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  • Volume 6: The Rise of Great Britain and Russia, 1688-1715/25
  • Edited by J. S. Bromley

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    The New Cambridge Modern History
    • Volume 6: The Rise of Great Britain and Russia, 1688-1715/25
    • Edited by J. S. Bromley
    • Online ISBN: 9781139055826
    • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244
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Book description

Volume VI draws attention to two of the paramount developments which, with the growth of the Hapsburg monarchy, affected all of Europe and many parts of the Americas during the period under survey. War, politics, and society in Western Europe are studied from the English Revolution to the death of Louis XIV, and elsewhere from the accession of Charles XII to the death of Peter the Great (and for the Ottoman Empire to 1730). There is a survey of European maritime commerce extending to all important traffic within the overseas world, and a chapter on population and prices in Europe. Although much space is necessarily occupied by war and diplomacy, and by new methods of conducting them, the cultural and religious history of the period was of fundamental importance to the Enlightenment that was to follow. In this and other respects, the present volume complements volumes V and VII.

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‘… this is one of the best volumes of the NCMH yet to appear; it is well planned, [the] editorial direction is firm and enlightened, and the standard of the individual contributions is high …’

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‘As might be expected from the distinguished team of contributors, the content of the individual chapters is authoritative, learned and intelligent, and great care has been taken to eliminate contradictions and overlaps …'

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Page 1 of 2


  • Chapter I - Introduction
    pp 1-36
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.002
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By 1716 Sweden was stripped of her trans-Baltic provinces. Sweden's loss was chiefly to the advantage of Russia, which staked out claims also in the direction of the Black Sea and the Caspian. After the cement of the Roman faith, it was the social sympathies between the various territorial nobilities, forged in a common Viennese culture, which best gave coherence to the most diverse populations under a single sovereign to be found anywhere in Europe. The multiplication of these populations must be seen as a major development of the age, even in comparison with the rise of Russia and Great Britain. It was against tsar and sultan that the bloodiest revolts of the time took place: of Cossacks and janissaries. But over the rest of Europe there was raiding and rioting enough to match the high-seas piracies of those who had opted out of Western civilization altogether.
  • Chapter II - The scientific movement and the diffusion of scientific ideas, 1688–1751
    pp 37-71
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.003
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The years following publication of the Principia Mathematica in 1687 saw a gradual but definite change in the character and spirit of the European scientific movement. A period of adventure in ideas and organization gave way to one of systematization, fact-collecting and the diffusion of scientific ideas. The task of organizing science as a profession had become the task of the scientific societies of the seventeenth century. It was the discoveries of Issac Newton and the mathematical physicists that had first made the Royal Society's reputation. In contrast, the official character of the Academie Royal des Sciences was underlined by its dependence on the interest of the minister in charge. By the eighteenth century, science had acquired a unity of outlook and activity, of formulated natural expectations and practical aims that placed it among the dynamic influences at work in western civilization. Many eighteenth-century writers gave prominence to the scientific movement in their view of history.
  • 1 - Tendencies in thought and literature
    pp 72-101
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.004
  • View abstract
    Summary
    During the last decades of the seventeenth century and the first two of the next, the cultural influence of the major European nations corresponded closely to their political standing. Alongside continuing French predominance, there emerged at this time a new English intellectual and literary influence characterized by a strong emphasis on factual observation. The orthodoxy of classicism, with its clarity, harmony and universality, might at first glance appear to offer a favourable milieu for the movement of critical scientific thought. Fundamentally, however, the new scientific movement ran in an opposite direction to much in the classical outlook. The widespread preoccupation with the collection and critical analysis of factual knowledge in the realms of science, thought and scholarship is perhaps paralleled by certain developments in the sphere of imaginative literature. To the many stirrings of new thought, and to the fertile conflicts with more traditional conceptions which they engendered, the growth of knowledge of distant lands added a further stimulus.
