This essay is based on material from Ron Fuchs, Austen St. Barbe Harrison: a British Architect in the Holy Land, DSc thesis, Technion, Haifa, 1992 [in Hebrew].

1 Kendall, Henry, Jerusalem, the City Plan, Preservation and Development during the British Mandate 1918–1948 (London, 1948), foreword, p. v Google Scholar.

2 For a survey of the New Delhi discourse see Irving, Robert G., Indian Summer (New Haven, 1981), pp. 90–116 Google Scholar; Thomas R. Metcalf, , An Imperial Vision — Indian Architecture and Britain’s Raj (Berkeley, 1989), pp. 210-39Google Scholar.

3 The concept of colonial trusteeship was succinctly formulated in an often-quoted passage from Edmund Burke’s speech in Parliament on Fox’s East India Bill, 1783. On the place of the concept of trusteeship in colonial discourse of the inter-war period, see Hetherington, Penelope, British Paternalism and Africa 1920-1940 (London, 1978), chapter 3, pp. 45–60 Google Scholar.

4 For a more detailed discussion of the meanings of ‘colonial regionalism’ and for relevant references, see Ron Fuchs and Gilbert Herbert, ‘A Colonial Portrait of Jerusalem’, in Nezar AlSayyad (ed.), Hybrid Urbanism (forthcoming 2000).

5 Metcalf, Imperial Vision, p. 234. Explicit criticism of the paternalistic and reactionary dimension of colonial preservationism began to be heard only in the 1930s and ‘40s: see a survey of the discourse in Low, D. A., Lion Rampant (London, 1973), pp. 39–81 Google Scholar; Hetherington, British Paternalism, pp. 61-75 and passim.

6 On Beaux Arts ideas and their impact in the twentieth century, although mostly in the American context, see Etlin, Richard A., Symbolic Space: French Enlightenment Architecture and its Legacy (Chicago, 1994)Google Scholar.

7 For the evolution of Lutyens’ manner, see Hussey, Christopher, The Life of Edwin Lutyens (London, 1950, reprinted 1984)Google Scholar.

8 In 1932: quoted in Stamp, Gavin, ‘British Architecture of the Thirties, an Introduction’, Architectural Design 49, no. 10/11 (1979): 2–25 Google Scholar, p. 9.

9 As succinctly put by the Italian architect Piacentini, Marcello, ‘Le Corbusier’s “The Engineer’s Aesthetic”’, in Architettura e Arti Decorativi, II (1922), pp. 220–23Google Scholar, translated in Serenyi, P. (ed.), Le Corbusier in Perspective (Englewood Cliffs, 1975), pp. 26–27 Google Scholar. Other architects argued similarly: see especially reference to Howard Robertson’s publications in Colquhoun, Alan, Modernity and the Classical Tradition (Cambridge MA, 1989), pp. 45–46 Google Scholar.

10 Cf. Metcalf’s interpretation: ‘Unlike Baker’s … Lutyens’ Chattris are not drawn from any existing model, but represent the basic form … Many of his Indic designs … were created of abstract forms not directly related to India’s past.’ Through this abstraction he ‘sought to sidestep the issue’ (Imperial Vision, pp. 237-38). Similarly, classical detail had, according to Lutyens, ‘to be so digested that there is nothing but essence left’ (quoted, ibid., pp. 230-31).

11 On Shoosmith and the St Martin’s Garrison church, see Stamp, Gavin, ‘Indian Summer’, Architectural Review 159 (June 1976), pp. 365-72Google Scholar; Irving, Indian Summer, pp. 334-38.

12 Hussey, Christopher, ‘A Crusader Castle of Today’, Country Life LXX, no. 1815 (October 1931), pp. 480-86Google Scholar.

13 Assessing how preservationist or interventionist Mandatory administration actually was is beyond the scope of this paper. For recent general appraisals of Mandatory administration, see Biger, Gideon, An Empire in the Holy Land: Historical Geography of the British Administration in Palestine 1917–1920. (New York and Jerusalem, 1994)Google Scholar; Naomi Shepherd, Ploughing Sand: British Rule in Palestine 1917–1948 (1999).

