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Central Europe's Gentle Voice of Reason: Bílejovský and the Ecclesiology of Utraquism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Zdeněk V. David
Affiliation:
Librarian at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1000 Jefferson Drive, SW, Washington, D.C. 20560.

Extract

The Utraquist Church of Bohemia was unique among the late medieval defections in Western Christendom from the Church of Rome in that it involved the separation of an entire church, organized on a national territory, not merely an underground resistance of relatively isolated and scattered groups of sectarians, like the Waldensians or the Lollards. Moreover, the Bohemian Reformation was linked with a major social upheaval, the Hussite Revolution, lasting from 1419 to 1434, which historians have viewed as an early specimen, if not a prototype or the first link in the chain, of the revolutions of the early modern period in the Euroatlantic world: the Dutch, the English, the American, and the French revolutions. Building mainly on the Bohemian Reform movement that had gathered momentum since the mid-fourteenth century, the Utraquists' defiance of Rome, leading to the Hussite Revolution, was sparked by the burning of Jan Hus at the Council of Constance on July 6, 1415.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 1997

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References

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3 The text of Bílejovský's work is available in a nineteenth-century edition by Skalický, Jozef (pseudonym for Ditrrich, Josef), Kronyka cýrkevní (Ecclesiastical chronicle) (Prague, 1816)Google Scholar. All quotations are from this edition. Born around 1480 in Malin near Kutná Hora, Bílejovský (pronounced Bee-lay-yof-skee) was ordained as a priest in Italy (probably in Venice) and served in Mělník, Čáslav, and Kutná Hora. Except for a brief mission to Tábor, he lived from 1532 onward in Prague, where he was elected to the Consistory two years later and where he died in 1555. For biographic data on Bílejovský, see Šimak, Josef V., “Bohuslava Bílejovského Kronika česká,” Český časopis historický 38 (1932): 9293.Google Scholar

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6 The author wishes to thank Robert J. W. Evans for suggesting an examination of historical and theological views of Hooker and other sixteenth-century Anglican or proto-Anglican divines for parallels with Bílejovský's concepts, and to Patricia M. Springborg for recommending participation in the Jubilee Conference on Richard Hooker, cosponsored by the Folger Library and the National Cathedral in Washington, D.C., September 24–26, 1993. On Hooker's ecclesiological task, see Kelley, Donald R., “Elizabethan Political Thought,” in The Varieties of British Political Thought, 1500–1800, ed. Pocock, J. G. A. (Cambridge, Eng., 1993), 6364.Google Scholar

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11 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 17Google Scholar. See also de Vooght, Paul, Jacobellus de Stribro, 1429: Premier theologien du hussitisme (Louvain, 1972), 177–80Google Scholar. On the principle of the Judge of Cheb (soudce chebský), recognized by the Council of Basel in 1432, see also Molnár, Amadeo et al. , Soudce smluvený v Chebu (Cheb, 1982), 936Google Scholar. On the Utraquists' refusal to obey popes or councils if contradicting the Bible, see also Bartoš, František, Husitská revoluce, 2 vols. (Prague, 19651966), 2:49, 66, 113, 181–82Google Scholar; or the partial English translation, The Hussite Revolution, ed. Klassen, , 7982Google Scholar; and Heyman, Frederick G., “John Rokycana: Church Reformer between Hus and Luther,” Church History 28 (1959): 246.Google Scholar

12 Thus Jakoubek of Stříbro, the early authoritative theologian of Utraquism, affirmed in 1420 that, as far as the rite of the mass is concerned, ceremonies were to be retained even though not found in Scripture unless they were directly contrary to the law of God; see Holeton, David R., “Church or Sect? The Jednota Bratrská and the Growth of Dissent from Mainline Utraquism,” unpublished paper presented at the National Convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, Washington, D.C., 10 29, 1995Google Scholar, citing from MS Prague, Bib. Nat. X G 20 fol. 98v.

