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  • Volume 12: The Shifting Balance of World Forces, 1898–1945
  • Edited by C. L. Mowat

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    The New Cambridge Modern History
    • Volume 12: The Shifting Balance of World Forces, 1898–1945
    • Edited by C. L. Mowat
    • Online ISBN: 9781139055888
    • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513
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This volume of the The New Cambridge Modern History examines the shifting balance of world forces from 1898 to 1945.

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Page 1 of 2


  • CHAPTER I - Introductory survey: On the limits of modern history
    pp 1-9
    • By C. L. Mowat, University College of North Wales, Bangor
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In the years 1945-65 World Politics and the relations between countries and continents responded, though slowly, to the changes being made by science and technology. Power politics became polarised round two super-powers, the United States and Russia, who for long engaged in the rivalry of the 'Cold War'. The growth in power and influence and scientific mastery of the Chinese Republic since the middle 'fifties began to intrude upon this over-simple 'balance of power'. The recovery of western Europe, particularly of France and Germany and the other members of the Common Market, raised up another, though lesser, force in world affairs. The rivalry between the white and coloured people's, whether within a nation or between the nations, assumed a new dimension. The first half of the twentieth century has all the marks of a 'period of revolutionary change and crisis' comparable to the 'social and intellectual upheaval at the turn of the eleventh and twelfth centuries'.
  • CHAPTER II - The transformation of social life
    pp 10-36
    • By David Thomson, Master of Sidney Sussex College and Lecturer in History in the University of Cambridge
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The forty years before the Second World War brought far-reaching changes in the ways of life and the standards of living of European peoples. These changes were wrought by historical forces and events which had diverse effects in different countries. The transformation of society came about in the process of a continual interplay between three disparate factors: the fundamental conditions for economic growth, the social structure and aspirations of each community, and the political map of Europe in which state boundaries only partly coincided with either viable economic units or with communities socially and nationally homogeneous. It was industrialisation, world trade, and improvement in methods of agriculture and transport that made it possible to maintain the increased population on a generally improving standard of living. The social revolution of twentieth-century Europe went much deeper in its causes than the agitation for female suffrage and much wider in its consequences than the extension of electorates.
  • CHAPTER III - The world economy: Interdependence and planning
    pp 37-86
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    There were so many changes in economic structure and relationships during the first half of the twentieth century. The historical origins of twentieth-century interventionism may be discerned in the interdependent pre-1914 world, and a conjunction of forces, most of them deriving from nineteenth-century sources, was responsible for the pattern of events. The one non-white country which made great independent economic progress before 1914, Japan, reconciled old traditions and new techniques, making use of elements of enterprise within the indigenous historic structure. Yet its path of growth had much in common with that followed earlier by western European countries. The First World War did nothing in Japan to decelerate long-term economic trends: indeed, since it was essentially a European war, it provided Japanese businessmen, like Japanese politicians, with new opportunities. At the beginning of the Great Depression, during the late 1930s, the one comprehensive planning scheme in operation was that of the Soviet Union, where output rose rapidly during the 1930s.
  • CHAPTER IV - Science and technology
    pp 87-111
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The nineteenth century ended with a fundamental and revolutionary change in the physical sciences and with some recognition that it was science that was moulding the world of the future. The first half of the twentieth century, by the wide application to organic chemistry of the methods and theories of physical chemistry, has seen a unification of the chemistry. The biological sciences have exhibited during this half-century a proliferation similar to that of the physical sciences and genetics. The applications of science to medicine have been many and various in the period. Developments in technology have been so numerous and so varied that any attempt at an inclusive summary would soon degenerate into a mere catalogue of invention. In Great Britain, home of the Industrial Revolution, there was a similar slow progress towards technical education, and the teaching of science itself developed only gradually during the nineteenth century.