14 For a recent account of Palestinian vernacular, see Fuchs, , ‘The Palestinian Arab House and the Islamic “Primitive Hut”’, Muqarnas 15 (1998), pp. 157-77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 On Storrs’ and Ashbee’s initiatives in Jerusalem, see Storrs, Ronald, Orientations (London, 1937; rev. 1942)Google Scholar; Crawford, Alan, C. R. Ashbee: Architect, Designer and Romantic Socialist (New Haven and London, 1985)Google Scholar; Hyman, Benjamin, British Planners in Palestine 1918-1936, PhD thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (1994)Google Scholar.

16 Article 21.

17 Above, note 1.

18 Storrs, Orientations, p. 310.

19 For representative essays on Jewish Modernism in Palestine, see Gilbert Herbert, ‘On the Fringes of the International Style: Transmissions and Transformations’, Architecture SA (September/October 1987), pp. 36–43; idem, and Sosnovsky, Silvina, Bauhaus on the Carmel and the Crossroads of Empire (Jerusalem, 1993)Google Scholar; Kamp-Bandau, Iremel et al., Tel Aviv Modern Architecture 1930-1919 (Berlin, 1994)Google Scholar; Nitzan-Shiftan, Alona, ‘Contested Zionism — Alternative Modernism: Erich Mendelsohn and the Tel Aviv Chug in Mandate Palestine’, Architectural History 39 (1996), pp. 147-80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 After Harrison’s service in Palestine he had a long career as a private architect, working from 1938 in partnership with Pierce Hubbard and T. S. Barnes. In this period he handled a number of large projects which included Nuffield College, Oxford (1938-58), a post-war reconstruction and town-planning scheme for Valletta, Malta (1943-45) and the Gold Cost University, now in Ghana (1952-).

For published material on Harrison, see: Obituary, The Times, 14 February 1976; an account of the design of Nuffield College in Howard Colvin, Unbuilt Oxford (1983); photographs of buildings in Kendall, Jerusalem; various references in Kroyanker, David, Jerusalem Architecture (a series), The Period of the British Mandate 1918–1948 (Jerusalem, 1989) [Hebrew]Google Scholar; Fuchs, Thesis; idem., ‘Public Works in the Holy Land: Government Building under the British Mandate in Palestine’, Architectural History Millennial Issue (2000); The Macmillan Dictionary of Art (London, 1996). On Harrison’s unrealized Cyprus Government House 1931–33 and other work in Cyprus, see Given, M., Schaar, K. W. and Theocharous, G., Under the Clock: Colonial Architecture and History in Cyprus 1878-1960 (Nicosia, 1995), pp. 73–76 Google Scholar; Given, Michael, ‘Star of the Parthenon, Cypriot Mélange: Education and Representation in Colonial Cyprus’, Journal of Mediterranean Studies, vol. 7, no. 1 (1997), pp. 59–82 Google Scholar. And see below publications on specific buildings. See also Harrison, A. St B. and Hubbard, R. P. S., Valletta: a Report to Accompany the Outline Plan for Valletta and the Three Cities (Malta, 1945)Google Scholar.

Official correspondence concerning Mandatory projects is found chiefly in the relevant files of the CO733 series in the Public Record Office (PRO), Kew and in the Mandatory PWD files at the Israel State Archives, Jerusalem (ISA). PWD Archives, HaNevi’im Street, Jerusalem (PWDJ), recently dissolved, held many rolls of drawings from the Mandatory PWD.

Harrison’s personal archive was in the possession of his heir, Mr Dimitri Papadimos (DP) in Athens, when R. Fuchs examined it in 1990. It includes a volume of retyped personal correspondence, sketchbooks and photographs. Portfolios of photographs, newspaper cuttings and architectural publications belonging to this collection (AH) had been transferred to the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). The greater part of Harrison’s personal material relating to the Palestine period was destroyed in Cairo in 1942; in 1968 all the documents of the Harrison, Hubbard & Barnes firm were apparently destroyed when the office closed down; and before his death Harrison burned a large portion of his personal papers.

21 At first he worked under T. H. Mawson in the English Technical Mission in Greece and then was employed directly by the Greek government.

22 Personal sheet submitted by Harrison, 1927: RIBA archives.

23 Harrison to Pudsey, Dir. PWD, 21 September 1926, ISA 13/3/3(1), box 4127.

24 Ibid.

25 Ibid.

26 Durrell, Lawrence, Bitter Lemons (London, 1957), p. 98 Google Scholar.

27 To Markus Reiner, 12 August 1947, retyped DP. Reiner, who later achieved international repute as a physicist and became a professor in the Technion, worked in the ‘20s in the PWD as a civil engineer and made the static calculations for Harrison’s buildings. He became a lifelong friend. On Reiner, see Blair, Scott, ‘Prof. Markus Reiner: a Biographical Sketch’, in Abir, D. (ed.), Contributions to Mechanics (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar.

