1 See for example Brown, Ivor, Balmoral, the History of a Home (London, 1955)Google Scholar and Clark, Ronald, Balmoral, Queen Victoria's Highland Home (London, 1981).Google Scholar

2 The building is, for example, omitted in Eastlake, Charles, A History of the Gothic Revival (London, 1872)Google Scholar and Clark, Kenneth, The Gothic Revival (London, 1928)Google Scholar. It is, however, mentioned in Kerr, Robert, The Gentleman's House — or How to Plan English Residences (London, 1864), pp. 196–97.Google Scholar The only recent coverage is in Simon Green, ‘Balmoral’ in Scotland's Castle Culture, ed. Dakin, Audrey, Miles Glendinning and Aonghus MacKechnie, (Edinburgh, 2011), pp. 255–65Google Scholar, and its brief mention in Miles Glendinning, Ranald Machines and MacKechnie, Aonghus, A History of Scottish Architecture From the Renaissance to the Present Day (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 276–78.Google Scholar

3 For a brief analysis of Scottish Baronial architecture in the context of British nation building see Machines, Glendinning and MacKechnie, A History of Scottish Architecture, pp. 227–30Google Scholar; see also Davis, Michael, Scots Baronial: Mansions and the West of Scotland (Ardrishaig, 1996)Google Scholar; and Walker, David, ‘“Old Scotch”: Victorian and Edwardian High Baronial’ in Scotland's Castle Culture, ed. Dakin, Audrey, Glendinning, Miles and MacKechnie, Aonghus (Edinburgh, 2011), pp. 93–142.Google Scholar

4 H. C. G. Matthew and K. D. Reynolds, ‘Victoria (1819-1901)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36652 (accessed 8 April 2015).

5 See for example Macaulay, James, The Gothic Revival 1745-184; (Glasgow, 1975)Google Scholar; Kerssen, Ludger, Das Interesse am Mittelalter im deutschen Nationaldenkmal (Berlin, 1975).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 See for example Bradley, Simon, ‘The Englishness of Gothic: Theories and Interpretations from William Gilpin to J. H. Parker ’, Architectural History, 45 (2002), pp. 325–46;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Frew, John, ‘Gothic is English: John Carter and the Revival of the Gothic as England's National Style’, The Art Bulletin, 64.2 (June 1982), pp. 315–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A classic text outlining the German debate — albeit arguing in favour of a neo-Romanesque style — is Hübsch's, Heinrich In welchem Style sollen wir bauen? (Karlsruhe, 1828)Google Scholar.

7 For British influences on German architecture see Dischner, Gisela, ‘Ursprünge der Rheinromantik in England’ in 19. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1972)Google Scholar; Riemann, Gottfried ‘Englische Einflüsse im architektonischen Spätwerk Karl Friedrich Schinkels’, Kunsthistorische und volkskundliche Beiträge, 15 (1973), pp. 79–103 Google Scholar, and, Künstlerische Beziehungen zwischen England und Deutschland in der viktorianischen Epoche, ed. Bosbach, Franz and Büttner, Frank (Munich, 1998)Google Scholar. One of the few studies that has looked at German influences on Britain is Emma Winter, ‘German Fresco Painting and the New Houses of Parliament at Westminster, 1834-1851’, Historical Journal, 47.2 (2004), pp. 291–329.Google Scholar

8 For a detailed documentation of these debates see Rorabaugh, W. J., ‘Politics and the Architectural Com petition for the Houses of Parliament, 1834-1837’, Victorian Studies, 17 (December 1973), pp. 155–75;Google Scholar and Ian Toplis, The Foreign Office: An Architectural History (London, 1987), pp. 200–07.Google Scholar

9 Hobsbawm, Eric, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 84–87 Google Scholar. See also Colley, Linda, ‘Whose nation? Class and National Consciousness in Britain 1750-1830’, Past and Present, 113 (1986), pp. 96–117.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 Bremner, Alex, ‘Nation and Empire in the Government Architecture of Mid-Victorian London: The Foreign and India Office Reconsidered’, Historical Journal, 48.3 (September 2005), pp.703–42 (especially pp.723 and 739).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 See for example Metcalf, Thomas, An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and the British Raj (Thousand Oaks, CA, 1989), pp. 8–16 Google Scholar; and Sweetman, John, The Oriental Obsession: Islamic Inspiration in British and American Art and Architecture, 1500-1920 (Cambridge, 1988).Google Scholar