  • 2 - Music, 1661–1752
    pp 101-118
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.005
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The rise of historicism which distinguishes the end of the eighteenth century yielded, among others, the first great histories of music. Singing and dancing, with their spectacle and rhythmic drive, were the order of the day. Louis XIV's preference for ballet, dancing and lavish spectacle quickly became an international vogue. The state of music printing and publishing during the period 1661-1752 was similarly balanced between traditional and progressive elements. Great as was the influence of French opera, however, it was only an interlude in an essentially Italian art form. The doom of English opera was sealed when the court insisted on opera in the Italian tongue and Handel was imported to provide Italian opera. By the 1730s, there were firmly established throughout Europe three types of purely instrumental composition, all derived from the genre of opera but independent of the operatic stage: Lully's French overture, Scarlatti's Italian overture, and Vivaldi's concerto.
  • Chapter IV - Religion and the relations of church and state
    pp 119-153
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.006
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The years 1688-1715 saw the completion of an intolerant Catholic domination in France and Poland. After some vacillation, Louis XIV reaffirmed his ruthless policies in a declaration of March 1715 by which Protestants were deprived of all legal status. Though Vienna did its best to introduce Catholic immigrants from south Germany, Hungary did not go the way of Bohemia after 1648. The Calvinist nobles demonstrated that they would choose the cynical quasi-toleration of the Turk rather than lose religion and liberty under the Habsburg, and intransigence won a grudging recognition of their religious freedom. It was in England that the most significant discussion of the relationship of Church and State took place, the issue being stated trenchantly in the famous manifesto, A Letter to a Convocation Man. While the period saw patterns of thought crystallize that challenged Christianity, theological issues remained at the centre of debate, though perhaps only because religion itself was being subjected to compromise and reinterpretations.
  • Chapter V - International relations in Europe
    pp 154-192
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.007
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Most of the changes in the political structure of Europe between 1688 and 1721 arose in connection with five great wars: the Nine Years War, the War of the Spanish Succession, the Turkish wars of 1683-99 and 1714-18, and the Great Northern War. By 1700, most States had built up more or less efficient administrations at the centre, but about 1714-15, and for some years thereafter, many were afflicted with maladies. The changes in Europe's political structure had no immediate effect on international law, the organization of diplomatic services, or the manner of negotiating. Diplomatic usage reflected the social order of the European community as well as of the individual States. Louis XIV and William III contributed more than anybody else to the emergence of the European order of the early eighteenth century. Each in his own way helped to bring forth that unified order of Europe which, while maintaining the independence of many States, was rational, cosmopolitan, and civilized.
  • Chapter VI - The English revolution
    pp 193-222
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.008
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Having acquired the crown William III was resolved to be king of England, so far as the circumstances of the Revolution would permit, and not the king of a party. His essential moderation rivalled that of Halifax; his choice of ministers and his dislike of vindictiveness disappointed Whigs and Tories alike. The English Revolution was in a narrow sense complete when William and Mary accepted the Crown on 23 February 1689. With the Revolution, the constitutional conflict in England ceased to be a fight to the death between king and parliament. William and Halifax alike hoped, in vain, that parties as they had known them would disappear. Without the English Revolution of 1688, the French and American Revolutions could scarcely have advanced beyond theory. For this reason, though appeals were constantly made to the new statement, with only occasional references to the old achievement the Revolution continued, and continues, indirectly or directly, to exercise a strong and distinctive influence.
  • Chapter VII - The Nine Years War, 1688–1697
    pp 223-253
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.009
  • View abstract
    Summary
    France was at war from November 1688 until October 1697. William effected his purposes in the three kingdoms and he brought their full resources to bear in the war which Louis XIV had declared against the States General. It took years of fighting to consolidate the double revolution. Thus the cardinal event of the war occurred before it began, to be followed by nine years of anticlimax. In the last summer of the war, the French pressed on in the Netherlands, taking Ath and Alost. The French, irresistible by sea or land in what had been the least important of the theatres of war, settled the matter by taking Barcelona. William III had achieved his primary war aim. He was recognized by the French as king of Great Britain and Ireland. His three kingdoms were thus united with the Dutch, to uphold the balance of power against France.
