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Gothic Sign, Protestant Realia: Templars, Ecclesiologists and the Round Churches at Cambridge and London

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 April 2016

Extract

The Gothic Revival moved forward in step with advances in medieval archaeology and history, the one feeding off the other and back again. As this process unfolded, historical understanding enabled the association of forms with ideas. For example, some Victorian architects favoured the Decorated style because a connection could be drawn between it and the power of the English state in its early maturity. Reasoning by analogy, this style could thus be seen as the model for a modern Gothic architecture appropriate to a new, dynamic age. However, the meaning of forms was rarely fixed. That this was the case is illustrated by the restoration at exactly the same time, the early 1840s, of two medieval churches, both typological copies of the same building, the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Though similar in their round plans, the intentions of those promoting each project were very different. The first, the Temple Church in London, was an essentially secular project; by contrast, the Round Church in Cambridge was restored for theological reasons. In different ways, these two projects also reflected contemporary ideas about Palestine and its archaeology.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 2010

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References

Notes

1 See Wasserstein, Bernard, Divided Jerusalem. The Struggle for the Holy City (London, 2001), pp. xxiii Google Scholar et passim, and as cited below.

2 Essex, James, ‘Observations on the Origin and Antiquity of Round Churches; and of the Round Church at Cambridge in Particular & Read 24 April 1781’, Archaeologia, 8 (1782), pp. 16378 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Miele, Chris, ‘Re-Presenting the Church Militant: the Camden Society, Church Restoration and the Gothic Sign’, in ‘A Church as It Should Be’. The Cambridge Camden Society and Its Influence, ed. Webster, Christopher and Elliott, John (Stamford, 2000), pp. 25794 (pp. 26374)Google Scholar. White’s, James The Cambridge Movement. The Ecclesiologists and the Gothic Revival (Cambridge, 1962 Google Scholar) provides a concise overview of the Society’s work and influence.

3 On this concept of typological copies, see Krautheimer, Richard, ‘Introduction to an Iconology of Medieval Architecture’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 5 (1942), pp. 133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Pevsner, Nikolaus, Cambridgeshire, 2nd edn (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 230 Google Scholar.

5 RCHME, An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in the City of Cambridge, 2 vols (London, 1958), 2, pp. 25557 Google Scholar.

6 Essex, ‘Observations’, p. 177.

7 The author of a short pamphlet and guide to the building published at the University Press at Cambridge in 1930 played on the uncertain origins to suggest that the building may even ‘have been founded as a wayside oratory where prayer for those fighting for the Cross in the Holy Land might be offered’: Adams, W. T., The Round Church of Cambridge. A Short History (Cambridge, 1930), p. 7 Google Scholar.

8 Wasserstein, , Divided Jerusalem, p. 24 Google Scholar.

9 Britton, John, Church of the Holy Sepulchre, or St Sepulchre’s Church, Cambridge (London, 1805)Google Scholar.

10 Britton, John, The Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain &, 5 vols (London, 1807-26), 1 (1807), pp. 15 Google Scholar.

11 Britton, Antiquities, I, p. 1.

12 Britton, Antiquities, 1, pp. 19-23.

13 Templeton, Laurence, Ivanhoe: a Romance, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1820)Google Scholar.

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15 Ibid., p. 158.

16 Webster, Christopher, ‘“True Masonic Principles”: A Mid-Nineteenth Century Alternative to “True Principles”’, is published in Ecclesiology Today, 16 (January 1999), pp. 15 Google Scholar. See also the same author’s recent R. D. Chantrell (1793-1872) and the Architecture of a Lost Generation (Reading, 2010), pp. 207-10.

17 Architectural Illustrations and Account of the Temple Church, ed. Robert W. Billings (London, 1838).

18 Clarkson, Edward, ‘Symbolic Evidences of the Temple Church: Were Templars Gnostic Idolaters as Alleged?’, in Architectural Illustrations and Account of the Temple Church, ed. Billings, Robert W. (London, 1838), pp. 126 Google Scholar.

19 See Krinsky, Carol Herselle, ‘Representations of the Temple of Jerusalem Before 1500’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 33 (1970), pp. 119 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and, for a more general discussion, Rosenau, Helen, The Image of the Temple of Jerusalem in Judaism and Christianity (London, 1979)Google Scholar.

20 Clarkson, ‘Symbolic Evidences’, pp. 3, 7-9.

21 The vesica piscis has a long history of mystical associations, beginning with the Pythagoreans. In Christian art the form is an aureola which commonly encloses the figures of Christ or Mary, and occurs as a frame for Christ in Majesty imagery in Byzantine and Romanesque art, particularly within the tympana of church and cathedral doors. In eastern Christian art it is used in the depiction of sacred moments in religious narratives, and some of the seals of ecclesiastical organizations incorporate it. The Oxford English Dictionary dates the first appearance of the term to 1809: Oxford English Dictionary, <http://dictionary.oed.com/cgi/entry/50276851?single=1&query_type=word&queryword=vesica&first=1&max_to_show=10>, accessed 3 May 2010.