28 15 January 1932, Tate Gallery. On Harrison’s friendship with Bomberg, see relevant references in Cork, Richard, David Bomberg (New Haven and London, 1987)Google Scholar. For Bomberg’s portrait of Harrison, see Art Review, 4 July 1986.

29 ‘Dome of the Rock’, The Sphinx (Cairo, 1946): newspaper cutting, AH.

30 H. B. Lees, Dir. PWD, abstract from Harrison’s personal file, CO733/145/57021/1 A.

31 For official correspondence on the Amman Residence, see in the CO733 series: 111/1430, 111/2037, 122/3188, 25/50155, 25/50158, 57/19617, 43/14200, 24/41583, 138/44359; ISA 13/9, box 4129. For published material, see ‘The British Residence, Amman, Transjordan’, The Architects’ Journal, 28 December 1932, pp. 835ff.

32 On Philby as well as an account of the political events, see Monroe, Elizabeth, Philby of Arabia (London, 1973)Google Scholar.

33 Samuel to CO, 28 September 1922, CO733/25/50158. See also Monroe, Philby, pp. 117f.

34 Plans in Appenzeller Archive, Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem (CZA); CO733/43/14200. For the final plans and photographs of the complete building, see The Architects’ Journal, 28 December 1932.

35 Plumer to Amery, 6 January 1926, CO733/43/14200. 1 dunam = 1,000 sq. m.

36 CO733/138/443596; ISA 13/9, box 4129.

37 Memorandum, 4 January 1926, CO733/111/2037.

38 A few pages in Harrison’s sketchbooks (DP), dating however from his post-Palestine period, are dedicated to Syrian Qa’as. Judging by the selection of examples and the details, the source for these plans is almost certainly a paper on the subject that appeared at the time: Reuther, Oscar, ‘Die Qa’a’, Jahrbuch der Asiatischen Kunst II (1925), pp. 205-16Google Scholar. The place of the Kiosk in domestic four-iwan typology was pointed out in Oelmann, Franz, Haus und Hof im Altertum (Berlin and Leipzig, 1927)Google Scholar, fig. 69. Another source for Harrison may have been ‘The Saracenic House’, Burlington Magazine XXXVIII (1921), pp. 228-38, 289–301, later included in Briggs, M. S., Muhammadan Architecture in Egypt and Palestine (Oxford, 1924)Google Scholar. Harrison, no doubt, was also aware of the vaulted four-iwan halls in the Marniuk religious institutions in the Old City. For examples see Michael Burgoyne with D. S. Richards, , Mamluk Jerusalem (London 1987)Google Scholar: the Arghuniyya, fig. 32.3; Tashtamuriyya, fig. 45.3; Tankiziyya, fig. 18.2.

39 The Egyptian architect Hassan Fathi, who became at some point a close friend of Harrison, pointed out in his publications the climatic advantages of the qa’a: see Sheerer, W. and Sultan, A. A. (eds), Natural Energy and Vernacular Architecture: Principles and Examples with Reference to Hot Climates (Chicago, 1986)Google Scholar.

40 On the early Moslem palace at Amman, see Hillenbrand, Robert, Islamic Architecture: Form, Function and Meaning (New York, 1994), pp. 377-81Google Scholar and references there. The affinity between the Çinili Kiosk and the Amman pavilion was pointed out in a publication that Harrison may have noted: Bachmann, W. et al., Petra (Berlin, 1921), fig. 62, p. 71 Google Scholar.

41 Harrison to Dir. of PWD, Jerusalem: Memorandum on the Bethlehem Road project for the High Commissioner’s Residence (see below), 24 August 1927: CO733/145/57021/1A. On Palestinian vaulting, see Fuchs, , ‘The Palestinian Arab House and the Islamic “Primitive Hut”’, Muqamas 15 (1998), pp. 157-77Google Scholar (167–68). The vaulting technique common in central Palestine was also used in old Jordanian centres such as Es-Salt.