  • CHAPTER V - Diplomatic history 1900–1912
    pp 112-139
    • By J. P. T. Bury, Fellow of Corpus Christi College and Lecturer in History in the University of Cambridge
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By 1900, the two dynamic forces of nationalism and industrialism had radically altered the balance of power throughout the world. Accompanied by increasing state control, they had extended European sovereignty to nearly the whole of Africa, led to new rivalries in Asia, and contributed to the spectacular development in wealth and strength of two non-European states, the USA. and Japan. In the Far East the ancient empire of China was the chief bone of contention. There, first in the field, England had by 1890 established a commercial and diplomatic pre-eminence based upon sea power. English and French interests collided at many points but, whereas frontier disputes in the west were settled by an Anglo-French Convention of 14 June 1898, differences farther east were less easily composed. The main tension came with the struggle for control of the Upper Nile.
  • CHAPTER VI - The approach of the war of 1914
    pp 140-170
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Moroccan convention of November 1911 licensed a French protectorate in exchange for territorial cessions in central Africa, and its critical reception by both French and German nationalists is one measure of its merits. The diplomatic stabilisation in the Near East and Africa with its Far Eastern parallel in the partition between Russia and Japan of claims on China beyond the wall, had no bearing on European antagonisms unless to free the protagonists entirely from other preoccupations. The diplomacy of Great Britain has been blamed for an obtuse impartiality. The declaration of war upon France and the final ultimatum to Belgium followed according to plan on 3 August, providing Grey with the ripe case for intervention which he made in his famous speech on that day. The issue of Belgian neutrality dissolved isolationism and pacifism in Great Britain as only a moral factor could do.
  • CHAPTER VII - The first world war
    pp 171-208
    • By Brian Bond, King’s College, University of London
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The First World War origins were essentially European; in the power struggle between Austria and Russia in the Balkans, and Anglo-French fear of German domination of Western Europe. Germany was well organised in most respects for a short decisive war. Germany's central position and the depreciating asset of her alliance with Austria-Hungary gave her compelling reasons for staking all on a short war. Britain's command of the seas enabled her or her allies to sweep up all Germany's overseas colonies, without difficulty in most cases. Britain's reluctance to depart from the traditional methods of sustaining a war was certainly not attributable to a 'nation in arms' policy, since she relied upon a small professional army and a reserve of Territorials who were not obliged to serve overseas. The neologism 'home front' suggests the extent of civilian involvement in the war.
  • CHAPTER VIII - The peace settlement of Versailles 1918–1933
    pp 209-241
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By the Treaty of Versailles, Germany in the west ceded to Belgium the small districts of Eupen and Malmédy subject to conditions concerning popular consultation, and returned to France the Alsace-Lorraine of 1870, accepting also the provisions with regard to the Saar and the Rhineland. Reparation and disarmament were the two main long-term obligations of Germany under the Treaty of Versailles, and the supervision of their fulfilment, respectively through the Reparation Commission and the Control Commissions working under the Conference of Ambassadors in Paris, was in the forefront of the policy of the Allies. The peace settlement after the First World War largely undermined in three waves, successive but overlapping, political, economic and psychological. The aftermath of the war to make the world safe for democracy witnessed a retreat from its liberalism into Communism in Russia, into Fascism in Italy and, most promptly disruptive, into National Socialism in Germany.
  • CHAPTER IX - The League of Nations
    pp 242-268
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Covenant of the League of Nations formed Part I of each of the treaties of peace concluded after the First World War, and, when the first of these, the Treaty of Versailles, entered into force on 10 January 1920, the League began to exist. The original members of the League were the signatories of the treaties of peace and a few other states invited in the treaties to accede to the Covenant. The Secretariat was the most original element in the constitution of the League. The prime purpose of the League was to achieve international peace and security. A number of technical organisations were also set up under the general authority of the League Assembly and Council. The League was less successful in its efforts to introduce long-term improvements in the conduct of international economic relations. In 1927 a World Economic Conference was held at Geneva.
  • CHAPTER X - The Middle East 1900–1945
    pp 269-296
