^{page 75 note 1} In the archaeological discussion that follows the author wishes to acknowledge the help of the following persons: Messrs. Julian Brown, F.S.A.; Herbert Maryon, O.B.E., F.S.A.; R. H. M. Dolley, F.S.A.; W. Bulmer; G. C. Dunning, F.S.A.; J. Lionel Rogers; J. J. Rashleigh; Dr. Ole Klindt-Jensen; and Miss A. Henshall; Messrs. M. R. Hull, F.S.A., and R. B. K. Stevenson, F.S.A., and many curators and directors of museums and collections in England, Holland, and Scandinavia. Especially I must thank my colleagues Messrs. R. L. S. Bruce-Mitford, F.S.A., and P. E. Lasko, F.S.A., of the British Museum, and my teacher Professor Holger Arbman of Lund University, Sweden; the detailed and precise criticism of these three scholars and the long hours of discussion with each of them have helped to clarify my thoughts on many aspects of the paper. Lastly I must thank my wife for her painstaking work on the drawings in this section and for much clerical assistance. D. M. W.

^{page 75 note 2} The stream-work is perhaps that described by Colenso, J. W., ‘A Description of the Happy-Union Tin Streamwork at Pentuan’, Cornwall, Trans. Royal Geological Society of Cornwall, 1832, iv, 29Google Scholar. It should be noted, however, that the dates of the starting of the work in the mine do not exactly coincide with the date of the find.

^{page 75 note 3} Archaeologia, ix, 187.

^{page 75 note 4} Society of Antiquaries Minute Book, xxii, 394. The drawings of the hoard pl. XXII are taken from this source.

^{page 75 note 5} Rashleigh, J., ‘An Account of Anglo-Saxon coins … found at Trewhiddle, St. Austell, Cornwall’, Numismatic Chronicle, 1868, p. 138Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 6} Letter from J. J. Rogers, Esq., to Augustus Wollaston Franks, Esq.

Mar. 24/80 Penrose,

Helston.

My dear Franks,

I send you in a small box, by Rail, addressed to British Museum, the little find of Anglo-Saxon, silver and bronze ornaments found at Trewhiddle, in Cornwall, in 1774, engraved in Archaeologia vol. 9, plate 8 and more particularly described in No. 8 of the Journal of Royal Institution of Cornwall 1867. Kindly present these to the Trustees of your Museum as a small token of my regard for you, as the benefactor to so many branches of the National Collection over which you preside. They might like to see them at the Antiquaries again after the lapse of a century. I am in bed and obliged to employ an emanuensis.

– I am sincerely yours,

(Signed) John Jope Rogers.

Aug. W. Franks, Esq.

^{page 79 note 1} P.S.A. Scot. iv, 378.

^{page 85 note 1} The description below is taken from the engraving published by Rashleigh and from the water-colour by Schnebbelie from which the engraving was taken. The drawing is in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries and is, in parts, very much more detailed than the engraving (drawn on 12th May 1788, it is stuck in a scrap-book labelled ‘Early Medieval’). Comparison of surviving objects with the engraving and with the drawing suggest that the points made in this section are reliable.

^{page 86 note 1} This object is illustrated by Rashleigh in both Archaeologia, vol. ix, pl. VIII and vol. xi, pl. VII. The latter illustration shows the correspondence of the holes.

^{page 86 note 2} A. A. Moss, ‘Niello’, Studies in Conservation, ii, 49. This paper is summarized in Antiq. J. xxxiii, 75.

^{page 86 note 3} Ibid. p. 61, n. 3.

^{page 86 note 4} P.S.A. London, xx, 1904, p. 51Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 1} J. Brøndsted, Early English Ornament, London/Copenhagen, 1924, p. 127.

^{page 87 note 2} The possibility that these were not drinking-horn mounts but mounts of a musical instrument (a mounted wind horn is described in a riddle in the Exeter Book) is, I think, less likely but cannot altogether be ruled out. The Burghead parallel discussed below is, I think, a sufficiently good and definite parallel to back up this identification.

