If you are reading this, I suspect you are a human (our household felines, though brilliant in their own way, adamantly reject the value of literacy). You are classified homo sapiens sapiens in scientific nomenclature. Sapiens, indicating intelligence in Latin, repeats to emphasize our firm belief that we are doubly the smartest creatures on earth and to distinguish our subspecies from homo sapiens neanderthalensis and our other supposedly less intelligent cousins now gone extinct. You and I resemble each other genetically to a remarkable degree: whatever your gender, skin color, blood type, or preference for Star Trek or Star Wars franchises, we are virtually identical in those spiraled strands of chemical instructions. We are also identical in our opening and closing chapters, however brief, all first gestating in a womb and all eventually ceasing our rhythms of breath and heartbeat somehow. Knowing the inevitability of that cessation point motivated the writing of this book, because despite attempted escape into social media, high art, or sports fandom, that final moment will visit us all, whomever we are and from wherever we are.

This chapter of the handbook introduces readers to the field of moral psychology as a whole and provides them with a guide to the volume. The authors delineate the landscape of morality in terms of five phenomena extensively studied by moral psychologists: moral behavior, moral judgments, moral sanctions, moral emotions, and moral communication, all against a background of moral standards. They then provide brief overviews of research on a few topics not assigned a dedicated chapter in the book (e.g., the moral psychology of artificial intelligence, free will, and moral responsibility), noting several other topics not treated in depth (e.g., the neuroscience of morality, links between moral and economic behavior, moral learning). In the last section of the chapter, the authors summarize each of the contributed chapters in the book.

The origin of this book comes from my life story. As a child, one of my favourite games was pretending to be a teacher, and I wanted to be one. My sister was usually a pupil, with my two aunties the ‘naughty’ ones. I had a board and what seemed like loads and loads of stationery. That last bit never changed (and never will!). I was generally always a very good student and I didn’t do the adolescence bit very well, to be very honest. I was in therapy for over 10 years, and I loved having an hour of my life where somebody sat down and listened and cared about what I had to say (not that I did not have that in my life; it was just different). Therapy saved me from having a very different story. The time came when I had to decide what I wanted to be ‘for real’ this time. My auntie (one of the naughty pupils and basically a person who was a significantly positive influence in my life) suggested that if my goal was to help children maybe I could do that if I became a psychologist. So here I am, a psychologist writing about research methods (so that plan did not work out so well either).

My understanding of children’s cognitive development involved a series of progressive shifts in my understanding of what is involved in learning a language. Rather than language serving as a means of expressing and sharing existing thoughts, I came to see language as the exclusive means of creating thought itself. To my surprise I have become a sort of “Nominalist”; the view that language is the vehicle of thought itself.

This chapter explains what this book is about. Becoming an adult is different for everybody. Young people with cognitive disability can find it hard to get the right supports to become an adult. Many young people can experience violence and abuse. This book tells the stories of young people with cognitive disability from different backgrounds. Family members and practitioners also talk about stories of young people with cognitive disability.

This opening chapter defines the concept of science-based therapy. The original framework for characterizing an approach as an empirically supported treatment is presented, for both well-established treatments and probably efficacious treatments. Also presented, a newer framework – sometimes called “the Tolin criteria” – provides greater emphasis to meaningful functional outcome improvement, meaningful effects in nonresearch settings, and lasting improvements. Other concepts in this chapter include evidence-based practice and pseudoscience in therapy.

During the past century, racial attitudes in America have been radically transformed. One hundred years ago, this was a country of explicit racism, where separation of the races and discrimination against African Americans in particular were normative, formalized in laws, in the widespread practices of businesses and in the treatment of individuals by individuals every day. The civil rights movement of the 1960s brought about a landmark shift, eliciting widespread condemnation of racism, and setting the stage for the country’s embracing of multiculturalism and implementing policies in many arenas of life to level the playing field and compensate for past discrimination. These changes in public practices were accompanied by a gradual transformation of public opinion in the United States: surveys documented a steady growth of endorsement of racial equality and a decline in explicitly stated racial prejudice. More and more Americans endorsed principles of racial equality and expressed support for various policies preventing discrimination.

Welcome to the third edition of the Handbook of Research Methods in Social and Personality Psychology. The first two editions of this handbook – published in 2000 and 2014 – have played an important role in widening access to and utilization of cutting-edge methods in the field. Useful as these volumes have been, the science of personality/social psychology never sleeps when it comes to developing new and improved research methods. And so herewith we present a third edition, designed to capture some of the most influential and promising new methodological advances in our field.

This edition covers both traditional methodological topics that have seen advances in recent years and novel approaches of recent vintage. There are, of course, many other topics that could have been included. We’ve chosen content that we believe will be most relevant to the largest proportion of new scholars in the field.

Structure matters for understanding behavior. This chapters introduces the main theme of the book, provides a number of stories about the importance of structure, and outlines the main structure of the book.

This chapter provides an overview on the use and validity of student samples in the behavioral and social sciences. In some instances, data collected from students can be of limited value or even inappropriate; however, in other cases, this approach provides useful data. I offer three general ways to evaluate the use of student samples. First, consider the research design. Descriptive studies that rely on students to draw inferences about the overall population are likely problematic. Second, statistical controls such as multivariate analyses that adjust for other factors may reduce some of the biases that may be introduced through sampling. Third, consider the theorized mechanism – a clear theoretical mechanism that does not vary based on the demographics of the sample allows us to put more faith in constrained samples. Despite these approaches, and regardless of our methods, statistics, and theoretical mechanism, we should be cautious with generalizability claims.

