Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-m8qmq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-16T22:58:15.483Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Parnassus Restored, Saints Confounded: The Secular Challenge to the Age of the Godly, 1560–1660

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Get access

Extract

The conception of English culture in the century that was brought to a climax in Cromwellian triumph and tragedy has suffered from a flatness of historical perception, one major cause of which has been insufficient recognition of the thought and esthetic creativity of nominal Christian and emphatically non-Puritan intellectuals and artists. We have concentrated too much on defining the novelties, indeed often inappreciable differences, that characterized pre-revolutionary and revolutionary Christian factionalism in England: Anglicanism, Puritanism, Sectarianism, Laudianism, and now Arminianism. I want instead to make a case for the neglected power, pervasiveness, and perdurability of varieties of secularism in the age of the Godly.

Although a growing number of scholars are aware of the importance of literature to the dynamics of this astonishing epoch, the redoubtable spirit of William Haller prevails still in historical efforts to reconstitute the cultural context of that literature. The pagan bedrock laid down by a century of humanist imports is obscured by the flood of ephemeral sermons and miscellaneous religious discourse. Recent literary scholarship, on the other hand, having shaken the incubus of F. R. Leavis and not yet succumbed to post-structuralism, has given us models with which to illuminate prerevolutionary English culture: the monographs of Stephen Greenblatt, Jonathan Dollimore, and Stephen Orgel investigate the penetration of secular humanism into literature, historical writing,and popular and court theatre. They could lead us out of the fog created by the supersaturated climate of Protestant culture.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Thomas, Keith, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1971), p. 172 Google Scholar. Thomas cites with approval Lawrence Stone's characterization of Elizabeth's England as “the age of greatest religious indifference before the twentieth century.” What most people believed we know little about; Dudley North thought most of the “vulgar” did not even believe in life after death (see Aylmer, G. E., “Unbelief in Seventeenth-Century England,” in Pennington, Donald and Thomas, Keith, eds., Puritans and Revolutionaries [Oxford, 1978], p. 31)Google Scholar. See Highet, Gilbert, The Classical Tradition (New York, 1949)Google Scholar; Painter, William, The Palace of Pleasure, ed., Jacobs, Joseph, 3 vols. (New York, 1966), 1: xviiixxiii Google Scholar. There is a large literature on “Christian Humanism.” Ramist pedagogy designed to make forensic use of classical languages and literature has been recently considered in Anthony Graffon and Jardin, Lisa, From Humanism to the Humanities (London, 1986), pp. 184–97Google Scholar. Worden, Blair has considered “Classical Republicanism and the Puritan Revolution,” in History and Imagination, Lloyd-Jones, H., Pearl, V., and Worden, B., eds. (New York, 1981)Google Scholar, and Margo Todd has attempted to restore the old theories of the dynamic continuity and social relevance of Christian humanist social theory” in Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar. Excellent essays by Patrick Collinson on the uses of classical authors by the Godly, are in Godly People (London, 1983)Google Scholar; see also the festschrift for Trapp, J. B., England and the Continental Renaissance, Chaney, Edward and Mack, Peter, eds. (Woodbridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

2 Force, James E., “The Origins of Modern Atheism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 50, 1 (1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 See Underdown, David, “Community and Class: Theories and Local Politics in the English Revolution,” in Malament, Barbara, ed., After the Reformation (Philadelphia, 1980)Google Scholar.