12 The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, ed. Booth, Bradford A. and Mehew, Ernest, 8 vols (New Haven and London, 1994–95),I: 1854-April 1874, p. 237.Google Scholar

13 Hechter, Michael, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development 1536-1966 (Berkeley, 1975), p. 22 Google Scholar. See also Foster, John, ‘Nationality, Social Change, and Class’ in The Making of Scotland: Nation, Culture and Social Change, ed. McCrone, David, Kendrick, Stephen and Straw, Pat (Edinburgh, 1989), p. 36.Google Scholar

14 Devine, Thomas, The Scottish Nation 1700-2000 (London, 1999), p. 289.Google Scholar

15 Colley, , ‘Whose nation?’, p. 112.Google Scholar

16 On the rise of British identity in the early nineteenth century see for example Hobsbawm, Eric, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 84–87.Google Scholar

17 McKean, Charles in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 60 vols (Oxford, 2004), vol.44, P-565.Google Scholar

18 Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, ms 352 / 166,168,172,176.

19 Loudon, John C., Treatise on Forming, Improving, and Managing Country Residences, 2 vols (London, 1806), I, p. 111; II, pp. 692–93.Google Scholar References to Scottish and British patriotism and nationhood appear interchangeably.

20 Kerr, , The Gentleman's House, preface and p. 69.Google Scholar

21 George Hamilton|Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen (1784-1860), usually referred to as Lord Aberdeen, was Prime Minister from 1852–55. In 1809 he published Rev. G. D. Whittington's Historical Survey of the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of France.

22 Lauder, Thomas Dick, Memorial of the Royal Progress in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1843)Google Scholar; Edinburgh, National Records of Scotland, GD41/623.

23 Maclnnes, Glendinning and A, MacKechnie History of Scottish Architecture, p. 227.Google Scholar

24 Gifford, John, The Buildings of Scotland: Perth and Kinross (New Haven, 2007), pp. 717–31.Google Scholar

25 Windsor, Royal Archives [hereafter RA], PP/Balmoral/21,142,155.

26 RA, PP/Balmoral/89, Balmoral Estates Act, notice of sale from the Trustees of the deceased James Duff, 2nd Earl of Fife to Prince Albert, printed version dated 19 November 1851. A complex process was necessary to conclude the sale involving the House of Lords; see RA, PP/Balmoral/118.

27 RA, RCIN 21261, is a plan of 1852 by John and William Smith for a new building conserving part of the old building, suggesting indecision by Albert. As all plans were signed ‘J and W Smith’ it is not possible to distinguish between the contributions of father and son before 1852. Smith & Son were paid £2,047 12S 5d ‘ September 1849 for work at old Balmoral (RA, PP/Balmoral/190).

28 Miller, David G., Tudor Johnny: City Architect of Aberdeen (Kinloss, 2007), p.373.Google Scholar

29 For these purposes, a correspondence system was devised between Dr Andrew Robertson at Balmoral, Commissioner to the Prince, and Colonel Charles Beaumont Phipps, Keeper of the Privy Purse (i.e. the official who handled private royal expenditure) in England. This is seen for instance at RA, PP/Balmoral/137. Some times Smith would by-pass Robertson and correspond directly with Phipps (see, for instance, RA, PP/Balmoral/117,128 and 130).

30 Although there is little archival evidence of Albert's involvement, and all known drawings for the new Balmoral are by John and William Smith, most contemporaneous sources assign Albert a leading role in the design. Victoria stated, after completion of the castle, that it was ‘all the creation of my dear Albert'; see her letter to Princess Augusta of Prussia, dated 14 October 1856, reprinted in Hibbert, Christopher, Queen Victoria in her Letters and Journals (London, 1984), p. 146.Google Scholar Albert, most likely, concluded the design on site with the architects and amended details thereafter; see correspondence between the architect and Colonel Phipps in Windsor which demonstrates Albert's role as the patron and not the designer: RA, PP/Balmoral/128-130,148 and 151.