^{page 87 note 3} e.g. Petersen, J., Vikingetidens Redskaper, Oslo, 1951, pp. 396Google Scholar f. Mounted drinking-horns were precious enough to be mentioned in the will of a prince: ‘7 þone drencehorn þe ic ær æt þam hirede gehohte on ealden mynstre’, Whitelock, D., Anglo-Saxon Wills, Cambridge, 1930, p. 56Google Scholar. Other mentions are in the will of Alfgifu, ‘geræodæs drincæhornæs’, ibid. p. 22 and in the will of Wulfgyth, ‘tueyn yboned hornes’, ibid. p. 86.

^{page 87 note 4} Shetelig, H., Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, Oslo, 1940, ii, 40Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 5} Ibid. pp. 35, etc.; Hencken, H. O'N., ‘Balinderry Crannog No. 2’, P.R. Irish Academy, xviii, C, fig. 18Google Scholar, p. 45; MacDermott, M., ‘Terminal Mounting of a Drinking Horn from Lismore, Co. Waterford’, J.R.S.A. Ireland, lxxx, 1950, p. 262Google Scholar. Other examples are listed by Raftery, J., Christian Art in Ancient Ireland, ii, Dublin, 1941, pp. 149Google Scholar f. See also, ‘A Bronze Viking Drinking Horn Mount from Fetter Lane, London’, Antiq. J. xxviii, 179.

^{page 87 note 6} I am ignoring in this context the glass drinking-horns which have been discussed by V. I. Evison, ‘Anglo-Saxon Finds near Rainham, Essex, with a Study of Glass Drinking Horns,’ Arch. xcvi, 159, which are not of English manufacture. The history of drinking-horns is discussed by Clark, J. G. D., Prehistoric Europe, London, 1952, p. 225Google Scholar; Jacobsthal, P., Early Celtic Art, Oxford, 1944, pp. 111–14Google Scholar; Brøndsted, J., Danmarks Oldtid, Copenhagen, 1939Google Scholar, vol. ii and iii passim; and M. Ørsnes-Christensen, ‘Die Drinkhörner’, Acta Archaeologica, xix, 231 f. A theory concerning which some doubt must be entertained is postulated by R. J. C. Atkinson and S. Piggott, ‘The Torrs Chamfrein’, Arch. xcvi, 225 f. The authors of this paper propose a theory that the horns on the Torrs Chamfrein were drinking-horn terminals.

^{page 88 note 1} Leeds, E. T., Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology, Oxford, 1936, pl. xxiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 88 note 2} British Museum, The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial (5th impression), London, 1956, p. 28.

^{page 88 note 3} British Museum, Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities, London, 1923, fig. 43. G. Baldwin Brown, The Arts in Early England, London, 1915, iv, 462, mentions the possibility of the presence of a drinking-horn in the Broomfield barrow: that there was a horn in the barrow is undoubted (V.C.H. Essex, i, 322) but the possibility that this need not have been a drinking-horn cannot be avoided: examination of the horn shows no surviving traces of mounts but it also shows that the horn was not pierced at the point and therefore cannot have been used as a musical instrument.

^{page 88 note 4} Lethbridge, T. C., Recent Excavations in Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries in Cambridgeshire and Suffolk, Cambridge, 1931, fig. 14, p. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 88 note 5} Brøndsted, op. cit. (1939), iii, 152.

^{page 88 note 6} Cf. the two horns from Skrydstrup, Haderslev amt., Brøndsted, loc. cit. See also Pliny, Hist. Nat. 11, 126.

^{page 88 note 7} Mr.Watts, W., Catalogue of Chalices and other Communion Vessels in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1922, p. 14Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 1} V.C.H. Berkshire, i, 237–8.

^{page 89 note 2} Op. cit. vol. iii, pl. xi, 3, p. 118.

