^{page 1 note 1} But not necessarily. Winchilsea bought antiquities at the sale of John Kent 23rd–27th March 1721, who had acquired some of them from the Carteret family. Lord Carteret had himself bought antiquities from a M. Galliard of Angus, described as his ‘governour’. See Gentleman's Magazine, 1802, pp. 718, 825, 911.

^{page 1 note 2} Stuart Piggott, William Stukeley, an Eighteenth Century Antiquary, 1950, pp. 41, 54, 57–8, 62, 65, 67, 75. Joan Evans, A History of the Society of Antiquaries, 1956, pp. 26–7, 55, 68, 77, 121. Examples of Winchilsea's correspondence are in J. Nichols, Literary History of the 18th Century, ii, 770–82; iii, 287; Winchilsea is frequently mentioned in W. C. Lukis, The Family Memoirs of Willam Stukeley, Surtees Society, vols. lxxiii (1880), lxxvi (1883), lxxx (1885).

^{page 1 note 3} 1726, 5 Plymouth 611, fol. 230.

^{page 2 note 1} S. Piggott, op. cit., pp. 56–8, 75; J. Evans, op. cit., pp. 68, 72, 78, 81–3, 101. J. Nichols, Literary History of the 18th Century, ii, 771, 797, 799; iv, 497; Literary Anecdotes, i, 415; iv, 543, etc.

^{page 2 note 2} CCCC MS. 613; identical with S. Piggott, op. cit., 196, C 1; bought at Sothebys on 19th February 1963. The reference was first observed by Mr. Hugh Shortt.

^{page 2 note 3} Minute Book of the Society of Antiquaries, 3rd January 1721/2; 1st April 1722; 30th May 1722, reproduced in J. Nichols, Literary History of the 18th Century, iv, 543; vi, 157, and J. Evans, op. cit., pp. 71–2.

^{page 2 note 4} e.g. Bodleian MS. Eng. Misc. d. 440, f. 8. For Stukeley as a numismatist, see D. F. Allen, Num. Chron. 1970, pp. 117–32.

^{page 3 note 1} Winchilsea's diary for 1723 is in the Northampton Record Office (Fl + 582). The Chief Archivist, Mr. P. I. King, tells me it contains no reference to the Sark antiquities or to Vertue, though other antiquities are mentioned.

^{page 3 note 2} J. Nichols, Literary History of the 18th Century, ii, 784.

^{page 3 note 3} Ibid. 773, 775, 777, 783–4; Idem, Literary Anecdotes, i, 35; iii, 650; iv, 543; vi, 157–8. John Green, A Sermon as designed to have been presented at the Funeral of the late Reverend John Creyk, January 24, 1757; Surtees Society, lxiii, 408; lxxvi, 229, 233. His library was sold by Thomas Osborne of Gray's Inn, but I have been unable to find a copy of the catalogue describing it.

^{page 3 note 4} The commission is not mentioned in Vertue's Autobiography, BM. Add. MSS. 23070, BM. 81, Walpole Society xviii; but Winchilsea's patronage is mentioned in J. Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, ii, 247. This probably derives from R. Gough's edition of W. Camden's Britanniaoi 1789, which on p. 754, amongst ‘Additions’, shows awareness that Vertue had engraved a plate of coins found in Sark and correctly describes a few of the Gaulish as well as the single Roman coin. But Gough clearly did not remember that his papers contained sketches for other plates; see below, pp. 5, n. 3, 6, n. 7, 10, n. 1.

^{page 4 note 1} See also p. 5, n. 3.

^{page 4 note 2} Information kindly supplied by the Dame of Sark.

^{page 4 note 3} Kendrick, T. D., The Archaeology ofthe Channel Islands, 1928, i, 222–3Google Scholar. James, G. W., The Sark Guide, 1845, pp. 121–3Google Scholar (quoted by Cary, E. F., The Channel Islands, 1904Google Scholar, who was also aware of the entry in the Sark Greffe ledger), misinterprets Gough and assumes the coins to have been of gold and Visigothic. He too was apparently unaware of the rest of the hoard.

^{page 4 note 4} I express my gratitude to the earl of Winchilsea and Nottingham, the duke of Northumberland and Lord Egremont, in particular for assistance in this fruitless search. I am also grateful to Mr. C. R. Josset, who has been hunting the treasure in parallel with myself, for several pieces of information.

^{page 4 note 5} Bodleian MS. Eng. Misc. d. 445, ff. 32–3. White's Sale on 2nd August 1810 at King and Locke's included a volume of Winchilsea's drawings of ‘Greek medals’.

^{page 5 note 1} Mr. Anthony Thompson told me that the collection of Daniel Finch, 6th earl of Winchilsea, the uncle of the 5th earl, who owned the Sark hoard, was bought en bloc by the Revd. Charles Godwyn and passed from him by bequest to the Bodleian Library, where it became mixed with the rest of the Bodleian collection. It consisted mainly of Roman and Greek coins and Papal medals, with a few Saxon and late English coins. It is not known to have contained any Gaulish (or Ancient British) coins. It is unlikely that there was any connection between the collections of the two earls.

^{page 5 note 2} A short account of the hoard, with illustrations, is given in the Num. Chron. 1968, pp. 37–53, being the text of the Presidential Address to the Society on 15th June 1967. A similar address was given at the International Numismatic Congress, Copenhagen, 1967. An illustrated report of the address given to the Society of Antiquaries on 29th February 1968, is printed in Current Archaeology, viii (May 1968), 205–7Google Scholar. Two of these illustrations are reof produced by Nylén, E. in Tor, xii (1967–8)Google Scholar, figs. 5b, 6a.