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    From the first decades of the nineteenth century, Middle Eastern governments were becoming increasingly aware that European arms and military techniques were superior to anything they could command, and they proceeded to remedy their inferiority by the seemingly simple expedient of acquiring European arms and copying European military organisation. The Hamidian period saw a continuation of the trends to modernisation and centralisation which were dominant all through the nineteenth century in the Ottoman Empire. The First World War and its aftermath saw European control extend, albeit for a few decades only over almost the whole Middle East. The Ottoman involvement in this war on the side of the Central Powers proved to have momentous consequences for this area. The war meant the final and explicit abandonment of the traditional British policy of defending the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
  • 1 - India
    pp 297-312
    • By Percival Spear, Fellow of Selwyn College and Lecturer in History in the University of Cambridge
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The obvious approach to Indian history from 1905 to 1947 would be the study of the development and triumph of the nationalist movement with its corollary of partition. The Islington Commission began to consider the admission of more Indians into the public services. The reforms were followed by the revocation of the Bengal partition and the removal of the capital from Calcutta to Delhi, the one calculated to please Bengalis, the other to please Indians as a whole. The Declaration of 1917 promised the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration, and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India as an integral part of the empire. The constitutional Rubicon was crossed and led to the Government of India Act of 1921 which embodied the 'Montford reforms'. The Lee Commission on the services looked to an equal division of the Indian Civil Service between Indians and British.
  • 2 - South-East Asia
    pp 313-328
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At the beginning of the twentieth century control over the vast area of mainland and islands now known as South-East Asia was almost monopolised by the Netherlands, Britain, France and the United States of America. The United States was the last western power to acquire any considerable territorial dominions in South-East Asia. The economies of the South-East Asian peoples became dependent upon external markets and, in the cases of French Indo-China and the Philippines especially, closely linked with the economies of their metropolitan countries. The anti-Western Boxer rebellion in China in 1899, the rise of Japan as the self-styled champion of Asian rights and her victory over Russia in 1905, the Chinese revolution and the consequent deposition of the Manchu dynasty in 1912, and Gandhi's leadership of the Indian swaraj movement, all conveyed to the South-East intelligentsias a feeling of Asia arising and challenging Western domination.
  • CHAPTER XII - China, Japan and the Pacific 1900–1931
    pp 329-372
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At the beginning of the twentieth century, the countries of the Far East and the Pacific were regarded by the West from the standpoint of imperialism. Japan's resounding victory over China in the war of 1894-45 provided the Western powers with conclusive evidence of the success of the reorganisation. The effects of modernisation on the structure of the economy were by then beginning to be felt in the changing commodity composition of Japanese foreign trade. Economically as well as politically, China remained a classical field for the satisfaction of imperialist aspirations. The outbreak of First World War in Europe in August 1914 directly involved the Far East and the Pacific. The centre of German military power in the Pacific was at Tsingtao, in the leased territory of Kiaochow, in Shangtung. The foreign trade of China doubled between the end of the 1890s and 1914 and then increased by a further 50 percent by the end of the 1920s.
  • CHAPTER XIII - The British Commonwealth of Nations
    pp 373-402
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The literature of imperialism began to be a literature of research, critical certainly, in which nineteenth-century humanitarianism was linked increasingly to a new ethnological approach, and to a determination to take full account of economic factors. It remains true that, in the greater part of the period now being considered, constitutional interest centres on the development of the relations of the group of communities which came to be called the British Commonwealth of Nations, of the United Kingdom and the dominions, the imperial metropolis and the semi-British societies who were exploiting the possibilities of responsible self-government. The dominions must be fully recognised as autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth. The Irish Free State was given the constitutional status as 'the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand and the Union of South Africa', with more special reference to Canada.
  • CHAPTER XIV - The Russian Revolution
    pp 403-432