^{page 89 note 3} The chalice is no longer labelled as Anglo-Saxon by the Reading Museum as a result of discussions with the Department of British and Medieval Antiquities of the British Museum. For discussion of medieval funerary chalices of this shape compare H. F. Westlake, ‘An Early Pewter Coffin-chalice and Paten found in Westminster Abbey’, Antiq. J. i, 56 ff. It is probable that the similar chalice from Canterbury (in the Royal Museum, Canterbury) mentioned by both Smith and Baldwin Brown is also of thirteenth century. A chalice that may have been of earlier date than that from Trewhiddle is now lost. It was recorded as long ago as 1104 among the relics in St. Cuthbert's coffin (Battiscombe, C. F. (ed.), The Relics of St. Cuthbert, Oxford, 1956, p. 65Google Scholar). The date of this chalice is difficult to determine but it may well have been placed in the coffin-reliquary between 698 and 1104.

^{page 90 note 1} Cripps, W., ‘A Bronze Grave-Chalice from Hexham Priory Church’, Archaeologia Aeliana, xv (1890–93), 192Google Scholar; New County History of Northumberland, iii, pt. i, pp. 175–6. I am grateful to Mr. W. Bulmer for this latter reference.

^{page 90 note 2} Whitelock, op. cit. pp. 2 and 4.

^{page 90 note 3} English Historical Documents (ed. Whitelock), i, p. 436, 15, but this is one of many such ordinances of this period.

^{page 90 note 4} Wormald, F., The Benedictional of St. Ethelwold, London, 1959, pl. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 5} We must in this context ignore the Irish chalice of an earlier period from Ardagh. It is of completely different form from that at Trewhiddle and the art style is not related to the contents of this hoard.

^{page 90 note 6} Der Tassilokelch, München, 1951.

^{page 90 note 7} P. Stollenmeyer, ‘Der Tassilokelch’, Der Professoren Festschrift zum 400 jährigen Bestande des öffentlichen Obergymnasiums der Benediktiner zu Kremsmünster, pp. 54–55.

^{page 90 note 8} Spätantikes und Germanisches Kunstgut in der Frühan-gelsähsischen Kunst, Berlin, 1936, p. 195Google Scholar, who follows unconsciously, I believe, Dalton, O. M. and others, e.g. A Guide to the Early Christian and Byzantine Antiquities in the British Museum, London, 1921, p. 108Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 9} Rashleigh, Arch. xi, loc. cit.

^{page 91 note 1} Ibid., loc. cit.

^{page 91 note 2} Cabrol, and Leclerq, , Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne, ii, Paris, 1925, fig. 1909Google Scholar. This chalice is now in the Dumbarton Oaks Museum, Harvard, U.S.A., The Dumbarton Oaks Collection Handbook, Washington, D.C., 1955, p. 64.

^{page 91 note 3} Bassermann-Jordan, E. and Schmid, W. M., Der Bamberger Domschatz, München, 1914, p. 27Google Scholar, fig. 29.

^{page 91 note 4} C. G. Schultz, ‘Jellingebaegeret—vor aeldste kristne kalk’, KUML, ii, fig. 2, p. 190.

^{page 91 note 5} Wideen, H., Västsvenska Vikingatidsstudier, Göteborg, 1955, fig. 158Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 6} Jackson, C. J., History of English Plate, London, 1911, i, fig. 128Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 7} Royal Academy of Arts, Exhibition of Portuguese Art 800–1800, London, 1955, p. 20Google Scholar, no. 11.

^{page 92 note 1} For a discussion of the technique of the manufacture of the Tassilo Chalice see Stollenmeyer, op. cit. pp. 68 f.

^{page 92 note 2} e.g. compare the chalice of Kolin, Guide de l'exposition de la préhistoire aux slaves chèques, Prague, 1948–9, cover, with the chalices illustrated by Stollenmeyer, loc. cit. pp. 54–55.

^{page 92 note 3} Stollenmeyer, pp. 54–55.

^{page 92 note 4} Wideen, loc. cit.

^{page 92 note 5} de Fleury, C. Rohault, La Messe, Paris, 1883–9, vol. iv, p. ccxcvGoogle Scholar.

^{page 92 note 6} Stollenmeyer, loc. cit.

^{page 92 note 7} A bronze scourge of less substantial form and of Roman date is recorded from a Roman Villa at Great Chesterford, Arch. J. vi, 197. Another Roman Scourge of plaited wire is recorded, Catalogue of the Guildhall Museum, London, 1903, p. 55Google Scholar. Scourges of similar form to that from Trewhiddle are illustrated by Perret, Les Catacombes de Rome, vol. v, pi. ix, 18, and by Cabrol and Leclerq, op. cit. fig. 2729.

