bis 11. Jahrhunderts’, Saeculum 35, pp. 132–51

H.Seyrig , (1941), ‘Antiquités syriennes: postes romains sur la route de Médine’, Syria 22

C. T. M.Shawcross , (2008), ‘“Do thou nothing without counsel”: political assemblies and the ideal of good government in the thought of Theodore Palaeologus and Theodore Metochites’, Al-Masaq 20, pp. 90–117

J.Shepard , (1973), ‘The English and Byzantium: a study of their role in the Byzantine army in the later eleventh century’, Traditio 29, pp. 53–92

P.Skinner , (1995), Family power in southern Italy: the duchy of Gaeta and its neighbours, 850–1139, Cambridge

Y.Solier , et al. (1981), ‘Les Épaves de Gruissan’, Archaeonautica 3, pp. 7–264

T.Stepanov , (2001), ‘The Bulgar title KANASUBIGI: reconstructing the notions of divine kingship in Bulgaria, ad 822–836’, Early Medieval Europe 10, pp. 1–19

A. F.Stone , (2003a), ‘Dorylaion revisited: Manuel I Komnenos and the refortification of Dorylaion and Soublaion in 1175’, REB 61, pp. 183–99

J.Sutherland , (1975), ‘The mission to Constantinople in 968 and Liudprand of Cremona’, Traditio 31, pp. 55–83

N.Svoronos , (1951), ‘Le Serment de fidélité à l’empereur byzantin et sa signification constitutionnelle’, REB 9, pp. 106–42; repr. in Svoronos (1973), no. 6

N.Svoronos , (1959), ‘Recherches sur le cadastre byzantin et la fiscalité aux Ⅺe et XIIe siècles: le cadastre de Thèbes’, BCH 83, pp. 1–166; repr. in Svoronos (1973), no. 3

L. E.Sweet , (1965), ‘Camel raiding of north Arabian Bedouin: a mechanism of ecological adaptation’, American anthropologist 67, pp. 1132–50

Tacitus , The Annals, ed. and tr. J.Jackson , 4 vols., Cambridge MA (1931–7)

The movement for Greek independence, 1770–1821: a collection of documents, ed. and tr. R.Clogg , London (1976)

The Normans in Europe, ed. E. M. C.Houts van , Manchester (2000)

Barlaam the Calabrian, Three treatises, ed. and tr. T. M.Kolbaba , ‘Barlaam the Calabrian: three treatises on papal primacy: introduction, edition, and translation’, REB 53 (1995), pp. 41–115

F.Tinnefeld , (1995), ‘Byzanz und die Herrscher des Hauses Hohenstaufen (1138–1259)’, Archiv für Diplomatik 41, pp. 105–27

P.Toubert , (1976), ‘Pour une histoire de l’environnement économique et social du Mont Cassin (IXe–XIIe siècles)’, CRAI

W.Treadgold , (2004b), ‘The prophecies of the patriarch Methodius’, REB 62, pp. 229–37

I.Vásáry , (2005), Cumans and Tatars: oriental military in the pre-Ottoman Balkans, 1185–1365, Cambridge

M.Vermoere , et al. (2003), ‘Pollen sequences from the city of Sagalassos (Pisidia, south-west Turkey)’, Anatolian studies 53, pp. 161–73

A. P.Vlasto , (1970), The entry of the Slavs into Christendom, Cambridge

E.Watts , (2004), ‘Justinian, Malalas and the end of Athenian philosophical teaching in ad 529’, Journal of Roman Studies 94, pp. 168–82

W.Wendling , (1985), ‘Die Erhebung Ludwigs d. Fr. zum Mitkaiser im Jahre 813 und ihre Bedeutung für die Verfassungsgeschichte des Frankenreiches’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 19, pp. 201–38

WhitbyMary , (ed.) (2007), Byzantines and crusaders in non-Greek sources, 1025–1204, Oxford

N.Wilson , and J.Darrouzès , , ‘Restes du cartulaire de Hiéra-Xérochoraphion’, REB 26 (1968), pp. 5–47

G.Wolf , (ed.) (1991), Kaiserin Theophanu: Prinzessin aus der Fremde – des Westreichs Grosse Kaiserin, Cologne

I.Worthington , (ed.) (2007), A companion to Greek rhetoric, Oxford

E.Yarshater , (ed.) (1983), The Cambridge history of Iran, Ⅲ: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods, 2 vols., Cambridge

F.Young , et al. (eds.) (2004), The Cambridge history of early Christian literature, Cambridge