  • Chapter VIII - The emergence of Great Britain as a world power
    pp 254-283
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.010
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In 1660 England, with a population of just over five million, had recently emerged from her first naval war with the Dutch. Strategically, Scotland and Ireland were both an advantage and a disadvantage to England. It was obviously an advantage to have access to their ports in war-time; on the other hand, these might be open to the enemy. The first serious threat to the Revolution settlement occurred in 1696, when there was an attempt to murder William and when an invasion threat from France was again forestalled by English sea power. Censorship was stopped in 1695. Although criticism of government still constituted seditious libel, there emerged a frank and usually intelligent discussion of domestic and foreign affairs, which was a clear evidence that, after her comparative insularity, England was emerging as a world power. A new type was coming into existence, the literate Englishman, well informed about public events and able to debate them without coming to blows.
  • Chapter IX - War finance, 1689–1714
    pp 284-315
    • By P. G. M. Dickson, Fellow of St Catherine’s College and Lecturer in Modern History in the University of Oxford, John Sperling, San José State College, California
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.011
  • View abstract
    Summary
    During the wars of 1688-1714, financial capacity was the limiting factor which decided the length, and modified the intensity, of war. As a bankrupt government, unable to make financial innovations with speed and skill, would be compelled to make peace, the rival powers tended to count each others' losses. Only for England are the financial statistics reasonably certain. The social and economic consequences of war finance in this period cannot be traced with certainty, owing to the absence of statistics, but certain points may be suggested. Thanks to considerable under-employment of resources in each of the States concerned at the start of the wars, it is unlikely that heavy government borrowing diverted capital to any great extent from existing enterprise. The poorer classes were affected by the rise in prices due to taxation and scarcity, but probably secured increased employment thanks to the general wartime increase in economic activity.
  • Chapter X - The condition of France, 1688–1715
    pp 316-342
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.012
  • View abstract
    Summary
    No matter, what aspect of the condition of France in these years we consider, it cannot be understood apart from the behaviour of the machinery of state. This chapter begins by summarizing the strong and the weak elements in the monarchical government about the year 1688. For several decades the general movement of prices had been tending to decline. But in France, they persisted beyond the quite marked international recovery of the 1680s. The financial history of France from 1688 to 1715 is a long succession of ever-growing troubles. Towards the summer of 1693 the Ministers of State, the permanent members of the Conseil d'en haut, drew up memoranda on the general situation. In the very first line of his memorandum, the duke of Beauvillier affirmed the absolute necessity of peace. Between 1688 and 1715 the royal authority was led to make concessions to various social forces which at other times it would have handled in a less conciliatory fashion.
  • Chapter XI - The Spanish Empire under foreign pressures, 1688–1715
    pp 343-380
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.013
  • View abstract
    Summary
    It is true that Spanish economic policies did not appreciably differ from the mercantilism of parts of Europe. In 1706, when the French Asiento Company was unable to meet its obligations to the Spanish treasury without having itself to borrow, it was unable to resist pressure from the French government to send cash for the pay of Philip's troops. No amount of French pressure could persuade the Spanish government to open the profitable tobacco and cacao trades, each the subject of a tax-farm, to the Company's shipping. Its factors also met with much obstruction from officials in the Indies and occasional mob violence there. The marriage of Philip late in 1714 to Elizabeth Farnese also ended an age. Her ejection of Anne-Marie de la Tremoille, Madame des Ursins and Jean Orry from Spain, her ambitions to provide thrones for any future sons, and her reliance on a new favourite, Alberoni, gave a new direction to Spanish policy.