^{page 5 note 3} The preliminary sketches for Tab. I are in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Gough Maps 43, 17552, f. 33, and MS. Gough Drawings a1, 17591, f. 10). The latter gives the date of finding as 1709 (clearly a mistake) and is inscribed ‘in possession of Ld. Winchelsea 1725’. Both show the pot in the same form.

^{page 6 note 1} Kendrick, op. cit. i, 222–3.

^{page 6 note 2} Ibid., ii, 122, fig. 33 (a).

^{page 6 note 3} Wheeler, R. E. M., Hill Forts of Northern France, 1957 pp. 88–9Google Scholar, fig. 25. 9–10, cf. 6. 57.

^{page 6 note 4} Ibid., p. 96, fig. 29. 1.

^{page 6 note 5} P. R. Giot, Brittany (Ancient People and Places), 1960, pp. 189–90, pl. 67.

^{page 6 note 6} Jan Filip, Keltové ve Stredni Europé, 1956, p. 401, pl. LXXXVII, 14.

^{page 6 note 7} Another version of the three views of the mount is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Gough Maps 43, 17552, f. 33).

^{page 7 note 1} Examples in the museums of Brescia and Aosta; decorations from other examples in the museums of Alesia (Alise-Sainte-Reine) and St. Bertrand-des-Comminges. For a different form of breast piece see p. 23, n. 1.

^{page 7 note 2} Visible in some degree on the saddles of many Thracian musand other soldiers in Roman service, as depicted on their foretombstones. Good examples are the tombstones of C. Romaniusof the Ala Noricana and of Annavus the Betasian, both in the Municipal Museum at Mainz, of Doianus of the 4th Thracian Cohort in the Municipal Museum at Wiesbaden, of Vonatorix of the Ala Longitana in the Landes museum at Bonn and even, nearer home, of Rufus Sita of the 6th Thracian Cohort in Gloucester Museum. All these, except the last, also show some phalerae. The first shows particularly clearly a continuous ridge at the back of the saddle. The tombstone of Q. Carminius in the museum at Worms also shows a phalera on the horse's forehead.

^{page 7 note 3} Frequently illustrated, but the most accessible illustrations are Phillips, E. D., The Royal Hordes: Nomad Peoples of the Steppes, 1965, p. 59Google Scholar, ill. 42, or K. Jettmar, Art of the Steppes, 1964, pp. 44–5, pl. 7. In Berlin.

^{page 8 note 1} I. Andriescu, Revista de Preistoria si Antichitati Nationale, i, no. i, 1937; D. Berciu, Romania before Burebista, 1967, pp. 143–5, pls. 60–1. In Budapest.

^{page 8 note 2} Goldman, B., ‘A Scythian Helmet from the Danube’, Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts, xlii (1963)Google Scholar. See also Berciu, D., Arta Thraco-Getica, Bucharest, 1969Google Scholar.

^{page 8 note 3} O. Klindt-Jensen, Gundestrupkedelen, 1961; this is the most convenient and satisfactory publication of the cauldron, though it has been reproduced in many other publications. For the dolphin see p. 8, fig. 4 of this publication.

^{page 8 note 4} e.g. the fish-headed spout from Felmersham, Watson, W., Antiq. Journ. xxix. (1949), 41–2Google Scholar, 51–2, figs. 3, 4, 8, pl. v a, b; Ross, A., Pagan Celtic Britain, 1967, pp. 350–1Google Scholar.

For a long connection between fishes and the decoration of horses, commencing with Scythian gold ear ornaments, see M. Rostovtzeff in Opuscula Archaeologica O. Montelio Dicata, 1913, pp. 222 f.

^{page 8 note 5} e.g. H. de la Tour, Atlas de monnaies gauloises, xv, 4805 (Orgetirix), xxxii, 8054 (Atesios Remos), etc. The ornaments in front of the face of the type of monnaies à la croix found at and near Tolosa, cf. de la Tour, op. cit. ix, 3104, 3132, appear to be fishes rather than the dolphins from which, on the coins of Emporion, they are derived.

^{page 8 note 6} I am indebted to Professor Francis Wormald, Hon. Vice-President of the Society of Antiquaries, for this suggestion.

^{page 9 note 1} This is equally true of the piercings through the two large and twelve small silver phalerae found in 1927 at Manerbio, Brescia, and now in the Civic Museum at Brescia. Although both the large phalerae have five piercings, there are examples of two, three, and four piercings amongst the remainder. The hoard is published most fully by C. Albizzati in Historia (Studi Storici per l' Antichita Classica), Milan, vii (1933), 570–8, Lavori di Toreutica Celtica dalla Regione dei Cenomani Cisalpini. See also Praehistorische Zeitschrift, 25 (1934), 104; P. Jacobsthal, Amer. Journ. Arch. 1943, p. 311, fig. 1; Early Celtic Art, i, 174, n. 84, pl. 53. Not all have been illustrated and my information comes from photographs kindly supplied by the museum (see pl. xviii for examples).

^{page 10 note 1} A rough sketch of this phalera is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Gough Maps 43, 17552, f. 33).

^{page 11 note 1} For instance the extensive silver coinage of Thurium or the bronze coinage of Massalia. The resemblance seems particularly close with the silver and bronze coins of Pontic Chersonesus, B. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 238.