4 Quoted in Bennet, H. S., English Books and Readers, 1558 to 1603 (Cambridge, 1965), p. 91 Google Scholar.

5 Marx and Engels made a point of the metaphysical revolution in 17th-century England ( Collected Works, 50 vols. [New York, 1976–1978], 10: 251–56Google Scholar; 5: 6–8; and Engels, , Heir Eugen Dhrings Revolution in Science, trans. Burns, E. [New York, 1931], pp. 2729)Google Scholar. On Marx's debt to classical writers see, McCarthy, George E., Marx and the Ancients (Savage, Md., 1990)Google Scholar. Max Weber and Émile Durkheim saw the loss of religious culture as a social crisis ( Weber, , The Sociology of Religion (Boston, 1963)Google Scholar; Durkheim, , Les Formes Élmentaires de la Vie Religieuse (Paris, 1912)Google Scholar. More recently, scholars have been exploring the onset of secular culture in England: Brevold, Louis (“The Invention of the Ethical Calculus” in Jones, R. F., ed., The Seventeenth Century (Stanford, 1951)Google Scholar; Raab, Felix, The English Face of Machiavelli (London, 1964)Google Scholar; Ferguson, Arthur, The Articulate Citizen and the English Renaissance (Durham, NC, 1965)Google Scholar; Pocock, J. G. A., Politics, Language and Time (New York, 1971)Google Scholar; and Hill, Christopher, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar, and Irreligion in the ‘Puritan’ Revolution,” in Radical Religion in the English Revolution, McGregor, J. F. and Reay, B., eds. (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar. For an interesting anthropological view, see Douglas, Mary, Natural Symbols (London, 1970)Google Scholar.

6 See Sandys, John, A History of Classical Scholarship, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1908), 2: 333–49Google Scholar.

7 See Cowley, C. H., The First English Translators of the Classics (New Haven, 1927)Google Scholar and Lathrop, Henry B., Translations From the Classics Into English From Caxton to Chapman, 1477–1620 (Madison, 1933)Google Scholar. For the important dictionaries of classical mythology used by writers from Spenser to Milton, see Starnes, DeWitt T. and Talbert, Ernest W., Classical Myth and Legend in Renaissance Dictionaries (Chapel Hill, 1955)Google Scholar.

8 For Jonson, see The Yale Ben Jonson, particularly TheComplete Masques, ed., Orgel, Stephen (New Haven, 1969)Google Scholar; Discoveries, ed., Walker, R. S. (Syracuse, NY, 1963)Google Scholar; Horace on the Art of Poetry, ed., Blakeney, E. H. (London, 1928)Google Scholar. Among lesser talents, the most prolific may be Michael Drayton: see Works, ed., Hebel, J. William, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1961)Google Scholar; Newdigate, Bernard H., Michael Drayton and His Circle (Oxford, 1961)Google Scholar.

9 Dollimore, Jonathan, Radical Tragedy (Brighton, Sussex, 1984)Google Scholar.

10 Hotson, Leslie, The Commonwealth and Restoration Stage (Cambridge, Mass., 1928), pp. 359 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Greenblatt, Stephen J., Sir Walter Raleigh (New Haven, 1973), pp. 26ff.Google Scholar

12 Oswyn Murray, “The Word is Mightier than the Pen,” TLS, June 16–22, 1989, pp. 655–56.

13 Hill, Christopher, “Raleigh — Science, History, and Politics,” in Intellectual Origins, pp. 173–74Google Scholar; also SirSharpe, Kevin Robert Cotton, 1586–1631 (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar.

14 The Life of Sir Thomas Bodley…Written by Himself (Oxford, 1647), p. 15 Google Scholar.

15 Camden, William, The History of Annals of England During the Whole Life and Reign of Elizabeth in A Complete History of England, ed. Hughes, John, 2 vols. (London, 1719), 2: 361–62Google Scholar.

16 Wright, Henry, The First Part of the Disquisition of Truth (London, 1616), pp. 69ffGoogle Scholar. The discovery of Wright we owe to Raab, Felix, English Face of Machiavelli, pp. 91ffGoogle Scholar.

17 Hobbes, Thomas, Behemoth, ed. Tönnies, Ferdinand (London, 1969), p. 3 Google Scholar.

18 Hall, John, A Serious Epistle to Mr. William Prynne (London, 1649), p. 12 Google Scholar; Ball, William, Constitute Liberi Populi (London, 1646), p. 1 Google Scholar.

19 See Frank, Joseph, Cromwell's Press Agent (Lanham, Md., 1980), p. 25 Google Scholar and passim. Also the introduction by Philip Knachel to his edition of The Case of the Commonwealth of England, Stated (Charlottesville, Va., 1969)Google Scholar.