31 The vignette, over the door, reads “The castle of Balmoral was erected by H R H Prince Albert, consort of H M Queen Victoria, begun Sept 28th 1853, completed Sept 1st 1856. W Smith, Architect”.

32 The crest on the porte-cochere, the royal entrance, is of Albert's own bearings quartered with the British arms.

33 The ‘diagonal’ arrangement of Old Balmoral's service block was replicated in the new castle, an arrange ment regarded by Robert Kerr as exemplified by Toddington Manor; see Kerr, , The Gentleman's House, p. 433;Google Scholar Colvin, Howard M., A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600-1840, 4th edn (New Haven, 2008), pp. 1051–52.Google Scholar

34 Correspondence between Smith and Phipps regarding the evolving design for the tower took place in 1852-53; RA, PP/Balmoral/130 and 149.

35 Kerr, , The Gentleman's House, p. 456.Google Scholar

36 For the set-up of Victorian country houses see Walker, David, ‘William Burn: The Country House in Transition’ in Seven Victorian Architects, ed. Fawcett, Jane (London, 1976), pp. 8–31.Google Scholar

37 RA, PP/Balmoral/175: letter of Colonel Phipps to William Smith, dated 18 December 1854.

38 ‘William Smith of Aberdeen, Architect’, Builder, XIII (1855), pp. 17–19.Google Scholar

39 Ferguson, James, History of the Modern Styles of Architecture, 3rd edn rev. Kerr, Robert, 2 vols (London, 1891), II, pp. 133–37.Google Scholar

40 Turner, Michael, ‘From Coburg to Osborne via Naples: Prince Albert and Architectural Inspiration at Osborne’ in Künstlerische Beziehungen zwischen England und Deutschland in der viktorianischen Epoche, ed. Bosbach, Franz and Büttner, Frank (Munich, 1998), pp. 21–38.Google Scholar

41 Victoria recorded on 8 August 1848: ‘Proceeded through the town & principal streets of Aberdeen, which are very fine, & entirely built of granite’; see Queen Victoria's Journals, available online at http://www.queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed August 2013).

42 Victoria described old Balmoral as being built ‘in the old Scottish style’, journal entry 8 August 1848; online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed July 2013). Albert described old Balmoral as a ‘little castle … of granite, with numerous small turrets’ that was whitewashed: letter to his mother, 11 August 1848; published in Martin, Theodore, Life of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort, 5 vols (London, 1875–80), II, p. 109.Google Scholar

43 On Scott's influence see Harvie, Christopher, ‘Scott and the Image of Scotland,’ in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. Samuel, Raphael (London, 1989), pp. 173–92.Google Scholar

44 Scott, Walter, Waverley or ‘Tis Sixty Years Since (Edinburgh, 1814) and Ivanhoe (Edinburgh, 1820)Google Scholar. Both at home and on her Scottish travels, Victoria repeatedly related her experiences to Scott's novels; see for example journal entries 5 September 1842,16 September 1850 and 14 October 1859; online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed September 2013).

45 Walker, ,’William Burn‘, pp. 8–31.Google Scholar

46 Scott, Walter, journal entry 5 May 1831, published in The Journal of Sir Walter Scott 1825-32: From the Original Manuscript at Abbotsford (Edinburgh, 1927), p. 817.Google Scholar

47 Britton, John, The Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain, 9 vols (1805–14); idem, Cathedral Antiquities of Great Britain (London, 1814–35)Google Scholar; Nash, Joseph, The Mansions of England in the Olden Time, 4 vols (London, 1839–49).Google Scholar The third volume (1841) was dedicated ‘with permission’ to Robert Peel, and the fourth (1849) ‘by Royal Command’ to Prince Albert.

48 Billings, Robert, The Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Scotland, 4 vols. (Edinburgh, not dated [1852]).Google Scholar

49 Gotch, J. Alfre and Brown, W. Talbot, Architecture of the Renaissance in England, 6 vols (London, 1891)Google Scholar; Gotch, John Alfred, Early Renaissance Architecture in England 1500-1625 (London, 1901)Google Scholar; Watkin, David, English Architecture (London, 1994), pp. 82–95.Google Scholar

50 According to Victoria, Drayton was ‘in the plain Elizabethan style’; journal entry 28 November 1843, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed September 2013).