^{page 11 note 2} E. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic, 1952, no. 1006; this common silver coin of Julius Caesar shows an elephant trampling on a snake. The elephant has no castle on its back, unlike certain small silver coins, probably south Italian, which have an elephant and castle, but no snake; see Robinson, E. S. G., Num. Chron. 1964, pp. 40–1Google Scholar, pl. v, 5–6.

^{page 12 note 1} Frequently published; the original publication was by Obodesco, , Le Trésor de Petrossa I (1889), p. 513Google Scholar; others include Drexel, F., ‘Über den Silberkessel von Gundestrup’, Jahrbuch der K. Deutschen Archaeol⊙g. Inst. xxx (1915), 12 f.Google Scholar, fig. 217; Rostovtzeff, M., Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, 1922, pp. 137–8Google Scholar, pl. 1; the best illustration is in Klindt-Jensen, O., Gundestrupkedelen, Copenhagen, 1961, p. 42Google Scholar, fig. 56, the latest in colour, in Torbriigge, W., Europäische Vorzeit, Baden-Baden, 1968, p. 187Google Scholar.

^{page 13 note 1} Rostovtzeff, loc. cit., considered the inscription a false one added in modern times, and others have followed him, e.g. Guide du visiteur du Cabinet des médailles, 1924, p. 236. I have inspected it carefully and do not doubt that it is ancient. Mile M. Mainjonet has also kindly helped.

^{page 13 note 2} Although acquired in 1901, with the Paris phalera already described, it was first published in Rostovtzeff, op. cit., pl. xxvii, 2; the best illustration is in KlindtJensen, op. cit., p. 45, fig. 58.

^{page 13 note 3} Rostovtzeff, op. cit., p. 138, pl. xxvii, 3; Klindt-Jensen, op.cit.., p. 47 fig. 59 ibid., Keltisk Traditioni Romersk Jernalder, Aarbøger, 1952, p. 226, etc. Exhibited at the Early Celtic Art Exhibition, Edinburgh and London, 1970, no. 4.

^{page 14 note 1} Goessler, P., Der Silberring von Trichtingen, Berlin, 1929Google Scholar; often reproduced, e.g. Klindt-Jensen, op. cit., p. 49, fig. 60; T. G. E. Powell, Prehistoric Art, 1966, ill. 220.

^{page 14 note 2} Musée National Stara Zagora: Art ancien, Sofia (ed. Balgarski Houdojnik), 1965, p. 134, pis. 28–9 and back cover. Diam. 17·8 cm. (Mus. Ref. 2 C3 132/7.) When I visited Stara Zagora this piece was away on a loan exhibition in Canada, but I was kindly shown the other two. I was informed at Stara Zagora that a comparable find has also been made at Viza in European Turkey, of which I have been unable to find any particulars. Inquiries in Ankara have established that the silver phalerae have not, so far as is recorded, ever been found in Turkey in Asia.

^{page 14 note 3} Art ancien, p. 135, nos. 33/4 and 35. (Mus. Ref. 2 C3 132/11 and 132/3.) The cup 9·6 cm., diam. 1·9 cm. The perforated box, with legend in Latin, is also illustrated, no. 33/4.

^{page 15 note 1} Information kindly supplied by Professor Dr. H. Klumbach, of the Römisch-Germanische Zentralmuseum, Mainz, who will shortly publish the phalera in Germania.

^{page 15 note 2} Drexel, loc. cit. p. 33, abb. 14; S. Reinach, Catalogue du Musée de Saint-Germain, ii, 174, fig. 88; Deonna, W., Genava, vi (1928), 73Google Scholar; Hill, D. Kent, A.J.A. lv (1951), 346Google Scholar, etc.

^{page 15 note 3} For this group of phalerae generally, see Fettich, N., ‘Archaeologische Beiträge zur Geschichte der Sarmatisch-Dakisch Beziehungen’, Acta Arch. Hung., iii (1953), 127 f.Google Scholar, pls. 1–12. Fettich includes in this group the phalerae from Balaklija, Jantsjokrak, and Taganrog, which do not seem to me to be of the same style or fabric. These views are discussed by D.Popescu in Dacia, N.S. ii (1958), 197–201. See also Berciu, D., Arta Traco-getica, Bucharest, 1969Google Scholar.

^{page 15 note 4} Herastrau: Popescu, D., ‘Nouveaux trésors géto-daces en argent’, Dacia, xi–xii (1945–7), 35–51Google Scholar, esp. figs. 1 and 5, the better example also reproduced in D. Berciu, Romania, pl. 71, and E. D. Phillips, The Royal Hordes, ill. 124.

^{page 15 note 5} Szorcse, : Acta Arch. Hung., iii (1953), 128Google Scholar, figs. 1–2; oval phalera with horseman illustrated in E. D. Phillips, The Royal Hordes, ill. 128; omitted is a round phalera with bust of eagle-headed gryphon to left and four phalerae with cross-and-flower patterns.

^{page 15 note 6} Galiche, : Acta Arch. Hung., iii (1953), 132Google Scholar, figs. 5–12; Isvestia, Sophia, vii (1919–20), 148Google Scholar, fig. 106; four illus. trated in E. D. Phillips, The Royal Hordes, ill. 125–7, 129, one with female facing, one with rider on horseback and two with floral patterns; omitted are four more with floral patterns. Rostovtzeff, M., Bulgarian Arch. Inst. vii (1920), 147–8Google Scholar; Cambridge Ancient History, pls. ill, 76. In Sofia.