20 Nedham later published a medical treatise, Medela Medicinae (1665), which reflected the radical theories of Bacon and Boyle ( Knachtel, , Commonwealth of England, pp. xviiixix Google Scholar).

21 On the dissemination of political ideas in London, see Pearl, Valerie, London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1961), pp. 234–35Google Scholar.

22 Howell, James, Epistolae Ho-Elianae (10th ed., London, 1737 Google Scholar; original ed., 1641).

23 Ibid., p. 70.

24 Ibid., pp. 310, 319–20.

25 Ibid., pp. 53–54.

26 For Hobbes, see the essay by Zagorin, Perez in A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution (London, 1954)Google Scholar, and Macpherson, C. B., The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (Oxford, 1962)Google Scholar. For Harrington, see Tawney, R. H., “Harrington's Interpretation of his Age,” Proceedings of the British Academy 27 (London, 1941)Google Scholar, and Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton, 1975)Google Scholar, and The Political Works of James Harrington (Cambridge, 1977)Google Scholar.

27 On Milton's secularism, see Empson, William, Milton's God (London, 1961)Google Scholar; Wolfe, D. M., Milton in the Puritan Revolution (New York, 1941)Google Scholar; above all, Hill, Christopher, Milton and the Puritan Revolution (New York, 1977)Google Scholar. For Winstanley, see the introduction by Sabine, George to his edition of The Works of Gerrard Winstanley (Ithaca, 1941)Google Scholar; Juretic, George, The Mind ofGerrard Winstanley (Ph.D. diss., Northern Illinois University, 1973)Google Scholar; George, C. H.Gerrard Winstanley: a Critical Retrospect,” in Cole, C. R. and Moody, M. E., eds., The Dissenting Tradition (Athens, Ohio, 1975)Google Scholar; Lutaud, Olivier, Winstanley (Paris, 1976)Google Scholar; Hill, Christopher, “The Religion of Gerrard Winstanley,” Past & Present supplement 5 (1978)Google ScholarPubMed.

28 For thoughts on the “curious neglect,” see Porter, Roy, “Seeing the Past,” Past & Present 118 (1988): 186ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Lomazzo, Giovanni Paolo, A Tracte Containing the Artes of Curious Paintinge, Carvinge & Buildinge (Oxford, 1598)Google Scholar; Junius, Franciscus, The Painting of the Ancients (London, 1638), p. 2 Google Scholar; Smith, Logan Pearsall, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1907), 1: iii, 57–58, 112, 195 Google Scholar; 2: 161 and passim; Wotton's, The Elements of Architecture (London, 1624)Google Scholar; Peacham's Compleat Gentleman, 1634 (Oxford, 1906), p. 125 Google Scholar.

30 Summerson, John, Architecture in Britain: 1530 to 1830 (4th ed.; Harmondsworth, 1963)Google Scholar; Girourd, Mark, Life in the English Country House (New Haven and London, 1978), pp. 81163 Google Scholar; Hill, Oliver and Comforth, John, English Country Houses: Caroline, 1625–1685 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1966)Google Scholar; and the original photography of Country Life.

31 See Lees-Milne, James, The Age of Inigo Jones (London, 1953), pp. 6061 Google Scholar and passim; Mercer, Eric, English Art, 1553–1625 (Oxford, 1962), pp. 12145 Google Scholar; Whinney, Margaret and Millar, Oliver, English Art, 1625–1714 (Oxford, 1957), pp. 1560 Google Scholar.

32 Gunther, R. T., ed., The Architecture of Sir Roger Pratt (Oxford, 1928)Google Scholar.

33 The Note-Book and Account Book of Nicholas Stone, ed., Lewis, Walter Spiers for Walpole Society 7 (19181919)Google Scholar, and the more interesting diary of his son's visit to Italy in 1638, pp. 158–64. For Le Sueur, see Avery, Charles, “Hubert Le Sueur, the ‘Unworthy Praxiteles’ of King Charles I,” Walpole Society 48 (19801982): 135209 Google Scholar. Still useful is the long-standard English Monumental Sculpture Since the Renaissance, by Esdaile, Katharine (London, 1927)Google Scholar. For a catalogue of ancient monuments there is the valuable Michaelis, Adolf, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, trans. Fennell, C. A. M. (Cambridge, 1882)Google Scholar.