51 A specifically ‘Gothic or Elizabethan’ style (one can be considered a variant of the other) was already prescribed in the brief for the 1835 competition. See The History of the King's Works, vi, ed. Colvin, Howard (London, 1973), p. 576.Google Scholar

52 Rorabaugh, W. J., ‘Politics and the Architectural Competition for the Houses of Parliament, 1834-1837’, Victorian Studies, 17 (December 1973), pp. 64–66.Google Scholar

53 The first Anglophone publication ascribing Gothic's origins to France was that by George Whittington (completed following the latter's death in 1807 by Lord Aberdeen), A Historical Survey of the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of France (London, 1809).

54 Bradley, Simon and Pevsner, Nikolaus, The Buildings of England: London 6: Westminster (New Haven, 2003), p. 219.Google Scholar

55 Pugin, Augustus, An Apology for the Revival of Christian Architecture in England (London, 1843), pp. 6–7 Google Scholar, see also Ruskin, John, The Seven Lamps of Architecture (London,1849).Google Scholar

56 Pugin, , An Apology, p. 10.Google Scholar

57 Pugin (ibid.) considered that ‘if the architect's design for the tower [of the new Houses of Parliament] be carried out, we shall have a monument of English art which has not been surpassed even in antiquity. This building is the morning star of the great revival of national architecture and art’.

58 Hill, Rosemary, ‘Pugin and Scotland’ in Architectural Heritage, VIII: Caledonia Gothica: Pugin and the Gothic Revival in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1997), pp. 10–21 (p. 17)Google Scholar; Hill, Rosemary, God's Architect: Pugin and the Building of Romantic Britain (London, 2007), pp. 274–75.Google Scholar

59 As Hill notes, the design of the Big Ben tower ‘one of the most famous landmarks in the world’, was essentially Pugin's, and this ‘has never been seriously disputed’; Hill, , God's Architect, pp. 1 and 481-82.Google Scholar For Scottish works, see MacKechnie, Aonghus, ‘Sir James Murray of Kilbaberton: King's Master of Works, 1607-1634’ in “The Mirror of Great Britain”: National Identity in Seventeenth-Century British Architecture, ed. Turner, Olivia Horsfall (Reading, 2012), pp.38 and 41.Google Scholar The fretworked metal cresting still seen on the dome's angles at Stirling Tolbooth has a Gothic character not dissimilar to that of Big Ben.

60 Online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed February 2013). The formulation ‘the British nation' appears only once: see entry 28 January 1858, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed February 2013).

61 See for example Dohme, Robert, Beschreibung der Burg Stolzenfels: Zur Erinnerung and Rhein-Reisende (Berlin, 1850, reprinted Mainz, 1986), pp. 125–26.Google Scholar

62 While in Balmoral Albert took regular Gaelic lessons. See for example his journal entries, for example August 1849: RA, PP/Balmoral/Y 204, p. 259. Victoria supported the establishment of a Gaelic School near Balmoral; see letter from Andrew Robertson to Charles Phipps dated 17 December 1851: RA, PP/Balmoral/97. However, documented school inspections do not give any indication that Gaelic was taught; see for example ‘Report on the Schools at Lochnagar and Giruick [today's ‘Girnock’] supported by Her Majesty the Queen’ dated 30 May 1868: RA, Add Q1 no. 97.

63 For the Polish minority see for example Berger, Irene, Die preuβische Verwaltung des Regierungsbezirks Bromberg 1815-1847 (Cologne, 1966).Google Scholar

64 For Frederick William IV of Prussia's ‘An mein Volk und die deutsche Nation’, proclamation of 21 March 1848, see online at http://www.documentarchiv.de/nzjh/preussen/1848/friedrich-wilhelmIV-volk-dt-nation_prkla.html (accessed September 2013).