42 Harrison to his parents, 7 July 1927, retyped DP.

43 For official correspondence concerning the Jerusalem Residence see CO733 series.’ 98/48132, 102/27263, 106/51548, 129/12076, 137/44290, 168/67130, 145/57021, 194/77375, 200/87087, 234/17287; ISA 13/3/3 (vols 1, 2, 7-11), box 4127. For published material, Hussey, , ‘“A Crusader Castle of Today”; The New Jerusalem Government House’, Architectural Review LXX, no. 419 (October 1931), pp. 106fGoogle Scholar, 115.

44 On the Augusta Victoria, see Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, A City Reflected in its Times: New Jerusalem — the Beginnings (Jerusalem, 1979), pp. 467-71Google Scholar (in Hebrew). Translated as Jerusalem in the 19th Century: the Emergence of the New City (New York, 1986).

45 For correspondence concerning the use of the building, see CO733/102/20895 and 114/9491.

46 As pointed out in The Times, 14 April 1926, p. 15a.

47 CO733/129/12076.

48 A large house known as ‘Haus Mahanaim’, 34 Shivtei Israel, Jerusalem, built c. 1885 by the Swiss banker J. Frutiger. On the house, see Ben-Arieh, op. cit., pp. 354f.

49 CO to Office of Works, 4 April 1927: CO733/137/44290.

50 Ibid.

51 Amery to Plumer, 31 August 1926: CO733/129/12076.

52 Note sheets, 1 July 1926: CO733/129/12076.

53 Plumer to Amery, CO733/129/12076.

54 Note sheets, 4 November 1926: CO733/129/12076.

55 CO to CA, 12 September 1928: CO733/145/57021/1B.

56 7 July 1927, retyped DP.

57 Amery, 16 October 1928: CO733/145/57021.

58 2 November 1928: Rhodes House Library, Oxford, MSS Brit. Emp. S 284, Box 16/1.

59 Harrison to Pudsey, Dir. PWD, 20 June 1929: ISA 13/3/3(1), box 4127.

60 The first two remain obscure. A drawing that survived at PWDJ, dated 25 March 1924 (i.e. during Samuel’s term of office) describing what appears to be a spacious mansion, may represent the first project: reproduced Fuchs, Thesis, fig. B6.1. The second was possibly a proposal for the adaptation of the house in Jerusalem requisitioned by Plumer after the earthquake.

61 Harrison to Dir. PWD, 24 August 1927: CO733/145/57021/1A.

62 Photographs of three sheets of drawings, including a ground plan, façades, a section and a perspective view of a tower, are kept at the archives of the Architectural Heritage Research Centre, The Technion, Haifa. Otherwise the project left no trace in the surviving relevant correspondence in the Colonial Office or the Palestine PWD.

63 On this house type see Fuchs, , ‘The Palestinian Arab House: the Ottoman Connection’, in Bechhoefer, William and Ireland, Stanley (eds), The Ottoman House (London, 1998)Google Scholar.

64 For recent essays on Geddes’ work in Jerusalem, see Hyman, British Planners in Palestine 1918–1936; Welter, Volker M., ‘The Geddes Vision of the Region as City — Palestine as “Polis”’, in Fiedler, J. (ed.), Social Utopias of the Twenties (Wuppertal, 1995), p. 72–79 Google Scholar; Dolav, Diana, ‘Architectural Orientalism in the Hebrew University — the Patrick Geddes and Frank Mears Master-Plan’, Assaph, section B, no. 3 (Tel Aviv, 1998)Google Scholar.

65 Harrison to his stepfather, 6 March 1926, retyped DP.

66 The plans are kept in CO733/137/44290, and bear the signature of the Director of PWD from 4 April 1927.

67 Memorandum on the Bethlehem Road project for the High Commissioner’s Residence, 24 August 1927, CO733/145/57021/1A.

68 Ibid.

69 CO733/137/44290. The total floor area was found to be 21,521 sq. ft (2,390 sq. m), more than any ‘Legation’ buildings. The lavishness of the plan drew some ironic remarks at Plumer’s expense from Colonial officials: note sheets, ibid.

70 Keith-Roach, the Jerusalem District Commissioner, described in his diary how, in a private nightly ceremony, he tried to exorcise the place of its evil connotations by reciting Blake’’s Jerusalem ten times over: Hopwood, Derek, Tales of Empire (London, 1989), pp. 124fGoogle Scholar.

71 Dir. PWD, a summary on the history of the design, 1931: CO733/208/87339. Keith-Roach, however, claims to have discovered the site himself: Hopwood, op. cit.