^{page 93 note 1} Smith, W. and Cheetham, S., Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, London, 1880, p. 568Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 2} Cabrol and Leclerq, op. cit. p. 1219.

^{page 93 note 3} Arwidsson, G., Vendelstile, Uppsala, 1942, fig. 114Google Scholar; von Jenny, W. A., Die Kunst der Germanen in Frühen Mittelalter, Berlin, 1940, pl. lxxviGoogle Scholar; Potratz, H., ‘Die Goldene Halskette von Isenbüttel’, IPEK, 17, 1943–8Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 4} Mahr, A., Christian Art in Ancient Ireland, i, Dublin, 1932, p. 151Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 5} A. Ross, ‘Notice of the Discovery of Portions of Two Penannular Brooches of Silver … at Croy, Inverness’, P.S.A. Scot., xx, fig. 5.

^{page 93 note 6} E. Hawkins, ‘An Account of Coins and Treasure found at Cuerdale’, Arch. J. iv, 129.

^{page 93 note 7} Anderson, J., Scotland in Pagan Times, The Iron Age, Edinburgh, 1883, fig. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 8} Op. cit. (1904), pp. 50 f.

^{page 94 note 1} Friis-Johansen, K., ‘Solvskatten fra Terslev,’ Aarbøger, 1912, p. 240Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 2} Arbman, H., Schweden und das Karolingische Reich, Stockholm, 1937, pp. 203Google Scholar f.

^{page 94 note 3} V.C.H. Buckinghamshire, i, 195; Burlington Fine Arts Club, Art in the Dark Ages in Europe, London, 1956, pl. xvi, p. 28Google Scholar; Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., ‘An Anglo-Saxon Gold Pendant from High Wycombe, Bucks.’, British Museum Quarterly, xv, 72, pl. xxxiii, c.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 4} Op. cit. p. 180.

^{page 94 note 5} Ibid. pl. 61, 1 and pl. 62, 7.

^{page 94 note 6} Ibid. pl. 62, 16.

^{page 94 note 7} Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., ‘Late Saxon Disc-Brooches’, Dark Age Britain (Studies presented to E. T. Leeds), London, 1956, p. 192Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 1} They occur, for example, at Trewhiddle on the plastic terminal heads of the drinking-horn mounts.

^{page 95 note 2} British Museum, Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities, fig. 205.

^{page 95 note 3} Kirk, J., The Alfred and Minster Lovel Jewels, Oxford, 1948Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 4} Brøndsted, J., Early English Ornament, London/Copenhagen, 1924, fig. 118Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 5} Jessup, R., Anglo-Saxon Jewellery, London, 1905Google Scholar, pl. xxxvi, 10.

^{page 95 note 6} Haseloff, G., ‘An Anglo-Saxon Openwork Mount from Whitby Abbey’, Antiq. J. xxx, 177Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 7} Since this paper was written the Whitby mount has been published as late Romanesque: Zarnecki, G., English Romanesque Lead Sculpture, London, 1957, p. 42Google Scholar and pl. 81.

^{page 95 note 8} A. Mahr, op. cit. i, pl. xxii, 1. Since I wrote this paper W. Holmqvist, ‘The Syllöda silver pin—an English element in the art of the Viking Age’, Suomen Museo, 1959, pp. 34–63, has drawn attention to the various Celtic fingerparallels to the Trewhiddle pendant. While I cannot agree with all the steps of Dr. Holmqvist's arguments concerning a school of English filigree, I concur with many of his conclusions.

^{page 96 note 1} Anglo-Saxon finger-rings are discussed and listed by Oman, C. C., ‘Anglo-Saxon Finger-rings’, Apollo, xiv, 1931, p. 104Google Scholar, and more selectively with a number of further examples by D. M. Wilson, ‘The Poslingford Ring’, British Museum Quarterly, xx, 90 f.