^{page 17 note 1} Coada Malului, also referred to as Valenii de Munte: Horedt, K., ‘Kleine dakische Silberfunde’, Dacia, xi–xii (1945–7)Google Scholar, fig. 1, two examples, of which one is accessibly reproduced in D. Berciu, Romania, pl. 70; both in Bucharest. Another similar, found in Transylvania, and now in Budapest, A. Parvan, Getica, fig. 393, also reproduced in E. D. Phillips, The Royal Hordes, ill. 130.

^{page 17 note 2} Popescu, D., ‘Le trésor dace de Sincraeni’, Dacia, N.S. ii (1958), 157–206Google Scholar; wave motion, figs. 5, 6, 8, 12, 14, 16, 18, 21; leaves, fig. 20; punched circles, figs. 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22. Some of what have been treated as phalerae in the Szorcse find are more likely to have been the bases of cups similar to those found at Sinacraeni, op. cit., p. 203. One illustrated in D. Berciu, Romania, p. 157, fig. 69c.

^{page 17 note 3} I have not attempted to bring into the discussion the class of embossed silver, silver-gilt, or gold objects which are found in the Thracian area and are generally attributed to a much earlier date, though the evidence for absolute date seems to me far from conclusive. These are the finds from Hagioghol, Romania (helmet cup and greave), Vraca, Bulgaria (greave), Cotofenesti, Romania (helmet), and the Iron Gates (if it is not part of the Hagioghol find) (helmet), Panagurishta, Bulgaria (shield bosses). These all have much in common as regards technique; some are linked in a number of particulars, including the use of a similar greave, with the squarish gold plates in the Letnitsa, Bulgaria, hoard, in the museum at Lovech. The latter hoard contains two round objects of the phalera class, a gold one with three revolving birds’ heads and a silver-gilt one with eight horse protomes in sequence.

Hagioghol: I. Andriesescu and D. Berciu, see p. 8, n.i.

Also Berciu, D., ‘Neue Forschungsergebnisse zur Vorgeschichte Rumaniens’, Antiquitatis, ii, 4 (1966)Google Scholar.

Vraca: I. Venedikov, ‘Le Tumulus de Vraca’, Études balkaniques, 5, Sofia.

Cotofenesti: Jahrb. des Deutschen Arch. Inst. xxx (1915), 202Google Scholar; Condurachi, E., Rumanian Archaeology in the 20th Century, 1964, p. 65Google Scholar; D. Berciu, Romania, 1967, ill. 57.

Iron Gates: Goldman, B., ‘A Scythian Helmet from the Danube’, Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts, xlii (1963)Google Scholar. Letnitsa: Venedikov, I., Bulgarian Treasures from the Past, 1966 (French edition, 1965)Google Scholar.

Nylén, E., ‘Gundestrup kitteln och den thrakiska konsten’, Tor, xii (1967–8), 133–73Google Scholar, brings these strands together, including in some respects the Sark hoard, esp. 144–5. These questions are also discussed in the same author's Guldringen från Havor och den stora silverkitteln från Gundestrup, Fornvännen, 1967, pp. 50–2.

^{page 17 note 4} The main relevant finds are: Balaklija, Isjum, Ukraine: Acta Archaeologica Hungarica, iii (1953), 132Google Scholar, fig. 3. Starobjelsk, Kharkof: Rostovtzeff, M., Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, 1922, p. 138, fig. 20Google Scholar.

Jantsjokrak, Melitopol: Ada Archaeologica Hungarica, iii (1953), 143Google Scholar.

Taganrog: Acta Arch. Hung., iii (1953), 141Google Scholar, figs. 13–14.

Siverskaja stanitsa, Krasnodar: M. Rostovtzeff, op. cit., p. 137, pl. XXVII, 4.

Uspenskaja stanitsa, Kuban: M. Rostovtzeff, Recueil Kondakoff, 1926, p. 257.

Vozdvizhenskaya: Classical Review, 1899, p. 43, fig. 70.

For other finds see, e.g. S. Reinach, Répertoire de reliefs grec. et rom., 1909–12, iii, 477, 496, 508–21.

^{page 17 note 5} M. Rostovtzeff, Social and. Economic History of the Hellenistic World, 433, pl. LIII; Kondakoff, N. and Tolstoi, I., Antiquités de la Russie méridionale (1891), p. 427Google Scholar, fig. 382; Smirnov, J., Argenterie orientale, 1913Google Scholar, pl. cxx.

^{page 18 note 1} Ctesias, Indica Opera, xvi, 20 (ed. Baehr, p. 254).

^{page 19 note 1} Aristotle, Historia Animalium ii, i; De Partibus Animalium iii, 2.

^{page 19 note 2} Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii, 29–31; xi, 106.

^{page 19 note 3} Caesar, B.G. vi, 26.

^{page 19 note 4} The best account is Klauser, T., Reallexicon für Antike und Christentum, Stuttgart, iv (1957), 840Google Scholar. I do not regard as reliable either: Sehr, Elmer G., Folklore, lxxv (1964), 91–109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; or Riddell, W. H., Antiquity, xix (1945), 194CrossRefGoogle Scholar; xx (1946), 100.

^{page 19 note 5} Maroneia: Num. Chron. 1965, 27–56, esp. 42, pl. iii, 15. Pharsalus: B.M.C. Thessaly, 43, 1–3, pl. ix, 6–7. But Anderson, J. K., Ancient Greek Horsemanship, 1961, pl. 39Google Scholar, illustrates a horse with mane tied into an erect topknot, from an early fifth-century Greek relief in Chicago.