65 For the development of the Scottish tourist image over the centuries see Gold, John and Gold, Margaret, Imagining Scotland: Tradition, Representation and Promotion in Scottish Tourism since 1750 (Aldershot, 1995).Google Scholar

66 See for example Devine, Thomas, The Scottish Nation 1700-2000 (London, 1999), pp. 170–95Google Scholar; Smout, Christopher, ‘Tours in the Scottish Highlands From the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Centuries’, Northern Scotland, 5 (1983), pp. 99–121 (p. 120);Google Scholar Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ‘The Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland’ in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm, Eric and Ranger, Terence (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 22–23 Google Scholar; Withers, Charles, “The Historical Creation of the Scottish Highlands” in The Manufacture of Scottish History, ed. Donnachie, Ian and Whatley, Christopher (Edinburgh, 1992), pp. 143–56Google Scholar; Womack, Peter, Improvement and Romance: Constructing the Myth of the Highlands (Basingstoke, 1988)Google Scholar; and Withers, “The Historical Creation of the Scottish Highlands”.

67 Devine, , The Scottish Nation, p. 234.Google Scholar This was preceded by the English industrialist Thomas Rawlinson, who in the mid-eighteenth century had his Scottish factory workers clad in a modernised form of Highland dress; see Trevor-Roper, , ‘The Invention of Tradition’, p. 22.Google Scholar

68 Stuart, John Sobieski [pseudonym of Allen, John], Vestiarium Scoticum: From the Manuscript Formerly in the Library of the Scots College at Douay (Edinburgh, 1842).Google Scholar This professes to date from the sixteenth century; see also Stewart, Donald and Thompson, Charles, Scotland's Forged Tartans (Edinburgh, 1980).Google Scholar

69 RA, PP/Balmoral/28,Add Q2, Andrew Robertson, memorandum regarding ‘Dress of the Balmoral Keepers and Gillies', dated September 1870.

70 Macpherson, James, Fragments of Ancient Poetry, Collected in the Highlands of Scotland and Translated from the Galic or Erse Language (Edinburgh, 1760).Google Scholar

71 On Macpherson's European influence see Scott, Paul, “The Image of Scotland in Literature”; in Cultural Tourism, ed. Fladmark, Magnus (Wimbledon, 1994), pp. 362–73.Google Scholar See also Hook, Andrew, ‘Scotland and Romanticism: The International Scene’, in The History of Scottish Literature, ed. Hook, Andrew, 4 vols (Aberdeen, 1987), 11, pp. 307–22.Google Scholar

72 On Scott's influence see Harvie, ‘Scott and the Image of Scotland’.

73 Trevor-Roper, , ‘The Invention of Tradition’, p. 10.Google Scholar

74 See for example Devine, , The Scottish Nation, pp. 170–95Google Scholar.

75 Prebble, John, The Highland Clearances (London, 1963), pp. 307–08.Google Scholar See also Smout, Christopher, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Devine, Thomas, Clearance and Improvement: Land, Power and People in Scotland, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 2010).Google Scholar

76 Prebble, , The Highland Clearances, pp. 307–08.Google Scholar

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78 Glendinning, Miles and Martins, Susanna Wade, Buildings of the Land: Scotland's Farms 1750-2000 (Edinburgh, 2008), p. 7.Google Scholar

79 Victoria repeatedly visited run-down cottages around Balmoral and, in a fairy-tale manner, handed over gifts of fabric or clothing to impoverished crofters, who in return burst into tears and wished her God's blessing; see for example Victoria's journal entry of 26 September 1857, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed in February 2013).

80 RA, PP/Balmoral/72, letter of Edward Bellhouse to Charles Phipps dated 19 August 1851.

81 On the choice of location see RA, PP/Balmoral/129, letter of William Smith to Charles Phipps dated 2 October 1852. The present ballroom was an afterthought, hence its slightly clumsy relationship to the castle.

82 See for example the German journal entries of Victoria, Duchess of Kent (the Queen's mother) for 27 August 1853 (on the occasion of Albert's birthday) and 14 September 1853: RA, PP/Balmoral/ Z 94, pp. 200 and 203.

83 See for example the report on “The Braemar Gathering” in the Daily Tree Press dated 28 August 1874: RA, PP/Balmoral/ 281/ Add Q2.

84 Victoria, journal entry 14 and 16 August 1845, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed February 2013).

85 The other two were Rheinstein (1823-29) and Sooneck (1843-61).

86 Coburg, Staatsarchiv [hereafter ‘CS’], Min E 752, sales contract dated 4 May 1805. On the restoration of Rosenau Castle see Heym, Sabine, Schloss und Park Rosenau (Munich, 2011)Google Scholar; and Heym, Sabine, ‘Feenreich und Ritterwelt: Die Rosenau als Ort romantisch-literarischen Welterlebens’ in Bayerische Schlösser: Bewahren und Erforschen, ed. Hojer, Gerhard (Munich, 1996), pp. 240–70.Google Scholar

87 Ibid., pp. 244 and 258.

88 These included “The Lay of the Last Minstrel” (1812) and “The Vision of Don Roderick” (1815): CS, LA A 6847, register of the Rosenau library; quoted in ibid., p. 253.