^{page 96 note 2} Jessup, op. cit. pl. xxxvi, 6. Another silver finger-ring of this period is now lost; it had an Anglo-Saxon inscription and is recorded in Journ. of the British Archaeological Assoc. 1851, p. 153, and Stevens, G., Runic Monuments, London/Copenhagen, i, 1866–7, p. 463Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 3} Bruce-Mitford, op. cit. (1956), pl. xxii, b, c, and d.

^{page 96 note 4} Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of the Finger-Rings in the British Museum, London, 1912, pl. 11, 180Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 5} Ibid., loc. cit. 179.

^{page 97 note 1} Loc. cit. (1904), p. 51.

^{page 97 note 2} Bruce-Mitford, op. cit. (1956), pl. xx.

^{page 97 note 3} The prototypes are those from Holywell Row, grave 52, T. C. Lethbridge, op. cit. (1931), fig. 17c, 4; and Shudy Camps, grave 57, Lethbridge, T. C., A Cemetery at Shudy Hill Camps, Cambridgeshire, Cambridge, 1936, p. 19Google Scholar. Another example of a more typical pagan type can be seen in the Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology from the cemetery at Barrington, Trinity College Loan. This despite the statement by C. Peers and C. A. Ralegh Radford, ‘The Saxon Monastery of Whitby’, Archaeologia, lxxxix, p. 55. One example is alleged to have been found with Roman coins in George St., Gloucester (information from a manuscript note in the Department of British and Medieval Antiquities, British Museum).

^{page 97 note 4} British Museum.

^{page 97 note 5} Peers and Radford, loc. cit. fig. 11, 56 f.

^{page 97 note 6} Shetelig, op. cit. v, 182, fig. 147.

^{page 97 note 7} Peers and Radford, loc. cit. p. 55.

^{page 97 note 8} For example, the small buckle from the Sutton Hoo cenotaph, British Museum, The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial, pl. 20 c.

^{page 98 note 1} Arbman, H., Birka I, Die Gräber, Uppsala, 1940, pl. 87 and 86Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 2} Ibid. pl. 88, 1. Dr. A. Roes, of Utrecht, tells me that the nicks which appear on these strap-ends have Dutch parallels; she has, however, been unable to trace these parallels among her notes.

^{page 98 note 3} To compare this buckle with contemporary examples see Hume, A., Ancient Meols, London, 1863, pl. VIII, 6Google Scholar and V.C.H. Combs, i, pl. xii, p. 322.

^{page 98 note 4} Smith, R. A., ‘The Evolution of the Hand-pin in Great Britain and Ireland’, Opuscula Archaeologica Oscari Montelio, Stockholm, 1913, p. 281Google Scholar. Smaller pins with heads of similar shape occur at Thetford and Sandtun, Kent, in Late Saxon Contexts (former in Norwich Castle Museum, latter in British Museum).

^{page 98 note 5} Smith, R. A., ‘Irish Brooches of Five Centuries’, Archaeologia, lxv, 1914, pp. 223CrossRefGoogle Scholar f.

^{page 99 note 1} Ibid. pl. xxvi, 5. Further parallels are provided by Dr.Simpson, : Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotland, 1952–3, p. 194Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 2} Ibid. p. 238.

^{page 99 note 3} Mahr, A., Christian Art in Ancient Ireland, i, Dublin, 1932, pl. lviGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 4} Smith, op. cit. (1914), pl. xxvi, 7.

^{page 99 note 5} Ibid. fig. 11.

^{page 99 note 6} Ibid. pl. xxvii.

^{page 99 note 7} This is especially true when we consider the geo graphical position of the fragments of moulds of similar pattern from Rockcliffe Dalbeattie, Kirkcudbrightshire, P.S.A. Scot. xlviii, 144 f. See also Wilson, D. M., ‘Two Plates from a Late Saxon Casket’, Antiq. J. xxvi, 1956, p. 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 8} Brøndsted, J., Early English Ornament, Copenhagen/London, 1924Google Scholarpassim.

^{page 99 note 9} Kendrick, T. D., Anglo-Saxon Art, London, 1938, pl. xxxiv, 3 and 4Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 10} Stockholm, 1904.

^{page 99 note 11} The outstanding exceptions are Brøndsted and Kendrick, but even in recent years Salin's influence is to be seen in the work of Dr. W. Holmqvist, who, in his book Germanic Art, Stockholm, 1955, unconsciously confines himself to Salin's limits with regard to the British Isles.