^{page 19 note 6} The best collection of representation of elephants is in Bienowski, P., Les Celtes dans les arts mineurs gréco-romains, Cracovia, 1920, pp. 141–50Google Scholar, figs. 212–27. See also M. Rostovtzeff, History of the Ancient World, ii, pl. XI, 1; Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, p. 432, pl. LII.

^{page 19 note 7} See p. 17, n. 5.

^{page 19 note 8} Notizie degli Scavi, 1897, p. 25, fig. 3. In Naples Museum.

^{page 19 note 9} Gaidoz, H., ‘Les Celtes et les Éléphants’, Revue celttique, ii (1873–5), 4–86Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 10} See p. ii, n. 2.

^{page 19 note 11} Mosaic from Pompeii in Naples Museum.

^{page 20 note 1} See p. 8, n. 3.

^{page 20 note 2} Already touched on by Nylén, E., Tor, xii (1967–8), 133–73Google Scholar; Fornvånnen, 1967, pp. 50–2.

^{page 20 note 3} Alfoldi, A., Der frühromische Reiteradel und sein Ehreabzeich, 1952, pp. 17–18Google Scholar; Hill, H., The Roman Middle Classes, 1952, p. 215Google Scholar; Büttner, A., ‘Untersuchungen über Ursprung und Entwicklung von Auszeichnungen in romischen Heer’, Bonner Jahrb. clvii, 127Google Scholar, esp. 147 f. Ancient references to phalerae are very frequent; those mentioned above are a very small selection.

^{page 20 note 4} Jahn, Otto, ‘Die Lauersforter Phalerae’, Festprogram zu Winckelman's Geburtstag, Bonn, 1860, p. 4Google Scholar, gives examples; others in Watson, G. R., The Roman Soldier, 1969, pp. 115–17Google Scholar, 162, 187, 199, 216. For an oval phalera, with four piercings, showing Ganymede seized by the eagle, from Spira, Schwarzenhacken, see Der Römisch. Limes Oesterr. iv, 125; cf. Münsterberg Jahreshefts, vi, 69. The Spira phalera is in a style which may perhaps warrant comparison with the pieces from Szorcse, see p. 16, n. 5.

^{page 20 note 5} Flor. Epit. i, 45, 26.

^{page 20 note 6} Polyb. xxi, 6, 7.

^{page 20 note 7} Tacitus, Germania, 15, 11,

^{page 21 note 1} A. Gellius, v, 5.

^{page 21 note 2} Xenophon, Hellenica, iv, 1, 39.

^{page 21 note 3} Cicero, Verres, iv, 12, 29.

^{page 21 note 4} See p. 7, n. 2, for some references. Examples of different types of horse phalerae come from monuments as widespread in time and place as the sculptures from the temple at Pergamon, the Alexander Mosaic and Trajan's Column. They are often seen on representations, at any time, of St. George with the dragon; what are essentially the same were still being used to decorate horses in the carnivals of eighteenth-century Venice. An example of monuphalerae hung round the neck of a horse occurs on an aureus of Octavian from Cisalpine Gaul, 41 B.C. (Sydenham 1319). The equestrian statue is thought to be one of those erected in honour of Octavian in 43 B.C. W. Deonna has argued that a phalera, in such a situation, is a rationalization of a tête coupée, but there is no reason to connect the Sark phalerae with that concept; Rev. arch. 6^e sér. xxxv–xxxvi (1950), 161Google Scholar.

^{page 21 note 5} Alfoldi, A., ‘Zu der römischen Reiterscheh’, Germania, (1953), 187–90Google Scholar; this records a horse's head of bronze, with gilt high-relief phalerae, as found at Casteleone de Suasa, Ancona, and now in the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore (Catalogue of Classical Bronze Sculpture in the Walters Art Gallery, 1946, 6, ii. 10). Two other similar horses' heads, obviously from the same monument (of which there are also remains of the rider) are recorded in Fasti Archaeologici, iv (1951), 3344Google Scholar, fig. 53, as found at Cartoceti di Pergola; these are now in Ancona Museum and one of them is illustrated in Toynbee, J. M. C., The Art of the Romans, 1965, pp. 48Google Scholar, 248, pl. 30. She believes the monument to be of Julio-Claudian date.

^{page 21 note 6} E. A. Kurgat, The Ruins of Turkey, p. 292, pls. 109–11.

^{page 21 note 7} Herrmann, Georgina, ‘The Darabgird Relief—Ardated shir or Shapur?’, Iran, vii (1969), 63–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see esp. pls. iv, v, vii A—B, VIII A—B, XI, XIII. The lion protomes are on iv, fig. 4 (see p. 70); floral phalerae are on VII A—B.