  • Chapter XII - From the Nine Years War to the war of the Spanish Succession
    pp 381-409
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.014
  • View abstract
    Summary
    France was Spain's neighbour on two frontiers: if the Dutch and the English in their time had wrested away Spanish lands, the French had done it nearer the heart of the empire. In the Nine Years War they had almost mastered both the Netherlands and Catalonia. Their expanding seaborne commerce was involved in the Spanish empire at many points. In 1699, there was an armed collision between the Scots and the Spaniards; but the probability of such a collision was implicit in the whole enterprise. Here, William III used the Spanish succession crisis as an opportunity for furthering British ambitions. When the Spanish succession question came to a head, the only attraction of Augustus the Strong of Poland and Saxony for the French was that he might become an ally if France could mediate successfully in the North. In May 1701 he promised to attack the emperor with 30,000 men in that event; but nothing came of the French mediation.
  • Chapter XIII - The war of the Spanish succession in Europe
    pp 410-445
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.015
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Grand Alliance of September 1701 united Austria, Britain and the United Provinces, which primarily waged the last and decisive war against the hegemony of Louis XIV. In principle, Emperor Leopold I claimed the whole Spanish inheritance for the House of Habsburg. By the end of 1706, the main points of the moderate programme laid down by William III in the Treaty of Grand Alliance had been realized. Louis XIV's hegemony was broken, the balance of power in Europe restored. The claims of the Habsburgs to the Spanish succession in Milan and the south Netherlands were satisfied; and the Dutch Republic had got a buffer-state between itself and France. The Republic concluded a new Treaty of Succession and Barrier with Britain in January 1713. There was now no question of equal trading privileges in Spanish territories, nor of the annexation of Upper Guelderland, which Britain designed for the rising and exigent kingdom of Prussia.
  • Chapter XIV - The pacification of Utrecht
    pp 446-479
    • By H. G. Pitt, Fellow of Worcester College and Lecturer in Modern History in the University of Oxford
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.016
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The long series of negotiations which led to the Peace of Utrecht had no distinct starting-point and no single concluding date. The Congress at Utrecht, with its sequels at Rastatt and Baden, was but the open avowal of the intention to make peace. On 11 April, at Utrecht, the plenipotentiaries of Britain, Savoy, Portugal, Prussia and (after midnight) the United Provinces signed the peace treaties with France. The Congress had completed the major part of its task. The Utrecht pacification was negative in its achievement, as the Grand Alliance had intended it should be. It had prevented a disruption of the balance of Europe and restored the principle of flexibility. The pacification ensured that as new problems and new powers emerged their demands would be met by new alliances and alignments freely arrived at, unimpeded by the overweening strength of any one power.
  • Chapter XV - France and England in North America, 1689–1713
    pp 480-508
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.017
  • View abstract
    Summary
    England's Atlantic empire had two political capitals: Boston as well as London. Both were militantly anti-French and anti-Catholic. Though disparate in size, they contested, not unequally, to determine the political life of the eastern seaboard of North America. Growth of population and of urban centres nourished belief in the importance of North America; survival through a quarter-century of war gave assurance that the English settlements had a future. For the French communities, the close of hostilities ended a fear of abandonment. Louisiana still struggled for survival, but the French were well placed to develop their hold on the interior lakes and rivers. Quebec, which had escaped conquest through good fortune, was further exposed by the cession of Acadia and Newfoundland at Utrecht. Yet the outworks of New France were not entirely destroyed. In the fighting on land English and French alike had suffered relatively light casualties, their Indian auxiliaries more severely.
  • Chapter XVI - Portugal and her Empire, 1680–1720
    pp 509-539
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.018
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In the seventeenth century the Portuguese imperial economy revolved round sugar, tobacco and salt; in the eighteenth, without completely forsaking its old staples, it came to be based on gold, leather and wine. As soon as the Nine Years War broke out the Portuguese were sending their vessels to Dutch, English and French ports to take advantage of the reluctance to ship under belligerent flags. During the seventeenth century Portugal always looked towards France, whose opposition to Spain had been one of the pillars of her independence. The threat which overhung Portugal remained a purely territorial one. During the first two decades of the new century, Brazilian gold not only reshaped the geography of Brazil but also provided the Portuguese State with a more powerful means of action. Through its own commercial activities the State competed with private business, thus preventing the flowering of a Portuguese capitalism.