The foundations of the General Theory are described at a conceptual level of understanding. The basic terminology of memory research is presented. The main focus is on the proposed memory structures and the control processes that guide the flow of information though them. The assumed memory structures are sensory registers, the short-term store, and the long-term store. Control processes are models of the flow information through these structures to support the performance of tasks that lead to the achievement of a subjective goal. Empirical support for the fundamental assumptions of the General Theory are provided.

This chapter profiles a description of the paths that shaped research on parental monitoring and adolescents’ information management. As these areas developed, accounts of the interplay between parents’ attempts to regulate their adolescents’ behavior and adolescents’ responses grew in breadth and in detail. In this chapter, we introduce readers to the constructs and frameworks that have come to represent monitoring and information management research, including related topics that have been probed in diverse attempts to better understand parenting and adolescents’ behaviors. We track developments in the field from the initial challenges to research on parental monitoring, to the rapid shift emphasizing adolescents’ information management and challenging assumptions about monitoring specifically and parental control more generally. Finally, we not how these broad examinations of monitoring and parental control have led to theory development and offer suggestions for continuing these efforts.

The nature of prejudice and bigotry have changed in recent decades. In most communities it is unacceptable to be openly racist, sexist, or homophobic. Norms against prejudice have certainly changed. It is true that prejudice directed toward many groups has decreased; however, individual attitudes have not necessarily caught up with changing norms. As a result, some people hide their prejudices, attempting to mask their discrimination in neutral-seeming behavior. Others truly believe they are not prejudiced, even when they are. Social psychologists have spent recent decades measuring and mapping the nature of subtle, covert, and implicit forms of contemporary prejudice. Benign Bigotry critically examines seven contemporary myths and assumptions that reflect prejudice that appears common sense, even harmless, but actually reveal the perniciousness and insidiousness of contemporary prejudice. Benign Bigotry critically analyzes: (1) the assumption that prejudice is an individual-only problem; (2) that people in outgroups are all alike; (3) that those accused of a crime are likely guilty of something; (4) that feminists are manhaters; (5) that LGBTQ+ people flaunt their sexuality; (6) that those who claim racial colorblindness are not racists; and (7) that affirmative action amounts to reverse racism.

In the introductory chapter, we position organizational control as fundamental to all organizations and one of management's essential functions. We stress the high relevance of organizational control for organizations today as modern ways of organizing and recent technological innovations have created new forms of control that need to be understood and managed. We outline the structure of the book and what to expect from this book and in this book and provide a roadmap for researchers and practitioners.

Collectivism symbolizes Japanese culture for many people in the world including Japanese themselves. The “collectivistic Japanese” are alleged to have the following characteristics: They feel at ease only in a group; they merge into their group and thus lack individuality and autonomy; they are indistinguishable from one another; they conform to their group and cooperate with the group members even at the sacrifice of their own individual interests; their obedience to their group leads to the hierarchical authoritarian society. However, these characterizations are mostly based on casual observations and personal experiences instead of systematic acadmic investigation. In psychology, nevertheless, two influential studies generalized the contrast between Western culture and Japanese culture in collectivism and individualism to the contrast between Western culture and all the other cultures.

An orientation to prevention is critical to abate the existing mental health crisis, with one in five US adults presently having a mental illness. The unmet need for mental health services is grounded in tenacious health, social, racial, and economic disparities, exacerbated by the pandemics of COVID-19 and racism. These realities present an unremitting threat to people’s lives, their physical welfare, and their psychological and social well-being. Despite a dearth of prevention training, psychologists and counselors may be best positioned to engage in prevention work. As professionals, we often feel powerless to prevent human suffering, and yet, we yearn, deep in our hearts, for a way to intervene earlier so as to prevent pain in our communities, intuitively aware that a way exists to make people’s lives easier and our work more impactful. This chapter introduces the approach of the book, which is to provide mental health professionals with the knowledge, resources, and tools to engage in “before-the-fact” intervention, to apply an ounce of prevention to the work we do, and to utilize a strength-based, culturally focused framework. In addition, this chapter provides a rationale and definition of prevention and an overview of the model prevention programs presented in this book.

The introduction of digital approaches is perhaps the most significant change to the way that healthcare research is conducted that has been seen since computers first came into use. This introductory chapter will set the tone for the rest of the book. The book is divided into two parts: 1. digital platforms, and 2. approaches to healthcare research that are either uniquely digital or are adaptations of existing approaches to the online context. Within each of these parts, a collection of chapters by distinguished and rising authors present digital platforms and techniques and consider these as applied to a wide range of healthcare studies. This introduction will consider the broad area that the book addresses and will similarly be divided into the same two sections. The unique aspects of digital research approaches will be highlighted and emphasised, and the reader will be prepared for the chapters that follow.

The Market Studies discipline represents an effort to understand and unscramble the entangled knot of practices, agents, devices and infrastructures that constitute markets. Over the past two decades it has become an interdisciplinary field, with scholars from sociology, marketing, management, organization studies, economics, anthropology, geography and design – an epistemic community (Knorr Cetina 1999) studying the emergence, transformation and innovation of markets (Araujo, Finch and Kjellberg 2010; Kjellberg and Helgesson 2006, 2007). The Market Studies field understands markets as socio-material, technical, political and economic forms of organizing collectives of distributed, heterogeneous sets of expertise – not only of exchange but also of society (Çalışkan and Callon 2009; Callon 1998).