89 Ott, Norbert, ‘Stilisiertes Leben: die Feste auf der Rosenau unter Herzog Ernst I., die Huldigungsgedichte und die Hochzeit von 1817,’ Lautertaler Heimatgeschichte, 3 (1974), pp. 2–22.Google Scholar

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91 CS, Min E 1405, p. 83, letter from Bauinspector Gottlieb Eberhard to Duke Ernest dated 9 January 1808.

92 Heym, , ‘Feenreich und Ritterwelt’, pp. 242–44.Google Scholar

93 CS, Min E 1405, p. 124, memorandum signed by Schultes and dated 5 March 1812.

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96 CS, Bauamt 415, contract ‘die Fontaine der Rosenau betreffend’ dated 1 March 1817. See also Heym, , ‘Feenreich und Ritterwelt’, p. 243.Google Scholar

97 See the large-format plans in Coburg Staatsarchiv, described in Ott, ‘Schloss Rosenau’, pp. 61–154.

98 Victoria, journal entry 7 September 1842, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed August 2013).

99 Heym, , ‘Feenreich und Ritterwelt’, pp. 248–52.Google Scholar

100 Portrait in Rosenau Castle, Duke's salon, inventory no. R XI/22.

101 See the letter from Duchess Luise of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld to Auguste von Studnitz, written in 1817 on her first visit to Rosenau at the age of seventeen; as quoted in Ebart, Paul von, Luise, Herzogin von Sachsen-Coburg-Saalfeld (Minden, 1903), pp.24 and 90.Google Scholar See also Heym, , ‘Feenreich und Ritterwelt’, pp.240–41.Google Scholar

102 On history and current state of Reinhardsbrunn Castle see ‘Eins der schönsten Stückchen Erde’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 20 June 2013, p. 27.

103 The nickname was popularised by Strauβ, David Friedrich, Der Romantiker auf dem Thron (Place, 1847).Google Scholar

104 Koblenz Staatsarchiv [hereafter ‘KS’], Abt. 403, no. 9565, p. 3, letter from the Koblenz City Council to Crown Prince Frederick William dated 4 March 1823 (signed by Mayor A[bundius] Maehler and others).

105 This interpretation is put forward, among other places, in Rathke, Ursula, Preuβische Burgenromantik: Studien zum Wiederaufbau von Rheinstein, Stolzenfels und Sooneck (1823-1860) (Munich, 1979), p-49.Google Scholar

106 KS, Abt. 403, no. 9565, p. 3, letter by the Koblenz City Council to Crown Prince Frederick William dated 4 March 1823 (signed Mayor A[bundius] Maehler and others).

107 Ibid., p. 8, letter from Frederick William to Freiherr Ingersleben dated 29 July 1823.

108 The Schinkel and Lassaulx plans are kept at the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. They are reproduced in Rathke, Preuβsche Burgenromantik, pp. 192–99.

109 Dohme, , Beschreibung der Burg Stolzenfels, p. 122.Google Scholar

110 See for example Feistel, Simon, Die Geschichte des königlichen Schlosses Stolzenfels zu Capellen am Rheine: mit Gedichten (Koblenz, 1842)Google Scholar, Malten, Heinrich Müller, Schloss Stolzenfels am Rheine (Frankfurt, 1844),Google Scholar or Dohme, Beschreibung der Burg Stolzenfels.

111 Bornheim, Werner, Schilling, genannt, Schloss Stolzenfels (Mainz, 1975), p. 15.Google Scholar

112 Victoria, journal entry of 14 and 16 August 1845, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed February 2013).

113 A celebrational description of the royal visit can be found in Dohme, Beschreibung der Burg Stolzenfels, pp. 127-29.

114 Victoria, journal entry of 14 August 1845, online at http://queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed February 2013).

115 Ibid.