34 Avery, , “Hubert Le Seur,” p. 206 Google Scholar.

35 Mercer, , English Art, pp. 1820 Google ScholarPubMed; Summerson, , Architecture in Britain, p. 52 Google Scholar. See Coope, Rosalys, “The ‘Long Gallery’; Its Origins, Development, Use and Decoration,” Architectural History 29 (1986): 4384 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The earliest important inventory is that of John, Lord Lumley, compiled in 1590 by his steward and edited by Cust, Lionel, Walpole Society 6 (1918): 1535 Google Scholar, and supplemented by an inventory of 1609 edited by Mary F. S. Hervey, ibid., pp. 36–46. The probate inventories of the earl of Leicester's pictures at Essex House in 1588 and 1590 were edited for publication by Kingsford, Charles L., Archaeologia, 2nd ser., 23 (1923): 2851 Google Scholar; for other Leicester houses there is Thomas, W. J., Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., 2 (1862): 201, 224 Google Scholar. The earl of Northampton's inventory for 1614 in Archaeologia 42 (1869): 347–78Google Scholar. There is an inventory of the Royal Collections of Henry VIII and Edward VI for the years 1542, 1547, and 1549–50, ed. W. A. Shaw for the Courtauld Institute (London, 1937); Millar, Oliver, ed., “The Inventories and Valuations of the King's Goods, 1649–51, Walpole Society 43 (19701972): vi206 Google Scholar; and Foister, Susan, “Painting and Other Works of Art in Sixteenth Century English Inventories,” The Burlington Magazine 123, 938 (1981)Google Scholar. Many manuscript sources remain to be explored in the Public Record Office documents for the Probate Court of Canterbury, and in collections like those at Longleat House, the Chatsworth manuscript inventory (1601) of Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury's house at Hardwick. The evidence of wills is generally unsatisfactory (unless of gem quality, usually neither painting nor artist is listed) except in rare cases like that of the great court fight over Arundel's collection, for which see Cust, Lionel, “Notes on the Collections Formed by Thomas Howard…,” The Burlington Magazine 19 (1911): 278–81Google Scholar, and 20 (1912): 97–100, 233–36, 341–43. Information on the patrons, collectors, and the art itself is revealed by the diaries of Pepys, Evelyn, Lady Anne Clifford, and Sir Kenelm Digby, by collections of family memoirs and papers like those of Holies, Hoby, Osborne, Manningham, Sir William More, and Lucy Hutchinson. Aubrey's Brief Lives, the collections of the letters of Rubens, Sir Henry Wotton, Sir Thomas Roe, James Howell, and Sir William Paston, add evidence of the art, artists, and patrons. There are useful social manuals like SirElyot's, Thomas The Boke Named the Govournour (London, 1531)Google Scholar; Peacham's, Henry popular Compleat Gentleman (London, 1622)Google Scholar, and The Gentleman's Exercise (London, 1661)Google Scholar, which instructed amateurs in the arts of painting; the learned pedagogy of Francis Junius's The Painting of the Ancients— “Declaring by Historical Observations and Examples,the Beginning, Progresse, and Consummation of that most Noble Art” (London, 1638), and that boon of a literary contribution by Nicholas Hilliard, A Treatise Concerning The Arte of Limning, ed., Norman, Philip, Walpole Society 1 (Oxford, 1912)Google Scholar, an under-taking pressed upon him by the learned physician, Richard Haydocke, translator of Giovanni Lomazzo's treatise as the Tract Containing the Artes of Curious Paintinge, Carvinge and Buildinge, in the introduction to which he urged England's “Raphael” to take up his pen to explain his art. Finally, among surviving notebooks, one often begins with George Vertue's published volumes, Walpole Society 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 29 (1930–1947).