22 The Temple Church in London, ed. David Lewer and Robert Dark (London, 1997), pp. 54-61.

23 Crook, Joseph Mordaunt, ‘The Restoration of the Temple Church. Ecclesiology and Recriminatino’, Architectural History, 8 (1965), pp. 3951 (p. 43)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is a significant contemporary literature on this project in addition to Billings’ monograph; see notably Burge, William, The Temple Church. An Account of its Restoration and Repairs (London, 1843), and Addison, C. G., The Temple Church (London, 1845)Google Scholar.

24 Sugarman, David and Pue, W. Wesley, Introduction, in Lawyers and Vampires, Cultural Historians of the Legal Profession, ed. Sugarman, David and Pue, W. Wesley (Oxford and Portland, 2003), pp. 122 (pp. 8 and 16)Google Scholar.

25 Lemmings, David, ‘Ritual, Majesty and Mystery: Collective Life and Culture Among the English Barristers, Serjeants and Judges, c.1500 to c. 1830’, in Lawyers and Vampires, ed. Sugarman, and Pue, , pp. 2563 Google Scholar (pp. 28-29 and 56-58).

26 Abel-Smith, Brian and Stevens, Robert, Lawyers and the Courts. A Sociological Study of the English Legal System, 1750-1965 (London, 1967), pp. 1525 Google Scholar.

27 Clarke, Edward, Travels in Various Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa (London, 1810)Google Scholar.

28 Burkchardt, John Lewis, Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, ed. Leake, W. M. (London, 1822)Google Scholar.

29 Silberman, Neil Asher, Digging for God and Country. Exploration, Archaeology and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799-1971 (New York, 1982), p. 19 Google Scholar. For a review of this background, see also pp. 15-35. For a general introduction to the history of biblical Archaeology, see Davis, Thomas W., Shifting Sands. The Rise and Fall of Biblical Archaeology (Oxford, 2004), esp. pp. vii and 423 Google Scholar.

30 Best, G. F. A., Shaftesbury (London, 1975), pp. 2930 Google Scholar.

31 See Wasserstein, Divided Jerusalem, pp. 26-32 (quotes at p. 30). On the Jerusalem bishopric generally, see Greaves, R. W., ‘The Jerusalem Bishopric’, English Historical Review, 64 (1949), pp. 32852 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The standard Victorian source is Hechler, William H., Jerusalem Bishopric Documents (London, 1883)Google Scholar.

32 Wasserstein, Divided Jerusalem, p. 30.

33 Ibid., p. 30.

34 Johns, J. W., The Anglican Cathedral of St James, Mount Zion, Jerusalem (London, 1844)Google Scholar. See Crinson, Mark, Empire Building. Orientalism and Victorian Architecture (London and New York, 1996), pp. 198226 Google Scholar.

35 The plan is reproduced in Crinson, Empire Building, p. 211.

36 Robinson, Edward, Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai, and Arabia Petraea. A Journal of Travels in the Year 1838, 3 vols (London, 1841)Google Scholar.

37 As cited in Moorey, P. R. S., A Century of Biblical Archaeology (Cambridge, 1991), p. 16 Google Scholar. See pp. 14-19 for Robinson, and also Silberman, Digging, pp. 39-51.

38 Davis, Shifting Sands, pp. 8-9, citing Robinson.

39 Davis, Shifting Sands, pp. 8-9, citing Robinson.

40 The Cambridge Guide Including Historical and Architectural Notices of the Public Buildings (Cambridge, 1837), p. 200.

41 Hopkins, Hugh Evan, Charles Simeon of Cambridge (Grand Rapids, 1977), pp. 44 and 174 Google Scholar.

42 Halliwell, James Orchard, ‘St. Sepulchre’s, Cambridge’, The Archaeologist and Journal of Antiquarian Science, 1 (1842), pp. 10514 (pp. 11112)Google Scholar.

43 London, Lambeth Palace Library, 3107, 3, Papers of John Mason Neale, 8 November 1838 to 18 March 1840. See entry for 1 April 1839. No other volumes survive, and the entries reflect very little, regrettably, on the early history of the Cambridge Camden Society.

44 For this general background, see Rykwert, Joseph, On Adam’s House in Paradise. The Idea of the Primitive Hut in Architectural History (New York, 1972)Google Scholar.

45 Lambeth Palace, 3107, 3, Neale Papers, 15 November 1839 and entries for 19, 22 and 25 November, by which point he had obtained permission to carry out the work.

46 Lambeth Palace, 3107, 3, Neale Papers, 26 November 1839. See also Bloxam, Matthew, ‘Donee Templa Refeceris’, in Transactions of the Cambridge Camden Society. Selections from Papers Read at Ordinary Meetings, 1839-41, 2 vols (London, 1841-45), 1, p. 41 Google Scholar.