72 Report of the Siting Committee, CO733/137/44290.

73 The sense of appropriation did not go unnoticed by non-British. See the description by the Hebrew author, Yehuda HaEzrahi (City, Stone and Skies, 1968, p. 255): ‘We envied the British High Commissioner. The scoundrel! He appropriated the most-fantastic-place-on-earth and fenced it around, and planted a wood, and laid out terraced gardens as well, and built himself a palace. Every morning, when he wakes up from his sleep and opens his eyes, and sits, wearing red pyjamas and a striped morning gown in the colours of the Union Jack, to sip a lousy British tea and munch a stale British breakfast, he can see through the windows of his palace, from sunrise on, the most-sublime-and-holy-prospect-in-the-world as if it were his’ (our translation). Also quoted in Kroyanker, Jerusalem Architecture 1918-1948, pp. 81f.

74 E.g., Ottoman yalis, such as the Köprülü Yali on the Bosphoros, or the pavilion in the Besht Behisht garden, Iran.

75 Hussey, ‘A Crusader Castle’. It has never been carried out, but plans survive, showing it to be a domed octagon (PWDJ). The gazebo is also seen on the photograph of a model (AH).

76 Cf. J. Hoffmann, Maison Stoclet, 1905; F. L. Wright, Unity Temple, 1906; Lutyens, Midland Bank, Manchester, 1929.

77 ‘The solid building stands out for all to see, the suggestion of fortification in its appearance being, perhaps, symbolic of the role which the logic of circumstances is forcing upon the Mandatory power’ (Near East and India, 9 April 1931). The affinity with Shoosmith’s church is pointed out in Hussey, art. cit.

78 Perspective view of interior, House Ghasali, Aleppo, illustrated in Reuther, ‘Die Qa’a’, p. 212, a publication mentioned above (n. 38) in connexion with the four-iwan plan.

79 H. Taylor, ‘Palestine’s New Museum’, New York Times, 10 August 1936 (newspaper cutting: AH).

80 As at this period stone-cutting was mostly an Arab profession, while reinforced concrete demanded Jewish expertise, combining the two techniques had also political overtones. For the front page of an article on the Residence in The Architectural Review (October 1931) Harrison supplied a photograph of two workers on the building site, an Arab mason and a Jewish worker. The title read, ‘Jew [and] Arab [build] the new Government House’.

81 The hard limestone, called locally ‘Mizi Hilu’, was excavated from a quarry near Bethlehem specially opened for the project. The workers on the site dubbed it ‘Mizi Harrison’ (A. Arnstein, ‘Palestine Building Stones’, Palestine and Middle East Economic Magazine, 1933 (nos 7-8), pp. 297ff.). The originally white stone has mellowed with the years and has now acquired a creamy hue.

82 Hussey, art. cit.

83 High Commissioner to Chief Secretary, 16 June 1929: ISA 13/3/3(1), box 4127.

84 Harrison to Pudsey, Dir. PWD, 20 June 1929: ISA 13/3/3(1), box 4127.

85 Harrison did not regard himself as an Arts-&-Crafts man. This is implied by his report of Ashbee’s reaction to the house on his visit to Jerusalem in 1935. ‘C. R. Ashbee who was a kind of adviser to Ronald Storrs on civic matters and who, when he was here had little use of me at Abu-Tor and raved on about what I had been able to accomplish since he left Palestine’ (Harrison, 7 October 1935, retyped DP). ‘I have had a letter from C. R. Ashbee saying that he wanted to put me up for membership of the Art Workers’ Guild. Lutyens, he says, would propose me. But I am not sure I wouldn’t feel out of place in this circle. Its only attraction for me is that it was founded by William Morris, who, you may not have forgotten, was a hero of my youth’ (Harrison to his mother, 3 September 1935: ibid.).

86 Harrison, memorandum January or February 1931: CO733/200/87087.

87 Hundreds of drawings, kept in rolls, uncatalogued, PWDJ.

88 Crawford, C. R. Ashbee, p. 181. Harrison used such tiles in the Museum. So did Clifford Holliday, in St Andrew’s church, the St John hospital and the British & Foreign Bible Society house.