36 Hilliard, Nicholas, A Treatise, p. 18 Google Scholar.

37 Howarth, David, Lord Arundel and His Circle (New Haven and London, 1985), p. 4 Google Scholar.

38 For example, his splendid identification of a body of work by the monogrammist “HE” as that of Hans Eworth led him to affirm Lionel Cust's correction of Vertue's ascription of a brilliant double portrait on panel to Lucas de Heere. But the identification of the subjects for that portrait—agreed by everyone from Vertue at the Collevous sale of 1727 to Strong's “Introduction to the National Portrait Gallery Exhibition, 1965” to be that of Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, and her erst-while master of horse, now second husband, Adrian Stokes—has been successfully challenged. The young man was not Stokes, but rather her “crack-brained” (Camden) son ( Foister, Susan, “Nobility Reclaimed,” The Antique Collector 4 [1986]: 5860 Google Scholar).

39 On the contextual relation of words and pictures in the 17th century, see Houghton, Walter E., “The English Virtuoso in the Seventeenth Century,” The Journal of the History of Ideas 3, 1–2 (1942): 51–73, 190219 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gent, Lucy, Picture and Poetry, 1560–1620 (Leamington Spa, 1981)Google Scholar; Parry, Graham, The Seventeenth Century: The Intellectual and Cultural Context of English Literature, 1603–1700 (London, 1989)Google Scholar; Wendorf, Richard, The Elements of Life (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar.

40 Rogers, Malcolm, William Dobson, 1611–1646 (London, 1983)Google Scholar.

41 See Corbett, Margery and Norton, Michael, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Descriptive Catalogue, Part III. the Reign of Charles I (Cambridge, 1964)Google Scholar; Stainton, Lindsay and White, Christopher, Drawing in England from Hilliard to Hogarth (London, 1987)Google Scholar; Whinney, and Millar, , English Art, p. 11 Google Scholar.

42 E.g., Orgel, Stephen and Strong, Roy, Inigo Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court, 2 vols. (London and Berkeley, 1973)Google Scholar. Opp, A. P., English Drawings (London, 1950)Google Scholar. Griffiths, A. V. and Kesnerov, Gabriela, Weceslaus Hollar: Prints and Drawings (London, 1983,)Google Scholar; Pennington, Richard, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Etched Work of Weceslaus Hollar (Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar.

43 Antal, Frederick, Florentine Painting and Its Social Background (London, 1947), pp. 117–23Google Scholar.

44 Waterhouse, Ellis, Painting in Britain, 1530 to 1790 (Harmondsworth, 1953), pp. 1623 Google Scholar.

45 See Goodison, J. W., “George Gower, Serjeant Painter to Queen Elizabeth,” The Burlington Magazine 90 (1948): 261–62Google Scholar.

46 Foister, “Painting and Other Works”.

47 See Whinney, and Millar, , English Art, pp. 8182 Google Scholar. The authors' call for an adequate exploration of the rich records of the Company in the Guildhall Library has still not been answered.

48 See Summerson, , Architecture in Britain, pp. 1517 Google Scholar. Shute's introduction of Sebastiano Selio and Vitruvius to the English in his The First Chief Groundes of Architecture (London, 1563; at least three later editions)Google Scholar was probably of some importance, although the more numerous editions of Vitruvius's De Architectura Libri Decent, suggest it was intended for the unschooled.

49 See Strong, Roy C., “Queen Elizabeth, the Earl of Essex, and Nichols Hilliard,” The Burlington Magazine 101 (1959): 146 Google Scholar; Wilson, Derek, Sweet Robin (London, 1981), pp. 162–63Google Scholar.

50 Howarth, , Lord Arundel, pp. 1416 Google Scholar.

51 Strong, , English Icon, pp. 4344 Google Scholar.

52 See Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558–1641 (Oxford, 1965), pp. 710–15Google Scholar.

53 Phillips, John, The Reformation of Images: Destruction of Art in England, 1535–1660 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 208–59Google Scholar. Aston, Margaret, England's Iconoclasts, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar, the first volume of which deals with Laws Against Images. On the specific development of continental protestant ideology, see Eire, Carlos M. N., War Against the Idols (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Patrick Collinson's perceptive Stenton Lecture on the subject is reprinted in The Birthpangs of Protestant England (Basingstoke, 1988), pp. 94126 Google ScholarPubMed.