^{page 100 note 1} R. L. S. Bruce-Mitford, op. cit. (1956), p. 171.

^{page 100 note 2} Wilson, D. M., ‘An Early Viking Age Grave from Kallby, Lund, Sweden’, Meddelanden från Lunds Universitets Historiska Museum, 1955, figs. 2 and 3Google Scholar.

^{page 100 note 3} I am ignoring in this context a paper, by S. M. Kuhn, Speculum, 23, 1948, which attempts to transfer the manuscripts of this group from Canterbury to Lichfield.

^{page 101 note 1} Brøndsted, op. cit. (1924). It is probable that Brøndsted felt slightly uneasy concerning this direct derivation for on p. 100 he writes (of the Canterbury school of manuscripts) ‘animals partly of Frankish/Merovingian partly of North English extraction’. In other places as on pp. 104 and 305 he takes it for granted that the English animals come from France. Kendrick follows Brøndsted's arguments in a similar manner.

^{page 101 note 2} Brøndsted, op. cit. fig. 100.

^{page 101 note 3} Almgren, B., Bronsnycklar och Djurornamentik, Uppsala, 1955, p. 8Google Scholar, has pointed out the difficulty of comparing metalwork and woodwork with sculpture and manuscripts. ‘… Dessutom försvåras den rent konstarkeologiska jämforelsen onekligen av det faktum, att vad som är bevarat av samtida västeuropeiskt konsthantverk ofta är utfört i ett helt annat material och i an annan teknik än det nordiska. Man tvingas därför i många fall jämföra nordiska arbeten i metall och trä med bokmålning och stenskulptur från Västeuropa och det är icke utrett, vilka nackdelar detta medför.’

^{page 101 note 4} Haseloff, op. cit. (1951), pl. 15, 4. Haseloff's opinions have been confirmed and strengthened by J. Werner, ‘Frühkarolingische Silberohrringe von Rastede (Oldensala, burg). Beiträge zur Ticrornamentik des Tassilokelches und verwandter Denkmäler’, Germania, xxxvii, 179–92.

^{page 102 note 1} It is only in such crafts as damascening that the Merovingian metalworker was supreme.

^{page 102 note 2} Åberg, , The Occident and the Orient in the Seventh Century, Stockholm, 1947, p. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 102 note 3} Kendrick, op. cit. pl. LX.

^{page 102 note 4} Ibid. pl. LXXVIII, 3.

^{page 102 note 5} Brøndsted, op. cit. (1924), fig. 118.

^{page 102 note 6} Jenny, W., ‘Das sogenannte Rupertus-Kreuz in Bi-schofshofen’, Arte del Primo millenio, Turin, n.d., pl. 232–37Google Scholar.

^{page 102 note 7} See, for example, M. McDermott (M. le Paor), ‘The Kells Crozier’, Arch, xcvi figs, passim and (for a discussion of the problem) pp. 84 f.

^{page 104 note 1} Evans, J., ‘Notes on a Danish Sword-hilt found near Wallingford’, Archaeologia, vol. i, pl. xxviiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 104 note 2} City Museum, Sheffield, Annual Report, 1955–6, p. 9.

^{page 104 note 3} Lord Bolton, P.S.A. Lond. xxviii, 1916, p. 229.

^{page 104 note 4} J. D. Cowen, ‘A Catalogue of the Objects of the Viking Period in the Tullie House Museum, Carlisle’, Trans. Cumberland and Westmorland Ant. and Arch. Soc. xxxiv, fig. 3.

^{page 104 note 5} Bruce-Mitford, op. cit. (1956), pl. xxiii, A and B.

^{page 104 note 6} Ibid. pl. xxiii, c and d.

^{page 104 note 7} Ibid. pl. xxi, a.

^{page 104 note 8} C. Blindheim, Kaupang, Oslo, 1953, fig. 7.

^{page 104 note 9} National Museum, Reykjavik.

^{page 104 note 10} P.S.A. Scot. iv, 378.