^{page 21 note 8} The best (and best known) representations are (a) 9 plain phalerae (with torques and armillae) on the tombstone of Cn. Musius of the XIVth Legion in the Mittelrheinisches Landesmuseum at Mainz; (b) 9 plain phalerae (with torques and armillae) on the tombstone of Q. Cornelius in the Städtischesmuseum at Wiesbaden; (c) 9 (8 visible) decorated phalerae (with two torques and a pelta) on the tombstone of Q. Sertorius at Verona, the phalerae showing 3 facing and 2 profile heads of deities, 2 eagles and 1 standing horse; (d) 5 decorated phalerae (with torques and armillae) on the tombstone of M. Caelius of the XVIIIth Legion in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum at Bonn, the phalerae showing a facing Medusa head, 2 other facing heads of deities and a lion protome. The frame on which such phalerae were arranged is shown on a Roman denarius of the moneyer M. Arrius Secundus, c. 43 B.C. (Sydenham 1083–4). The explanation of such frames comes from the relief of M. Pompeius in the Villa Albani at Rome, where one is shown. Are the six circles on the breast plate of the cuirassed emperor from Coddenham, Suffolk, in the British Museum, to be regarded as phalerae ? On a much later bronze from Samos-Ujvar, Gherla, Mars is shown wearing 6 phalerae on his breast; see Werner, J., ‘Die beiden Zierscheiben des Thorsberger Moorfundes’, Röm.-Germ. Forsch. 1941Google Scholar, Band 6, pl. 2. Phalerae are also attached to praetorian standards; see, for instance, those from Niederbeiber and Ittenheim illustrated in Forrer, R., ‘Phalères honorifiques romaines à Ittenheim’, Cahiers d' archéologie et d'histoire d'Alsace, 1932, 17–47Google Scholar. Figures of gods in high relief on phalerae occur repeatedly on the praetorian standards shown on Trajan's Column.

^{page 22 note 1} Jahn, Otto, ‘Die Lauersforter Phalerae’, Festprogram zu Winckelmaris Geburtstag, Bonn, 1860Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 2} See p. 7 n. 2; also R. Forrer, Reallexikon, fig. 183. I do not know any example of a Roman soldier or auxiliary on horseback who is himself wearing phalerae. On Roman monuments phalerae are shown either on the soldier or on the horse, but not on both. A good example of phalerae on the horses' flanks occurs in Britain in the finest examples of gold staters of Verica, Mack 125. But Epona's horses never, as far as I know, wear phalerae.

^{page 22 note 3} See p. 16, n. 4.

^{page 22 note 4} On exhibition, kindly drawn to my attention by Abbé J. Giry, who is the curator of the museum. The bronze phalera comes from a burial at Ensérune and is still chained to the sword; the phalera is decorated only with a central boss and a raised circle round it, but it has six piercings, indicating some different original use.

^{page 22 note 5} Horovic: J. Filip, Keltové ve strední Evropĕ, 1956, t. vi, in the National Museum at Prague. Thorsberg: C. Englehardt, Thorsbjerg Mosefund, 1863, passim; Werner, J., ‘Die beiden Zierscheiben des Thorsberger Moorfundes’, Röm. Germ. Forsch. 1941Google Scholar, passim; see also Hawkes, S., ‘A Study of Germanic Animal Art’, Archaeologia, xcviii (1961), 61–2Google Scholar. No attempt is made here to list the full literature on ancient phalerae, which is both very large and scattered, but a useful source is Deonna, W., ‘Phalères celtiques et galloromaines avec décor de têtes humaines’, Rev. Arch. 6^e ser., xxxv—xxxvi (1950), 35–57Google Scholar, 147–81.

^{page 22 note 6} There are a few round bronze disc brooches from Britain which distantly reflect the style and craft of this Sark type of phalerae (see pl. xix). These are from (a) Santon, Norfolk (or possibly Santon Downham, Suffolk), in Cambridge Museum; (b) Westhall, Norfolk, in the British Museum; (c) Lancing, Sussex, in the Ashmolean Museum, and (d) South Cadbury Castle, 1970 (kindly brought to my notice by the excavator Mr. L. Alcock, F.S.A.), and they show, respectively, embossed on a small bronze disc within a simple raised rim, a griffin, a horse (or wolf), a hippocamp, and a zoomprphic creature. Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Britain under the Romans, 1964, pp. 22–3Google Scholar, pl. ic; Ross, A., Pagan Celtic Britain, 1967, p. 321Google Scholar, pl. 80b; Fox, C., Pattern and Purpose, 1958, p. 80Google Scholar, pl. 37 (b); all three illustrate (a). Clarke, R. Rainbird, ‘The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk’, Archaeological Journal, xcvi (1940), 65Google Scholar, figs. 1, 2 give (a) and (b) above; pl. XVIII. 1 illustrates (b), much reduced; C. Fox, Arch. Camb. Region, 1923, 106 illustrates (b), which he considers a horse ornament. Disc (c) does not appear to have been illustrated before.

^{page 23 note 1} See p. 9, n. i. Phalerae, not always round, are frequently shown in classical art attached by short strings or chains to horse trappings, e.g. on Trajan's Column (for examples, see W. Froehner (G. Arosa), La Colonne Trajane, 1872, pls. II, III, IV, IX, xxx). One may also mention the horse's breast piece in Vienna, consisting of five phalerae (three with eagles) linked by paired peltae, with three inverted crescents and two lozenges hanging from it. The phalerae, round of two sizes or lozenge-shaped, on the breast and flanks of the horse forming a silver-gilt rhyton (believed to be from Syria and of the first century a.d.) now in the Louvre, are shown dangling, whereas those on the girth and headstraps are shown attached to straps (pl. xvii, c).

^{page 23 note 2} For Oberaden, see p. 24, n. 1.

^{page 23 note 3} See p. 13, n. 1.

^{page 23 note 4} Appian, Bell. Mithrid. xvii, 115 (καὶ ἵππων χαλινοί καὶ προστερνίδια καὶ ἐπωμίδια, πάντα ὁμοίως διάλιθα καὶ κατάχρυα); ‘bridles for horses and trappings for breasts and shoulders, all likewise ornamented with precious stones and gold’,

^{page 23 note 5} See p. 16, n. 1.