47 Halliwell’s ‘St. Sepulchre’s, Cambridge’ (see n. 42 above) is the later publication of this piece.

48 Lambeth Palace, 3107, 3, Neale Papers, 23 November 1839.

49 Neale, John Mason, ‘An Account of the Late Restorations in the Church of Old Shoreham, Sussex’, in Transactions of the Cambridge Camden Society, 1 (1839), pp. 2834 (pp. 29-39 Google Scholar).

50 Anon. [Neale, John Mason and Russell, John F.], A Few Hints on the Practical Study of Ecclesiastical Antiquities: for the Use of the Cambridge Camden Society (Cambridge, 1839)Google Scholar.

51 Anon. [Neale, John Mason], A Few Suggestions to Churchwardens on Churches and Church Ornaments: No. 1, Suited to Country Parishes (Cambridge, 1841)Google Scholar.

52 Ibid., p. 18.

53 Ibid., p. 8.

54 Durandus, W., The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments: a Translation of the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum Written by William Durandus, ed. and trans. Neale, John Mason and Webb, Benjamin (London, 1843 Google Scholar).

55 Ibid., pp. xviii-xxxii, xxxv, xli-xlv and lvii.

56 Anon. [Cambridge Camden Society Subcommittee for the Restoration, possibly Thomas Thorp], The Church of the Holy Sepulchre or the Round Church, Cambridge (Cambridge, [December] 1842), pp. 7-8.

57 See Miele, ‘Church Militant’, pp. 257-94 (pp. 267-73). The evidence for Pearson’s involvement is his drawings, held in a private collection and inspected by the author in 1996. Anthony Quiney very kindly advised on their then location. Their whereabouts at the time of writing are not known.

58 Thorp, Thomas, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Cambridge (Cambridge, 1844), pp. 67 Google Scholar.

59 Anon., Holy Sepulchre, pp. 8-10.

60 Ibid., pp. 12-15.

61 The Ecclesiologist, 6, n.s. 1 (June 1846), pp. 209-16.

62 This view was made by G. F. Weston of Christ’s College and records the removed stone altar table.

63 Oxford, Bodleian MS Eng. Misc. e. 406, Diary of Benjamin Webb, 30 March 1844: ‘Pugin sent his design for CCS sigilium’. This was reported in the Camden Society Reports for 11 May 1844, p. 31, which notes that the Committee of the Society had taken ‘steps to procure a “sigilium”, “device” or “badge” for publication in the Annual Report. See pp. 184-85, ‘Sigilium Societatis Camdeniae Cantabrigiensis. A. S. MDCCCXXXIX. The Society has cemented its corporate existence by the adoption of a new and beautiful seal. This, whether viewed as a work of art or in a religious aspect, possesses so much merit that we think some account of it will be generally accepted. Set in the shape of a vesica piscis, it shows saints in a tabernacle arrangement, with the Ss. George and Etheldreda flanking the Virgin and Child, and beside them St John the Evangelist (associated in Christian symbolism with architecture) and St Luke (associated with painting). It bears the line from Psalm lxxxiii, 1, “quam dilecta”, in a banner held aloft by an angel.’ The seal itself was published in The Ecclesiologist, 3 (September 1844), pp. 184-85. See also The Gentleman’s Magazine, 23 (March 1845), p. 291, and The English Review, 1 (1844), pp. 221-22.

64 See Rose, Elliot, ‘The Stone Table in the Round Church and the Crisis of the Cambridge Camden Society’, Victorian Studies, 10 (1966-67), pp. 11944 Google Scholar. For contemporary coverage, see The Times, 7 August 1844, and in 1845 1 January, 1, 10, 13, 15, 17 and 18 February, 18 and 28 April, and 2 May. The British Magazine for 1844 and 1845 covered the controversy and subsequent dissolution of the Society from a Broad Church perspective. Afterwards, Thomas Thorp published his own version in A Statement of Particulars Connected with the Restoration of the Round Church (Cambridge and London, 1845).

65 Munden, A. F., ‘Francis Close’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,Google Scholar <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/5703>, accessed 2 May 2010.

66 Close, Francis, Church Architecture, Scripturally Considered (London, 1844)Google Scholar.

67 See, e.g., Arnold, Thomas Kercherer, Remarks on the Rev. Francis Close’s ‘Church architecture: scripturally considered’, etc (London, 1844)Google Scholar; Close, Francis, A Reply to the ‘Remarks’ of the Rev. T. K. Arnold [&] upon Close’s ‘Church architecture’ (London, 1844)Google Scholar; Arnold, Thomas Kercherer, An Examination of the Rev. F. Close’s ‘Remarks’ upon his ‘Church architecture, scripturally considered’ (London, 1844 Google Scholar).

68 The Penny Magazine, 13 (1844), pp. 220-21.

69 The Illustrated London News, 3, for 28 October 1843, pp. 299-300.

70 Buchanan, Alexandrina, ‘Robert Willis and the Rise of Architectural History’ (doctoral thesis, University College London, 1994) pp. 20628 Google Scholar.

71 Brown, Dan, The Da Vinci Code (London, 2003)Google Scholar.