89 On the British Empire Exhibition see British Empire Exhibition 1924, Official Guide; British Empire Exhibition 1925, Official Guide; ‘A Festival of Empire: Pages from the History of a Great Imperial Undertaking’, The Times, 23 April 1924, Special Section; The Wembley History Society, The British Empire Exhibition, Wembley 1924 (London, 1974)Google Scholar; Alwood, John, The Great Exhibitions (New York, 1977)Google Scholar, McKenzie, John M., Propaganda and Empire (Manchester, 1984), pp. 107-13Google Scholar; Judd, Denis, Empire — the British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present (London, 1997), pp. 273-86Google Scholar.

90 ‘B.E.Ex, the Question of Palestine’s Participation’, FO to Samuel, 15 June 1920: PRO FO371/5263, E6654/6654/44; Samuel to Churchill, CO, 21 November 1921, CO733/7/60779.

91 High Commissioner to Churchill, CO, 27 July 1922, CO733/23/39383.

92 Çelik, Zeynep, Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World Fairs (Berkeley, 1992)Google Scholar.

93 The Palestine Pavilion Handbook and Tourist Guide (1924), plan; ‘Palestine Pavilion, British Empire Exhibition, Wembley’, The Architect (7 August 1925), p. 96: photograph of interior.

94 Ibid.

95 The Palestine Pavilion Handbook, p. 88.

96 Ibid., p. 12.

97 Ibid., p. 94.

98 High Commissioner to Churchill, 27 July 1922: see n. 91 above.

99 Report of the Palestine Pavilion Organizing Committee’s third meeting, 17 April 1923: quotation from Hassan Sadki Dajani’s letter, CZA S25/10981.

100 For official correspondence on the Museum, see chiefly the CO733 series 96/38601, 142/44581, 146/57053, 240/17380, 306/75410; IAA ATQ202; drawings until recently in PWDJ, now apparently in the Rockefeller Museum. For published material, see chiefly ‘The Palestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem’, Architectural Review, LXXVII, 466 (September 1935); ‘The Palestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem’, The Architect and Building News (6 September 1935), pp. 263-82; ‘The Palestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem’, American Architect & Architecture (October 1936), pp. 54-62; Iliffe, John Henry, ‘The Palestine Archaeological Museum’, Museums Journal 38 (1938), pp. 1–22 Google Scholar; Sussmann, Ayala and Reich, Ronny, ‘The History of the Rockefeller Museum’, in Schiller, Eli (ed.), Zeev Vilnai Book, 2 vols (Jerusalem, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 83–91 Google Scholar (in Hebrew).

101 Account of the early days of the museum in Sussman and Reich, art. cit.

102 CZA. See discussion and references in Hyman, Thesis.

103 Sussmann and Reich, art. cit., p. 83.

104 PWDJ.

105 Garstang to Chief Secretary, 17 July 1925: CO733/96/38601.

106 Amery to Plumer, 17 September 1925: CO733/96/38601.

107 Plumer to Amery, 19 February 1926: CO733/112/4960.

108 Breasted, Charles, A Pioneer to the Past: the Story of James Henry Breasted, Archaeologist (London, 1948), p. 369 Google Scholar.

109 Breasted to Garstang, 9 January 1927: IAA ATQ202.

110 CO733/142/44581.

111 The Palestine Gazette, 16 November 1927.

112 Iliffe, art. cit., p. 3.

113 Reported by Harrison to his mother, 3 February 1928: retyped DP.

114 Plumer to Amery, 18 November 1927: CO733/142/44581.

115 Harrison to his mother, 16 November 1927.

116 T. A. L. Concannon (soon replaced by J. W. Price) and P. Mauger. The possibility of relying on capable Jewish architects resident in Palestine was not considered, an omission which met criticism from the Jewish press.

117 See the description of the visit in Vester, Bertha Spafford, Our Jerusalem: an American Family in the Holy City, 1881-1949 (New York, 1950), pp. 307fGoogle Scholar. Rockefeller also visited Meggido. Correspondence between Rockefeller and Chancellor concerning the visit is in Rhodes House Library, Oxford (MSS Brit. Emp. S 284).

118 Harrison may have seen the plan of the mausoleum in Briggs, Muhammadan Architecture in Egypt and Palestine. The plan is illustrated in one of Harrison’s own sketchbooks (DP).

119 Plans PWDJ.

120 Photograph of the plan in AH.

121 Two early ones are shown in glass-plate negatives at the Architectural Research Centre, The Technion, Haifa. The fine model of the final design stood until recently in the Museum vestibule. In 1999 it was found in a damaged state in the cloister.