54 Strong, Roy, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1984)Google Scholar.

55 Millar, Oliver, The Age of Charles I (London, 1972), p. 9 Google Scholar.

56 Strong, Roy, Henry, Prince of Wales and England's Lost Renaissance (London, 1986)Google Scholar.

57 Ibid., pp. 88ff., 106, 113–18, 133.

58 The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, ed., Magura, R. S. (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), p. 101 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Trevor-Roper, Hugh, The Plunder of Arts in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1970), p. 10 Google Scholar.

60 E.g., Howarth, , Lord Arundel, pp. 156–57Google Scholar; 196–200. See also idem, “Samuel Boothouse and English Artistic Enterprise in Seventeenth Century Florence,” Italian Studies 32 (1977): 83–96, and Merchants and Diplomats: New Patrons of the Decorative Arts in Seventeenth-Century England,” Furniture History 20 (1984): 1017 Google Scholar.

61 SirWalker, Edward, Historical Discourses (London, 1705), p. 221 Google Scholar.

62 See Haynes, D. E. L., The Arundel Marbles (Oxford, 1975), p. 2 Google Scholar.

63 Hervey, , Walpole Society, pp. 255–56Google Scholar; 284; Haynes, , The Arundel Marbles, p. 7 Google Scholar.

64 See Stainton, and White, , Drawing in England, p. 18 and passimGoogle Scholar.

65 For the Inigo Jones connection, see Lees-Milne, , Age of Inigo Jones, pp. 3233 Google Scholar.

66 Peacham's Compleat Gentleman, 1634, p. 107.

67 Edward, , Earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion, ed., Macray, W. Dunn, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1888), 1: sect. 119Google Scholar.

68 Hervey, , Walpole Society, pp. 258ff.Google Scholar

69 Vertue, . Notebooks, 4: 40 Google Scholar.

70 Diary of John Evelyn, William Bray and Henry B. Wheetley, eds., 4 vols. (London, 1879), 3: 442 Google Scholar.

71 SirRoe, Thomas to the Countess of Bedford in The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, In His Embassy to the Ottoman Porte… (London, 1740), p. 583 Google Scholar.

72 Hervey, , Walpole Society, p. 197 Google Scholar.

73 SirWalker, Edward, Historical Discourses Upon Special Occasions, ed. Clopton, H. (London, 1705), p. 222 Google Scholar.

74 Williamson, Hugh Ross, Four Stuart Portraits (London, 1949), p. 55 Google Scholar.

75 On his reputation as a religious iconoclast, see Nuttall, G. F., “Was Cromwell an Iconoclast?Transactions of the Congregational Historical Society 12 (19331936)Google Scholar; Smith, Alan, “The Image of Cromwell in Folklore and Tradition,” Folklore 79 (1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76 Vertue, , Notebooks, 1: 31, 118 Google Scholar.

77 Ibid., 1: 46; 4: 76, 99, 127, 133; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, for 1651–52, p. 151; 1652–53, p. 3; 1654, p. 223; 1657–58, p. 34. For Cromwell's originality in taste, see Firth, C. H., “The Court of Cromwell,” The Comhill Magazine, n.s. 3 (1897): 349–64Google Scholar.

78 Nickolls, John, Original Letters and Papers of State…To Oliver Cromwell (London, 1743), p. 115 Google Scholar.

79 Firth, , “The Court of Cromwell,” pp. 359–60Google Scholar.

80 The only major exception to the obsession with portrait art was the corpus of prints and drawing produced by Wenceslaus Hollar; Rubens and Van Dyke introduced landscape backgrounds, but generally landscape was associated with travel experiences ( Norgate, Edward, Miniatura [London, 1625])Google Scholar. The more ambitious and privileged artists invoked arcadian moods imagery of pastoral eclogues drawn from Ovid, Virgil, and Theocritus ( Ogden, Henry V. S. and Ogden, Margaret S., English Taste in Landscape in The Seventeenth Century [Ann Arbor, 1955], pp. 5052)Google Scholar.