^{page 104 note 11} Wilson, loc. cit. (1955), figs. 2 and 3.

^{page 104 note 12} Bruce-Mitford, loc. cit. (1956).

^{page 104 note 13} Wiltshire Arch. Mag. xxx, 230.

^{page 104 note 14} Wilson, loc. cit. (1956), pl. v.

^{page 104 note 15} Wilson, D. M., ‘A Group of Penannular Brooches of the Viking Period’, Árbok hins íslenzka forneifafélags, 1958, p. 95Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 16} Haseloff, op. cit. (1951), pl. 1.

^{page 104 note 17} Ibid. pl. xiii.

^{page 104 note 18} Ramskou, Th., ‘Some Scandinavian Iron Age Brooches’, Acta Archaeologica, xvii, 1946Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 19} Arbman, H., ‘The Skabersjö Brooch and some Danish Mountings’, Meddelanden från Lands Universitets Historiska Museum, 1956Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 1} Bruce-Mitford, op. cit. pl. xxi, a.

^{page 105 note 2} Ibid. pl. xxii, d.

^{page 105 note 3} Wilson, loc. cit. (1955), figs. 2 and 3.

^{page 105 note 4} Oman, C. C., Catalogue of the Finger-rings in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1930, p. 63Google Scholar, no. 227 and frontispiece.

^{page 105 note 5} R. A. Smith, loc. cit. (1904), passim.

^{page 105 note 6} Brøgger, A. W., ‘Rolvsøyaetten’, Bergens Museums Aarbok, 1920–1Google Scholar, passim.

^{page 105 note 7} Op. cit., passim.

^{page 105 note 8} Loc. cit. (1956), passim.

^{page 105 note 9} Loc. cit. (1955), passim.

^{page 105 note 10} Bruce-Mitford, loc. cit. (1956), pl. xxvi, a and b.

^{page 105 note 11} British Museum, Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities, London, 1923, pl. ixGoogle Scholar.

^{page 105 note 12} Bruce-Mitford, , ‘A Late Saxon Disc-Brooch and Sword Pommel’, British Museum Quarterly, xv, 1952, pl. xxxiiiGoogle Scholar, d.

^{page 105 note 13} Oman, loc. cit. (1930), frontispiece.

^{page 105 note 14} O. M. Dalton, op. cit. (1912), pl. 11.

^{page 105 note 15} Bruce-Mitford, loc. cit. (1956), fig. 39 bis.

^{page 105 note 16} Ibid. pl. xx and fig. 35a.

^{page 105 note 17} Brøndsted, op. cit. (1924), fig. 128.

^{page 105 note 18} Unpublished, in the British Museum: reg. no. 1951, 2–5, 1.

^{page 105 note 19} Dalton, op. cit. pl. 2.

^{page 106 note 1} Peers and Radford, loc. cit. pl. xxviii, c.

^{page 106 note 2} V.C.H. Cambridgeshire, vol. i, pl. xi.

^{page 106 note 3} Op. cit.

^{page 106 note 4} Leeds, E. T., A Corpus of Early Anglo-Saxon Great Square-Headed Brooches, Oxford, 1949Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 1} We must never forget the fact that ancient objects can be deposited in hoards. To an archaeologist the will of the Atheling Athelstan should be a chastening document, D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents, i, 549: in 1015 the Atheling leaves to his brother a sword which belonged to King Offa who died more than 200 years earlier.

^{page 107 note 2} Kirk, op. cit.

^{page 107 note 3} Haseloff, op. cit. (1951).

^{page 107 note 4} Oman, loc. cit. p. 63, no. 227.

^{page 107 note 5} Dalton, op. cit. p. 29.

^{page 107 note 6} Ibid. p. 30.

^{page 107 note 7} Tonnochy, A. B., Catalogue of British Seal Dies in the British Museum, London, 1952, p. 1Google Scholar, fig. i.

^{page 107 note 8} Kirk, op. cit.

^{page 107 note 9} Battiscombe, C. F. (ed.), The Relics of St. Cuthbert, Oxford, 1956Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 10} Museum of the Society of Antiquaries of London.