  • Chapter XVII - The Mediterranean
    pp 540-571
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.019
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Mediterranean region influenced and was in turn influenced by the Turkish and European wars between 1683 and 1718. Mediterranean trade was associated of old with two special features. First, the sea had come to be regarded as a more or less effective moat protecting Europe from the recurrent epidemics of the East. Secondly, privateering was endemic, whereas in the Atlantic it now flourished only during a major war, except from the Moroccan base of Sallee (close to Rabat). From time immemorial the economy of the region had been founded on wine, olives and corn, supplemented by migrant sheep-farming (transhumation) and by seafaring and the manufacturing industries indissolubly linked with it, such as pottery, weaving and leatherwork. At the two ends of the Mediterranean, survivors of the ancient struggle between Cross and Crescent, lay the empires of Spain and Turkey. Although neither was exclusively a Mediterranean power, each had its nerve-centre within the Mediterranean world.
  • Chapter XVIII - The Austrian Habsburgs
    pp 572-607
    • By J. W. Stoye, Fellow of Magdalen College and Senior Lecturer in Modern History in the University of Oxford
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.020
  • View abstract
    Summary
    The Habsburg rulers embodied a bid for power, in the flux of relations between States, directly affected south-eastern Europe, Italy, Germany, Spain and the Netherlands. At the same time, as they and their advisers were well aware, a bid for power of this kind, based on hereditary claims to widely scattered areas, involved profound difficulties. One of them was the conflict of interest between Spain and the Austrian Habsburgs in Italy. By the end of 1688, the complicated interests of the Austrian Habsburgs in western Europe began to assert themselves. The Austrian Habsburgs were settling down in Italy, without undue disturbance of the old Spanish framework of government. There was a shade more efficiency, and the viceroys did not enrich themselves in office. Intent on war and diplomacy, Habsburg statesmen were far less inclined to examine the condition of the old possessions in Austria and Bohemia with a view to remedying signs of weakness.
  • Chapter XIX - The retreat of the Turks, 1683–1730
    pp 608-647
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.021
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Between 1683 and 1730 the Ottomans enjoyed less than twenty years of peace. The war which began with the siege of Vienna was alone to last nearly as long, and severely to test that over-confidence which was responsible for the undertaking and for its failure alike. Under a new and energetic sultan, Mustafa II, the Turkish military offensive briefly flared up again. In view of their many defeats and the loss of territories, it is remarkable indeed that the Turks still preserved so much of their old fighting spirit. The Peace of Carlowitz, and the Treaty of Constantinople mark the beginning of Turkish retreat from European soil. The Peace of Passarowitz proclaimed in effect that the Turks were no longer a military danger to their neighbours. The defeats at Peterwardein and Belgrade had shown how a smaller but well-controlled army could defeat Turkish forces far inferior in leadership and equipment.
  • Chapter XX(1) - Charles XII and the Great Northern War
    pp 648-680
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.022
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In the Great Northern War, Sweden and her young absolute king, Charles XII, had to meet a challenge which Swedish statesmen had long envisaged as a possibility: a simultaneous attack by a coalition of powers on the Swedish empire east and west. The Swedish defence plan against assault from east and west was an all-out attack on the nearer enemy, the more dangerous to the heart of Sweden. Mobilization went like clockwork, according to detailed regulations well rehearsed in peace. The offensive had been meticulously prepared. Recruits arrived from Sweden; German volunteers were formed into dragoon regiments of their own; and the army which began the march to Russia totalled some 40,000. The difference in aim between Charles XII and his critics can easily be exaggerated. The Swedish diplomats and councillors who blamed his bellicosity were quite as strongly wedded to their country's great-power position.