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The revolution of 1917 broke out in the middle of the first world war, in which Russia, although belonging to an eventually victorious coalition of powers, suffered the heaviest defeats. The main content of the events of 1917 was the struggle between groups that until recently formed the extreme wing of a clandestine opposition, the Russian Gironde and the Russian Mountain. The political history of the years 1906-16 was marked by the continuous degradation of Russia's quasi-parliaments, the dumas. Agricultural poverty was matched by industrial backwardness. Monetary inflation was rampant: ten times as much money as in 1914 circulated in the summer of 1917. When the year of revolution opened, the cost of living had risen to 700 per cent of pre-war. Strikes and bread riots frequently broke out in Petrograd, Moscow and other industrial centres throughout 1916. The clandestine groups of socialists, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Social Revolutionaries were wondering about the outcome of the struggle.
  • CHAPTER XV - The Soviet Union 1917–1939
    pp 433-472
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The political grouping on which Lenin based his power, the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, could scarcely have numbered at that time much more than 70,000 members in a country of some 160 million. The powerful armies of Imperial Germany continued to confront the remnants of the Russian army, along the eastern front. The year 1919 saw the triumph of the Communist forces both in north Russia and in the area between the Volga and eastern Siberia. The centre of military activity in the Civil War had shifted to the southern regions of European Russia. The general acceptance of the Soviet Union as a member of the international community, and the extensive normalisation of its relations with other great powers, coincided roughly in time with Lenin's death and the resolution of the succession crisis. The Soviet Union entered the League of Nations, which its leaders had denounced as an agency of imperialism.
  • CHAPTER XVI - Germany, Italy and eastern Europe
    pp 473-476
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In the Europe of the first fourteen years of the twentieth century, the political society of the greatest vitality was that of the German Empire. The best thing to be said of the Germany of William II was that it was a Rechtsstaat: it guaranteed the rule of law. The rapid and accelerating industrialisation of Germany since 1870 had brought increases and shifts of population and had transformed the country from a mainly peasant to a markedly industrial society. As in Hungary education in Germany was offered only in the language of the state. This alienated some three million Poles in West Prussia as well as the Poles of Silesia. The Poles were treated contemptuously by the Germans as an inferior race. German settlers, according to decisions made in 1886 and 1908, were sent to divide them from the Poles of Russia. In Austria the Poles were treated as a favoured minority.
  • Austria-Hungary 1900–1914
    pp 476-480
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    To the south and south-east of Germany there lay the dominions of the Habsburgs ruled in 1900 by an old man of 70. Since 1867 the administration of Austria had been sharply divided from that of Hungary. Austria embraced the Poles of Galicia, the Ruthenes, Ukrainians and Russians of Eastern Galicia and the Bukovina, the Slovenes of Styria and Istria, the Croats of Dalmatia. The dual system of Austria-Hungary was made even more explosive by the contrast between the relatively liberal administration of Austria and the conspicuous failure, between 1900 and 1914, to introduce anything of the kind into Hungary. Economically Austria lagged behind Germany. Industry was highly developed in Vienna, and in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia which reached into the region of the great Silesian coalfields. Bosnia with Herzegovina had been administered by Habsburg officials since 1878: in October 1908 the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office and General Staff decided to annex Bosnia outright.
  • The Balkan Peninsula
    pp 480-482
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The nationalistic ideals of the nineteenth century were unsatisfied at the beginning of the twentieth, not only in Austria-Hungary and in German and Russian Poland but also throughout the Balkan Peninsula; indeed they could only be satisfied there at the expense both of the Dual Monarchy and the Turkish Empire. The Balkan Peninsula owed to the Turkish regime its squalid backwardness and lack of communications. After the Italian defeat of the Turks in Libya in 1911, Serbia with Montenegro, Bulgaria and Greece attacked Turkey; it was in fact Montenegro, a detached Serbian outpost, which first declared war in October 1912. The Bulgars refused to accept Serbia's conquest of most of Macedonia; on the other hand Austria-Hungary had insisted upon the creation of an Albanian national state in 1913 in order to prevent Serbia from reaching the western Balkan coast.
  • Italy 1900–1914
    pp 482-484