^{page 107 note 11} Kendrick, T. D., ‘Flambard's Crozier’, Antiq. J. xviii, 1938, p. 236CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 107 note 12} Tanner, L. E., ‘The Quest for the Cross of St. Edward the Confessor’, Journ. British Arch. Assoc. 1954, p. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 13} P. Grierson, ‘The Dating of the Sutton Hoo Coins’, Antiquity, xxvi, 83 f.

^{page 107 note 14} Date supplied by Mr. R. H. M. Dolley, F.S.A.

^{page 108 note 1} Thompson, J. D. A., Inventory of British Coin Hoards, London, 1956, p. 69Google Scholar.

^{page 108 note 2} R. A. Smith, ‘The Beeston Tor Hoard’, Antiq. J. v. 1925, 135–40.

^{page 108 note 3} Here published.

^{page 108 note 4} P.S.A. Scot, xlvii, 12 ff.

^{page 108 note 5} Date supplied by Mr. C. E. Blunt, F.S.A.

^{page 108 note 6} Date supplied by Mr. R. H. M. Dolley, F.S.A.

^{page 108 note 7} Månadsbladet, 1892, pp. 172 f.

^{page 108 note 8} Date provided by Mr. R. H. M. Dolley, F.S.A.

^{page 108 note 9} Fountaine, A., Dissertatio De Linguarum Veterum Septentrionalium Usu, Oxford, 1705, pp. 186Google Scholar f.

^{page 108 note 10} G. Griffith, ‘Account of Coins, &c. found in Digging up the Foundations of Some Old Houses near the Church of St. Mary at Hill, London 1774’, Archaeologia, iv, 356.

^{page 108 note 11} Wilson, loc. cit. (1956), pl. v a.

^{page 110 note 1} The list here given differs slightly from that given by Rashleigh. Adjustments have been made in the light of comments found in the Rashleigh papers.

^{page 110 note 2} p. 255 in the 1623 edition.

^{page 111 note 1} Subsequently published by Ruding in his Annals of the Coinage, 1817–19.

^{page 112 note 1} Four more have been tentatively identified. See P. Grierson, Sylloge of Coins of the British Isles, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, i, nos. 410–11, 417 and 419.

^{page 112 note 2} Num. Chron. 1894, pp. 29 ff., where the find-spot is not mentioned.

^{page 112 note 3} See P. Grierson, op. cit. no. 521.

^{page 112 note 4} Archaeologia, xix, 109 ff.

^{page 112 note 5} The Gravesend Hoard, Num. Chron. 1841, pp. 14 ff.

^{page 113 note 1} English Coins, p. 46.

^{page 113 note 2} Handbook of British Chronology (ed. F. M. Powicke), 1939, p. 14.

^{page 114 note 1} Num. Chron. 1868, pp. 155–6.

^{page 114 note 2} Annals of the Coinage ofGreat Britain (3rd ed.), i, 121.

^{page 114 note 3} Op. cit. pp. 71–72.

^{page 114 note 4} The Coinage of England, p. 15.

^{page 114 note 5} English Coins, p. 44.

^{page 114 note 6} The first plates in Ruding's Annals of the Coinage, published in 1817–19. The original plates and manuscript notes are in the library of the British Numismatic Society.

^{page 115 note 1} British Museum Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins, ii, p. 12 and pl. iii, 5.

^{page 115 note 2} Num. Chron. 1924, p. 239, no. 325.

^{page 116 note 1} In a paper as yet unpublished.

^{page 116 note 2} Finberg, H. P. R., ‘Sherborne, Glastonbury, and the Expansion of Wessex’, Trans. Royal Historical Society, 1953, p. 101Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 1} Ibid. p. 111; Stenton, F. M., Anglo-Saxon England, Oxford, 1943, p. 233Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 2} We are grateful to Mr. R. H. M. Dolley, F.S.A., for pointing this out to us.

^{page 117 note 3} Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., Recent Archaeological Excavation in Britain, London, 1956, p. 194Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 4} e.g. the will of the Atheling Athelstan; Whitelock, D. (ed.), English Historical Documents, i, London, 1955, p. 549Google Scholar, the benefactor leaves ‘the drinking horn which I bought from the community at the Old Minster’.