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Lithic tool provisioning in the western Aztec provinces: A view from Calixtlahuaca
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 March 2024
Abstract
We describe an analysis of the flaked stone tools recovered from households in the Postclassic central Mexican city of Calixtlahuaca (a.d. 1130–1530). Most artifacts are obsidian and represent the blade-core technology, but biface and bipolar artifacts are also represented. Even though household residents were involved in limited biface and bipolar reduction, it appears that the city did not have any resident blade producers. This finding is at odds with the views of many archaeologists, who tend to associate craft production with the emergence of complex Mesoamerican urban centers. We examine the technologies from temporally distinct Calixtlahuacan household assemblages. We discuss why the quantity and quality artifacts associated with blade production are not consistent with resident blade making in the city. Finally, we examine four models for blade provisioning: (1) whole-blade trade, (2) processed-blade trade, (3) long-distance itinerant craftsmen, and (4) local, hinterland-based craftsmen. Evaluating how the Calixtlahuacans got their flaked stone tools has important implications for the comparative understanding of the organization and scale of economic provisioning systems in Postclassic central Mexico. This analysis supports new inferences about the nature of commercial networks that supplied the Toluca Valley prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century.
Resumen
En este estudio describimos un análisis de artefactos lasqueados recuperados de los asentamientos poblacionales del período posclásico en la antigua ciudad de Calixtlahuaca, ubicada en el centro de México (1130–1530 d.C.). La mayoría de los artefactos son de obsidiana (95%) de las fuentes de Pachuca, Otumba y Ucareo. Tecnológicamente, en la colección predominan artefactos de la industria de navajas prismáticas (67%), pero también registramos artefactos bifaciales (21%) y bipolares (11%). Curiosamente, aunque los lugareños estuvieron involucrados en la reducción bifacial y bipolar limitada, parece que Calixtlahuaca no tenía ningún productor local de navajas.
La inferencia de que las navajas no se fabricaron en la ciudad está respaldada por los porcentajes arrojados por el análisis de las muestras extremadamente bajos de dos categorías de artefactos que se usan típicamente para interpretar contextos de producción. Estos son conocidos como indicadores primarios y secundarios dentro de la producción de navajas. El indicador primario se refiere a varios artefactos básicos, incluidos los núcleos prismáticos, los artefactos de núcleo rejuvenecido, los núcleos reciclados y los núcleos como instrumentos usados. Estos artefactos se consideran primarios porque representan evidencia directa de la producción de navajas prismáticas (es decir, las navajas se extraen de estos núcleos).
Por el contrario, la evidencia secundaria incluye macrolascas, macronavajas y pequeñas navajas percutidas, extraídas durante la primera fase de trabajo del núcleo, y navajas por presión de la serie inicial, errores de extracción de navajas de la tercera serie (por ejemplo, navajas con fractura tipo bisagra, etc.), artefactos recuperados de errores de producción y fragmentos de navajas. Estos artefactos se consideran secundarios porque representan evidencia indirecta de la producción de navajas (es decir, artefactos que son derivados del proceso de reducción general). Aunque están presentes, en comparación a contextos bien documentados de producción de navajas en otras partes de Mesoamérica, muy pocos de estos elementos se encontraron en el conjunto de Calixtlahuaca.
La aparente ausencia de fabricantes locales de navajas fue algo inesperado. En general, investigaciones anteriores han demostrado que existe una correlación entre los centros urbanos densos y la especialización artesanal de los residentes. Sin embargo, este no es siempre el caso. De hecho, el que una industria artesanal en particular se concentre en un entorno urbano parece haber dependido del entorno sociocultural en el que estaba incrustada. En Mesoamérica, las limitaciones energéticas a menudo significaban que un porcentaje significativo de agricultores vivía en las ciudades, mientras que muchas industrias artesanales especializadas con economías de escala limitadas a menudo, estaban dispersas por el campo. Aunque sabemos muy poco sobre las comunidades alrededor de Calixtlahuaca durante el período azteca, en la ciudad misma sugiere que sus habitantes se especializaron en gran medida en la producción agrícola. Hay muy poca evidencia de producción artesanal de cualquier otro tipo.
Si la ciudad no contaba con talleres de producción de navajas, ¿cómo conseguían los calixtlahuacanos estas instrumentos lasqueados? Esta pregunta tiene implicaciones importantes para la comprensión comparativa de la organización y la escala de los sistemas de suministro económico en el México Central del Posclásico. Para explorar esta pregunta, examinamos cuatro modelos para el abastecimiento de navajas: (1) comercio de navajas enteras, (2) comercio de navajas procesadas, (3) artesanos itinerantes de áreas lejanas y (4) artesanos locales. Esta evaluación incluyó el observar la limitada frecuencia de los indicadores primarios y secundarios de la producción de navajas, y las proporciones respectivas de las secciones de las navajas prismáticas proximal a medial y distal. Además, al separar estos artículos de acuerdo con la obsidiana verde (de Pachuca) y gris (de Ucareo), pudimos comparar los sistemas de suministro provenientes tanto del centro como del oeste de México (muy pocas navajas fueron elaboradas en obsidiana gris de Otumba). Concluimos que gran parte de la obsidiana gris probablemente llegó a la ciudad a través de un sistema de comercio de navajas procesadas. En contraste, gran parte de la obsidiana verde de Pachuca probablemente llegó a la ciudad a través de comerciantes/artesanos itinerantes de áreas distantes que salían de la Cuenca de México. Por lo tanto, este estudio apoya nuevas interpretaciones sobre la naturaleza de las redes comerciales que abastecían al Valle de Toluca antes de la llegada de los españoles en el siglo XVI.
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