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    After disastrous defeat in Abyssinia in 1896 and a dangerous collision between the government and the governed, especially in Milan, in 1898, with the turn of the century Italy entered into a period of conciliation and prosperity. The dominant Socialist leaders of the early years of the century in Italy, men like Filippo Turati and Leonida Bissolati, favoured moderate social reforms which should put the working class in a better position to make further gains. A major problem in Italy in 1900 was the relation between the state and the Roman Catholic church, since the overwhelming majority of Italy's citizens were Catholics. In 1911, Giovanni Giolitti brought about an electoral reform which increased the electorate from 3 to 8 million. In the autumn of 1914, Benito Mussolini launched an interventionist Socialist newspaper. In May 1915, after the territorial bribes offered by the Allies in the secret Treaty of London,2 Italy declared war against Austria-Hungary.
  • The aftermath of the first world war
    pp 485-492
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.022
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The most vocal opinion in Austria-Hungary, and more particularly in Germany, believed in the early years of the First World War that German domination over the Danube valley, all Poland, the Baltic provinces and probably the fertile Ukraine would complete the creation of a Great-German world power. The Treaty of Versailles' economic aspect was harsh. The German nationalists, the old ruling classes and their supporters among the shopkeepers and peasants, used the so-called Versailler Diktat to discredit the liberalism of the Weimar Republic. The fiercest anti-Slav racialism had long been voiced by the Germans of the mixed Austrian crownlands like Bohemia and Styria. The Russian revolution had caused the Spartakists, as a left-wing group called themselves, to break away as Communists from the traditional Social Democratic party of Germany. Industrial development was resumed in Germany with great success, particularly in light industry, and much building was undertaken: the necessary capital was largely provided by short-term loans from America.
  • The Great Depression: Hitler becomes German chancellor
    pp 492-496
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.023
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In Germany, towards the end of 1929 employment melted away so rapidly that the prosperous period seemed to have been a mere illusion. The number of Communist deputies increased from 54 to 77 and the National Socialist Party shot up from 12 in the last Reichstag to 107: they were the largest party after the Social Democrats. These Nazis were the followers of the Austrian agitator, Adolf Hitler, who had ignominiously failed to seize power in Munich in November 1923. The collapse of agricultural prices had not been so sudden for peasant Europe as the disappearance of jobs in industry in the German towns and in Vienna. Agitators who whispered that Communism protected society from depression found a ready ear among the Russophil Czechs, Serbs and Bulgars. The danger from Communism, real or imagined, inclined rulers to admire Benito Mussolini and his methods increasingly.
  • ‘Gleichschaltung’ in Germany and Austria
    pp 496-499
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.024
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Nazi Germany constantly lost sympathy yet won admiration: opinion in Europe evidently shirked the discreditable evidence which was painful, and jumped at the impressive slogans. Anti-Semitic action began to be systematized in a boycott of Jewish shops ordered by the Nazi party for 1 April 1933. Early in 1934 Adolf Hitler ran into some unexpected difficulties. His two major aims were to destroy the Jews and to acquire territory in eastern Europe in order to plant German colonists there. The second of these aims was certain to bring war: therefore Hitler wished to build up a new, big, efficient army. Hitler was against Rohm's programme because it would make for a less efficient army. Hitler extricated himself from the situation with criminal brilliance. The most important piece of Gleichschaltung which had been going on behind the scenes was that of the police. In February 1934 there were four days of civil war between the Dollfuss government and the Austrian Socialists.
  • Czechoslovakia 1929–1938
    pp 499-502
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.025
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At first Czechoslovakia was not seriously affected by the Great Depression: her finances were sound: she was fairly self-sufficient. In the autumn of 1934 the Soviet Union was brought into the League of Nations with a permanent seat in the Council and Beneš decided to link himself with his French ally in making a cautious treaty with the Russians. Schuschnigg, who had succeeded Dollfuss as Chancellor of Austria, was an ambiguous character. With the intense German feeling of the Tyrolese he combined ardent Catholicism. Adolf Hitler's success in Germany had intoxicated the German minorities throughout Eastern Europe. The absorption of Austria into Nazi Germany in March 1938 was like a second injection and all the Sudeten Germans except the Socialists rushed to join Henlein's Sudeten German party. The Anschluss had put under German control all kinds of central European banking and industrial connections. A German Mitteleuropa was reinforced by the German-Rumanian Commercial Treaty of 23 March 1939.