122 Iliffe, art. cit, p. 3. On the qasr and tree see Kark, Ruth and Landman, Sh., ‘The Establishment of Muslim Neighbourhoods in Jerusalem outside the Old City during the late Ottoman Period’, Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 112/113 (London, 1980/81), pp. 113–35Google Scholar.

123 After 1948 the Board was replaced by an international committee which operated until 1966 when the Museum was nationalized by the Jordanian authorities.

124 ‘One very attractive feature of the building, not yet fully executed and therefore unknown to the public, is the map-room which is in the top story of the tower. The intention is for a large-scale map of Jerusalem to be placed correctly in position on a horizontal board, to document the magnificent view of the whole city which is obtainable from the embrasures set at intervals all around the walls of the tower. This will provide an unparalleled opportunity for studying Jerusalem’ (‘A Builder of Jerusalem, Austen Harrison’, unidentified newspaper cutting, probably 1938 (AH)).

125 21 January 1928: IAA ATQ202.

126 28 January 1928: ibid.

127 Harrison to his mother, 3 February 1928, retyped DP.

128 Cf. fountain pavilions at the Court of the Lions at the Alhambra, at the Qarawiyin Mosque, Fez and La Zisa, Palermo. The oldest domestic precedent for a water stream emerging from an iwan is found perhaps in the houses of Fatimid Fustat. Harrison was no doubt aware of their excavation, published in 1921.

129 For views see Kendall, Jerusalem City Plan, photographs 110-14.

130 IAA ATQ202.

131 Fragments of the fountain are scattered today in the yard behind the Museum.

132 On Gill’s typography see Reich, Ronny and Sussmann, Ayala, ‘A Hebrew Episode in the Typography of Eric Gill’, in Sonderdruck aus Gutenberg-Jahrbucli (Mainz, 1992), p. 305–08Google Scholar. Gill also designed an ex-libris for Harrison.

133 Letter to Anna Petrie, 17 December 1936, quoted in Drower, Margaret S., Flinders Petrie: a Life in Archaeology (London, 1985), p. 413 Google Scholar.

134 See above, note 102.

135 See his dramatic description of the Battle of Qadesh, quoted in Charles Breasted, A Pioneer.

136 The idea of displaying Palestinian folklore in the Museum, which would have compromised its scientific impartiality, was rejected, although the idea of ‘a Museum of National Life’ had had British promoters at least since 1926. A small folklore museum did operate for a period in Jerusalem: see ISA BA/23/35; CO733/413/75916; Iliffe, John Henry, ‘A Folk Museum for Palestine’, Museums Journal 36 (January 1937), pp. 420–27Google Scholar.

137 A similar position is suggested by the use of a Buddhist stupa in the Viceroy’s Palace in New Delhi: cf. comment in Metcalf, Imperial Vision, p. 238. Cf. also the British approach to the spirit of the place in Cyprus (Given, ‘Star of the Parthenon’, p. 72).

138 Hussey, ‘A Crusader Castle’.

139 Harrison and Hubbard, Valletta, p. 105.

140 Harrison to Reiner, 4 August 1956, retyped DP.

141 Harrison to Reiner, 10 March 1947, retyped DP.

142 On Mendelsohn’s work in Palestine, see Heinze-Mühleib, Ita, Erich Mendelsohn Bauten und Projekte in Palästina 1934-1941 (Munich, 1986)Google Scholar.

143 Mendelsohn, Erich, Palestine and the World of Tomorrow (pamphlet, Jerusalem, 1940)Google Scholar. The full text is reproduced in Heinze-Mühleib, op. cit.

144 On the design of Ankara, see Vale, Lawrence J., Architecture, Power and National Identity (New Haven, 1992), pp. 97–104 Google Scholar. Hussey (‘Crusader Castle’) notes the difference of approach between the Residence in Jerusalem and Holzmeister’s work in ‘Angora’.

145 ‘Si les pays orientaux sont destinés à avoir, dans l’avenir, des architectures nationales, ils devront probablement prendre la route qu’a choisie Kemal Ataturk — en finir avec le passé, et recommencer en adaptant l’architecture moderne aux besoins du pays’ ( Ratner, Eugène, quoted in ‘Rapport, 3ème réunion internationale d’architecture’, Architecture d’aujourd’hui, no. 2 (November 1935), pp. 16–18)Google Scholar.