^{page 24 note 1} Kraay, C., ‘The Chronology of the Coinage of Colonia Nemausus’, Num. Chron., 1955, pp. 75–87Google Scholar; Crawford, M., Roman Republican Coin Hoards, 1969, p. 136, n. 517Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 2} Albrecht, C., Das Römerlager in Oberaden, 1938Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 3} See p. 14.

^{page 25 note 1} For the use of amber in the early iron age, see Déchelette, J., Manuel d'archéologie préhistorique, celtique et gallo-romaine, ii (1914), 1294, 1327–30, figs. 560–4Google Scholar. For the use of amber both for ornament and in medicine, see Pliny, N. H. xxxvii, 11–12; for coral, xxii, 11.

^{page 25 note 2} Sydenham, E. A., The Roman Republican Coinage, 1952Google Scholar, no. 738A.

^{page 25 note 3} Hersh, C. A., ‘Sequence Marks on the Denarii of Publius Crepusius’, Num. Chron., 1952, pp. 55–66Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 4} Rolland, H., ‘Monnaies de la République romaine trouvées en Gaule’, Actes du XXVII^e et XXVIII^e congrès de la Fédération historique du Languedoc, Perpignan, 1953–4, p. 36Google Scholar. de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Umlauf und Chronologie dergallo—keltischen Münzen’ Jahrbuch für Num.und Geldgeschichte, xvi (1966), 58Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 4} Rolland, H., ‘Monnaies de la République romaine trouvées en Gaule’, Actes du XXVII^e et XXVIII^e congrès de la Fédération historique du Languedoc, Perpignan, 1953–4, p. 36Google Scholar. de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Umlauf und Chronologie dergallo—keltischen Münzen’, Jahrbuch fü Num. und Geldgeschichte, xvi (1966), 58Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 1} de la Tour, H., Atlas de monnaies gauloises, xxix, 7187–8Google Scholar (cf. nos. 2 and 4, with flower and ear of corn); xxix, 7191 (cf. no. 3, with pentacle and crescent; ornaments on no. 5 inadeare uncertain). A. Blanchet, Traité des monnaies gauloises, fig. 392. R. Forrer, Keltische Numismatik der Rhein und, Donaulande, figs. 16, 87.

^{page 26 note 2} De la Tour, op. cit., xvi, 5550; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 421; Forrer, op. cit., figs. 206–7.

^{page 26 note 3} De la Tour, op. cit., xvi, 4805; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 427; Forrer, op. cit., figs. 200–1.

^{page 26 note 4} Senodon Caledu: de la Tour, op. cit., xxix, 7174; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 393; Solima: de la Tour, op. cit., xxxvii, 9025; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 401; Forrer, op. cit., figs. 63, 197.

^{page 26 note 5} Cupinacio Ulatos: de la Tour, op. cit., xxix, 7203; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 394. Arivos Santonos: de la Tour, op. cit. xiii, 4525; Blanchet, op. cit., fig. 188; Forrer, op. cit., fig. 215.

^{page 26 note 6} Compare de la Tour, op. cit., xxv, 10400, a coin only known from the Rozel hoard.

^{page 26 note 7} Pommiers, Aisne, 1875; Blanchet T. 9: about 100 Gaulish silver coins of Alesia types with a few inadeare quately described Roman denarii, which seem likely to be pre-92 B.C. La Rousselière, Cheverny, Loire-et-Cher, 1827; Blanchet T. 133, Crawford 216, Mémoires de la Société Eduenne, 1873, p. 166: forty-five Gaulish silver coins of Alesia types with three Roman denarii down to c. 92 B.C. The burial date of both these hoards is clearly much later than the latest Roman coins they contain. Villeneuve-au-Roi, Haute-Marne, 1866; Blanchet T. 169: over 13,000 Gaulish silver coins of Alesia types, but no Roman coins recorded. Possibly earlier than the others.

^{page 26 note 8} de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘La localisation d'Alésia et la numismatique gauloise’, Ogam, viii (1956), 111–36Google Scholar ; ‘Numismatique celtique d'Alésia’, Revue beige de Numismatique, ci (1955), 55–83Google Scholar; de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Épilogue numismatique de la question d'Alésia’, Mélanges offerts à André Piganiol, 1966, pp. 321–42Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 1} Dayet, M. and de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Qui était Togirix?’, Revue archéologique de l'Est et du Centre-Est, xiii (1962), 82–118Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 2} Bazoches-en-Dunois, Eure-et-Loir, bef. 1840, Blanchet T. 74; c. 300 silver pieces.

Logron, Eure-et-Loir, 1834; Blanchet T. 75; c. 100 silver pieces.

Paix, Eure, 1837; Blanchet T. 69; three half-staters (of the Aulerci Eburovices) with some silver and bronze pieces.

Limésy, Seine-Inférieure, c. 1820; Blanchet T. 227, a large hoard.

All contain additional types, including Ateula Ulatos, but no Roman coins.

^{page 27 note 3} Bonneuil, Vienne, bef. 1838; Blanchet T. 263; denarii to c. 50 B.C. with c. 250 silver pieces and several gold staters.

Civaux, Vienne, 1837; Blanchet T. 264; denarii pre-50 B.c. with some silver; included two gold staters.

La jante, Compreignac, Haute-Vienne, 1811; Blanchet T. 268, Crawford 343; 600/1000 silver pieces with denarii to c. 58 b.c.

Romagne, Vienne, bef. 1837; Blanchet T. 265; 33 silver with 4 Roman Republican; no details of Roman coins.