  • Chapter XX(2) - The eclipse of Poland
    pp 681-715
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.023
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Eclipsis Poloniae' was a phrase used by a leading statesman of the time, Stanislas Szczuka, vice-chancellor of Lithuania, to describe the condition of the Polish Commonwealth at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Poland, restricted in scope for diplomatic manoeuvre and penalized by the interference of dominant neighbours, sank into the deepest gloom of the so-called Saxon era. This was the result of a series of complicated processes reaching back to the beginning of the sixteenth century. Sweden's defeat and the restoration of Augustus opened a period of critical importance to Poland's destiny. In large measure it was to make her eventual collapse inevitable. In the course of two wars which fettered her autonomy, the degradation of Poland became a European byword. Twice in succession Poland emerged from war nominally among the victors, in reality a ruined and a second-rate power.
  • Chapter XXI - Russia under Peter the Great and the changed relations of east and west
    pp 716-740
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.024
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By the end of 1698, Peter was in a position to inaugurate a series of great innovations which for Russia had almost the effect of a revolution. They were introduced without plan or system and achieved stable form only in the last years of his reign. The country's intellectual life received a much greater stimulus from the increasing production and importation of books. The translation of suitable foreign works, above all in technology and the physical sciences, was encouraged by the government. Russia's entry into the Great Northern War had brought her into closer political contact than ever before with other States. The Maritime Powers, anxious to end the war and so use Swedish troops in their imminent struggle with France, offered mediation in 1700 to both Peter and Charles. Whatever reservations Peter's contemporaries may have felt about welcoming Russia as a European State, they had none in his later years about accepting him as a great man.
  • 1 - The art of war on land
    pp 741-762
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.025
  • View abstract
    Summary
    By the last decade of the seventeenth century the attitude of influential European opinion towards warfare was undergoing radical change. Once battle was joined, a general's first preoccupation was to preserve his battle-order intact, for an unbroken line of battle was considered as important on land as at sea. This was no easy matter when the slightest irregularity of terrain could throw the carefully aligned battalions and even whole armies into confusion. Certain developments in types of infantry weapons transformed the art of war. The flintlock musket and socket-bayonet were fast replacing the old combination of matchlock and pike. The new musket incorporated many improvements. The chapter also describes the general features of field operations, including those tactical and administrative adaptations which distinguished different forces and which, though often small in themselves, frequently swung the fortunes of war between armies in other respects basically similar.
  • 2 - Soldiers and civilians
    pp 762-790
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.026
  • View abstract
    Summary
    Military conditions dictated the timing of this seasonal drive for recruits: when armies cannot move to fight, the opportunity must be taken to replace men, horses and equipment. Yet the season was also determined by the whole structure and economy of civilian society. Poverty and unemployment, and deeply rooted military traditions, did not provide a stimulus to recruitment potent enough to maintain the increasingly large forces now required. Conscription by governments rested in theory on two distinct ideas: a claim to recruit by compulsion dissolute or idle persons; and conscript for home or local defence. The pressure on propertied men to serve in the armies of this period took various forms: compulsion by the State, economic motives, a military ethic and tradition. In broadest outline, the armed forces mirrored the general structure of society. They were directed and sometimes commanded by sovereign princes, normally officered by representatives of the very various degrees of gentry and nobility.
  • 3 - Navies
    pp 790-833
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521075244.027
  • View abstract
    Summary
    In 1688, the most powerful European navies were the French, English and Dutch. Spanish and Portuguese sea power had suffered a serious decline in the seventeenth century. Apart from damage incurred in action the endurance of warships was limited, of course, by the strain upon them and their crews of the elements. Foul or leaking hulls, sprung masts, tattered rigging and parted cables were commonplaces of navigation. Supplies and services implied a sophisticated division of labour, as well as a substantial capital investment, in the dockyards, half factory and half warehouse, with diverse skills and inventories controlled by a mass of warrants, imprest bills, paysheets and vouchers. A navy was likely to flourish best in a society whose economy was dominated by maritime trade and whose security utterly depended on maritime power. Both these conditions were satisfied most incontrovertibly by the nature of English society after 1650 and by its political structure after 1688.

Page 1 of 2


This list contains references from the content that can be linked to their source. For a full set of references and notes please see the PDF or HTML where available.


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