  • The attack upon Poland expands into a second world war
    pp 502-511
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.026
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In May 1939 the treaty which Benito Mussolini called the Steel Pact was signed in Berlin between Germany and Italy. It was a frankly aggressive treaty which intensified the intimidation of Europe by Adolf Hitler and Mussolini. The destruction of Poland combined with the Phoney War against France and Britain did not seem to change life in Eastern Europe for the time being: Hungary as well as Italy seemed to flourish on their neutrality. When Hitler attacked the Soviet Russia in June 1941 he revived the old idea of a crusade against Communism. One of the most important events in the political and social history of central Europe in 1942 was the attempt made upon Heydrich's life in Prague at the end of May. Social conditions in Axis Europe after the battle of Stalingrad were highly political; increasingly people joined the Resistance movements or helped them or at any rate hindered the authorities through sabotage.
  • CHAPTER XVII - Great Britain, France, The Low Countries and Scandinavia
    pp 512-513
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.027
  • View abstract
    Summary
    At the beginning of the twentieth century, all the major European states could be characterised by their respect for the principle of the sovereignty of the people, and a social order founded on the predominance of a property-owning class composed of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie. This was especially true of northern and western Europe; with the exception of republican France, the pattern of government was that of a constitutional monarchy supported by an electoral system based on property qualifications which usually excluded any popular elements from the elected assemblies. Two world wars and an economic crisis of unprecedented magnitude speed up the rhythm of the industrial transformations. This chapter addresses the countries of north-western Europe which, before 1940 at least, were able to avoid a social revolution or a dictatorial regime, namely, Great Britain, France, Belgium and Luxemburg, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries.
  • The political system and the organisation of society at the beginning of the century
    pp 513-514
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.028
  • View abstract
    Summary
    France had adopted the principle of universal suffrage in 1848, but in Great Britain, although the Act of 1884 had increased the number of voters from four to five millions, the franchise was not universal, and plural voting was possible for persons owning houses or premises in several constituencies. Belgium introduced a system of plural voting in 1893, whereby supplementary voting rights were granted to heads of families, citizens owning property worth 2,000 francs or providing an income of 100 francs, and those who had reached a certain level of education. The trade union movement had its earliest and most important period of development in Great Britain, whereas its organisation was hampered in France by the memory of the Commune. French socialism was very active, although the movement was divided into Guesdistes, who rallied to the banner of Marxism, and reformists.
  • Government by the liberal bourgeoisie: 1900–1914
    pp 514-527
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521045513.029
  • View abstract
    Summary
    During the first years of the century, political rather than social problems prevailed. The Liberals were supported by the working-class parties, which were as yet of insufficient size to do more than assist in the struggle. The 'Radical and Radical Socialist party', formed in 1901, was to be the dominant political party in France until 1940. Political evolution in the Scandinavian countries worked towards a democratisation of institutions and the progress of the social-democratic parties. The conflict between the Liberals and the Lords was similar to the one that had existed in France for a century and which had attained a degree of unheard of violence in the course of the Dreyfus affair. For the Liberal bourgeoisie, the Conservative Lords had all the disdain of ancient noble families. Although the Liberal government carried forward its programme of social legislation, the gap could only widen between the Liberals and the Labour supporters.

Page 1 of 2


This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


C. P. Kindleberger , Economic Growth in France and Britain, 1851–1950, (1964).

J. B. Condliffe , ‘The Labour Experiment in New Zealand’, in The Economic Record, August 1957.

E. S. Mason (ed.), The Corporation in Modem Society, (Cambridge, Mass., 1959).

E. A. G. Robinson (ed.), Economic Consequences of the Size of Nations, (London, 1960).

Seth P. Tillman , Anglo-American Relations at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, (Princeton, 1961).

C. Hou , Foreign Investment and Economic Development in China, 1840-1937, (Cambridge, Mass., 1965).