81 Junius, , Painting of the Ancients, pp. 2, 8, 44, 60, 232, 353 Google Scholar.

82 Hilliard, , A Treatise, pp. 1819 Google Scholar. Holbein may have learned the new art form from the Flemish immigrant, Lucas Horenbout.

83 Ibid., p. 21.

84 Ibid., p. 24.

85 Ibid., p. 22.

86 Murdoch, John, Murrell, Jim, Noon, Patrick J., Strong, Roy, The English Miniature (New Haven and London, 1981), p. 13 Google Scholar.

87 Ibid., pp. 73–80, 138.

88 Ibid., p. 15.

89 Ibid, pp. 88–120, for John Murdoch's commentary on “the seventeenth-century Enlightenment.” For biographical data on miniaturists and painters, see Edmund, Mary, “New Light on Jacobean Painters,” The Burlington Magazine 118, 875 (1976)Google Scholar, and Limners and Picturemakers,” Walpole Society 47 (19781980): 60242 Google Scholar.

90 Roy Strong's introduction to the exhibition of Eworth at the NPG in 1965 and a Reconsideration” in The Burlington Magazine 107 (1966)Google ScholarPubMed, are reprinted in The English Icon, pp. 342–45.

91 See Wyndham, H. A., A Family History, 1410–1688 (London, 1939), pp. 5589 Google Scholar.

92 Cust, Lionel, “A Further Note on Haunce Eworth,” Walpole Society 3 (1914): 114 Google Scholar.

93 Yates, Francis A., “The Allegorical Portraits of Sir John Luttrell,” in Essays in the History of Art Presented to Rudolph Wittkower, Fraser, Douglas, Hibbard, Howard, and Lewine, Milton J., eds. (London, 1967), p. 149 Google Scholar.

94 SirLyte, H. C. Maxwell, A History of Dunster, 2 vols. (London, 1909), pp. 140–56Google Scholar.

95 Goodison, , “George Gower,” p. 262 Google Scholar.

96 Whinney, and Millar, , English Art, p. 67 Google Scholar.

97 Finberg, Alexander J., “Two Anonymous Portraits by Cornelius Johnson,” Walpole Society 6 (19171918)Google Scholar: 2, and Finberg's, Chronological List of Portraits,” Walpole Society 10 (1922)Google Scholar; Cust, Lionel, “Cornelius Janssen van Ceulen,” The Burlington Magazine 16, 83 (1910)Google Scholar; Ralph Edwards, “Oil Miniatures by Cornelius Johnson,” ibid. 61, 354 (1932); and K. E. Maison, “Portraits by Cornelius Jonson in Scotland,” ibid. 74 (Feb., 1939).

98 Opp, Paul, “Sir Anthony Van Dyck in England,” The Burlington Magazine 79, 465 (1941)Google Scholar.

99 Rogers, Malcom, William Dobson, 1611–1646 (London, 1983), p. 16 Google Scholar.

100 Ibid., pp. 7–8.

101 For another complex, secular, satirical mise en sècne, see his version of “the civil wars of France,” discussed by Millar, Oliver, “A Subject Picture of William Dobson,” The Burlington Magazine 90 (April, 1948): 9799 Google Scholar.

102 Beckett, R. B., Lely (London, 1951), pp. 35 Google Scholar. For criticism of Beckett and other bibliography, as well as an exhibition catalogue and essay on Lely, see Millar, Oliver, Sir Peter Lely, 1618–1680 (London, 1978), p. 32 and passimGoogle Scholar.

103 Beckett, , Lely, pp. 4, 7, 18 Google Scholar.

104 Millar, , Sir Peter Lely, pp. 2224 Google Scholar. The collections sold for £8,400 at a sale, plus an unknown sum fetched by lottery.

105 See catalogue plate number 17 in Millar, , Sir Peter Lely, pp. 4344 Google Scholar.