Vernon, Vienne, 1874; Blanchet T. 261; Crawford 384, several thousand silver pieces including denarii to 46 b.c., with some gold staters.

This group has an admixture of gold coins of the region, which had disappeared from other comparable hoards, and is likely to be datable shortly after the conquest.

^{page 27 note 4} Rozel, Jersey, 1875; Blanchet T. 275, Crawford 431; several thousand silver pieces with denarii down to 40 B.C. See also p. 28, nn. 1, 2.

Dol-de-Bretagne, Île-et-Vilaine, c. 1840; Num. Chron. 1845, Proc. 2–4; see p. 29, n. 1; no denarii recorded.

St. Pierre-sur-Dives, Calvados, bef. 1844; Blanchet T. 30; no denarii recorded.

^{page 27 note 5} The date usually given is c. 38 b.c., but I have preferred to follow Crawford.

^{page 27 note 6} Chantenay, Nièvre, 1861; Blanchet 185, Crawford 461; c. 500 silver pieces with denarii to 31 b.c.; the Gaulish coins were well worn, unlike the Roman.

Mont Beuvray, Nièvre, 1899; Blanchet 187, Crawford 471; 41 coins in all including denarii to 31 b.c.

^{page 27 note 7} Cailly, Seine-Inférieure, 1822; Blanchet T. 223; numerous Togirix and Ateula Ulatos only.

Trancault, Aube, 1829; Blanchet T. 16, 16+ Ateula Ulatos only,

Metz, Lorraine, 1867; Blanchet T. 277; c. 20 Ateula Ulatos only.

No Roman coins in any of these hoards.

^{page 27 note 8} de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Umlauf und Chronoseveral logie der gallo-keltischen Münzen’, Jahrb. für Num. und Geldgeschichte, xvi (1966), 50–1Google Scholar; ‘La Monnaie de Calete-du’, Revue arch, du Centre, xviii (1966), 122–5Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 1} de Barthélemy, A., ‘Étude sur les monnaies découvertes à Jersey en 1875’, Revue numismatique, 1884, pp. 177–202, pls. v–viGoogle Scholar.

^{page 28 note 2} de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Le trésor de Jersey-11 et la numismatique celtique des deux Bretagnes’, Revue beige de numismatique, ciii (1957), 54–6Google Scholar, for references to Rozel hoards, esp. Cable, Edwin K., ‘Report on Coins found at Rozel’, Bulletin de la Sociéte Jersiaise, 1876, pp. 29–31Google Scholar; 1878, p. 86; 1880, pp. 207–10.

^{page 29 note 1} Exhibition of 23rd November 1843; Num. Chron. 1845, Proc., 2–4. See also de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘La trouvaille de monnaies gauloises extra-armoricaines de Dol-de-Bretagne (c. 1840)’, Annales de Bretagne, lxiv (1957), 43–55Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 2} After this date hoards tend to be dominated by Roman coins; few finds thereafter contain more than stray survivors of Gaulish silver or bronze coins. See, for instance, de Beaulieu, J. B. Colbert, ‘Peut-on dater par la numismatique l'occupation d'un oppidum?’, Revue archéologique de l'Est et du Centre-Est, vi (1955), 260–70Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 3} Seep. 27, n. 1, esp. op. cit., fig. 42, supplemented by 44–6, which show the basic distribution of Togirix. See also S. Scheers, Let monnaies de la Gaule inspirées de celles de la République romaine, 1969, map 5.

^{page 29 note 4} Silver coins with the name of Orgetirix on the reverse are found with three different obverse inscriptions. De la Tour, xv, 4823–4, with orget on the reverse, has edvis on the obverse; this shows that Orgetirix was an Aeduan, not that the coins were issued by or for the Aedui. This is a scarce type; other coins of orcetirix, however, are relatively common; de la Tour, xv, 4800 and 4805, with the legend atpilli (or atepilli) F, and de la Tour, xv, 4819, with the legend coios. The hoards in which they were prominent are those from Chantenay, Nièvre, Blanchet T, 185, and Limésy, Seine-Inférieure, Blanchet T. 227. Other find-spots recorded by Blanchet are Mont Beuvray, Nièvre and Langres, Haute-Marne. While insufficient to prove an Aeduan origin, they are not inconsistent with this supposition.

^{page 29 note 5} Blanchet, op. cit., 385–6. Ateula Ulatos is prominent in the hoard from Cailly, Seine-Inférieure, 1822, Blanchet T. 223, which is certainly outside its home area. Two hoards consisting solely of this type come from near Metz, Lorraine, 1867, Blanchet T. 227, and from Trancault, Aube, 1829, Blanchet T. 16. Both also appear to be just outside the normal area of distribution, which is best shown by the isolated find-spots. Those recorded by Blanchet are far from complete, but, if they may be taken as typical they point to a basic distribution along the north bank of the Saône. Five finds from Saône-et-Loire, two finds each from Côte-d'Or and Haute-Marne, with smaller scatters to the north, towards Luxembourg, to the north-west, towards Paris and the Normandy coast, to the east into Switzerland, and even south, down the Rhone. The centre of distribution appears to correspond with the powerful tribe of the Lingones (e.g. Livy v, 35, 2; Caesar B 61, 26, 40; xii, 63; viii, 11), but the traditional classifications give them, most improbably, no silver coins at this time.

^{page 30 note 1} Bellovaci (46 B.C.): Epitome T. Liv. cxiv; Morini (30–29 B.C.): Dio Cass. li, 20–1.