13 “Nullus igitur … habet potestatem auferre vel addere ad novam legem. Est enim lex sine omni defectu; Chrisrus enim dominus, divina sapiencia, sapiencior est omnibus caesaris, regibus, papisticis episcopis, cardinalibus, sacerdotibus, doctis, ymo omnibus sanctis hominibus et angelis”; cited by Odložilík, Otakar, “Utrakvistická postilla z r. 1540,” Věstník České společnosti nauk, 1925, 19 n. 39Google Scholar. Odložilík tentatively identifies the author as the priest Jan at Saint Henry's Church in the New Town of Prague, a member of the Utraquist Consistory in 1534–40.

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15 In other words, even when the differences on dogma and ritual had become apparently minuscule, the difference on the source and exercise of ecclesiastical authority proved virtually insurmountable. On the failure of reunion in the 1560s and 1570s, see Borový, Klement, Antonin Brus z Mohelnke, arcibiskup pražský: Historicko-kritický život (Prague, 1873), 176, 180–96, esp. 195Google Scholar; Kavka, František and Skýbová, Anna, Husitský epilog no koncilu tridentskem a původní koncepce habsburské rekatolizace Čech (Prague, 1968), 183–84Google Scholar; and Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, Abteilung 3, 1572–85, ed. Goetz, Helmut (Tübingen, 1982), 6:153–54, 467Google Scholar. On the negotiations from 1590 to 1610, see Matoušek, Josef, “Kurie a boj o konsistoř pod obojí za administrátora Rezka,” Český časopis historický 37 (1931): 285–91Google Scholar; Sněmy české (Prague, 1910), vol. 11, pt. 1, 74, 79Google Scholar; and Vávra, Josef, “Katolíci a sněm český roku 1608 a 1609,” Sborník historického kroužku, 1893, no. 1:4.Google Scholar

16 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 11Google Scholar; Wernisch, Martin, “Jan z Pomuka i Nepomuka, shrnutý a neuzavreny,” Folia Historica Bohemica 17 (1994): 218Google Scholar. On universities, see for instance Kaminsky, Howard, “The University of Prague in the Hussite Revolution: The Role of the Masters,” Universities in Politics: Case Studies from the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, ed. Baldwin, John W. and Goldthwaite, Richard A. (Baltimore, Md., 1972), 7980, 104–5Google Scholar; and Svatoš, Michal, ed., Dějiny Univerzity Karlovy, vol. 1: 1347/48–1622 (Prague, 1995), 138–42.Google Scholar

17 The free and permissive range of these debates is illustrated from an earlier period by the proposition in a quodlibet of 1170 by the respected Paris theologian Peter Comester that “the devil had never done so much harm to the Church as by the prohibition of clerical marriages”; cited by Southern, Richard W., Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe (Oxford, 1995), 1:145Google Scholar. On tension between academic theologians and prelates, see Wei, Ian P., “The Self-image of the Masters of Theology at the University of Paris in the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46 (1995): 430–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Having served my apprenticeship as a historian of Russia, I am also—rather irreverently—reminded of analogous tensions between the intelligentsia of the Proletkult and the apparatchiki of the Politburo in the days of Lenin's rule; see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Commissariat of Enlightenment: Soviet Organization of Education and the Arts under Lunacharsky (Cambridge, 1970), 89109, 174–80, 185–87, 236–41.Google Scholar

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19 Hooker, , FLE, 1:7 (LEP, Preface, 2.4)Google Scholar. See also, for instance, Dictionary of National Biography (London, 19081909)Google Scholar (hereafter cited as DNB), s.v. “Jewel, John.” On the Anglican view of the relative status of Scripture, reason, and tradition, see for instance Avis, Paul, Anglicanism and the Christian Church: Theological Resources in Historical Perspective (Minneapolis, 1989), 6367Google Scholar. For Hooker's defense of reason, see Hooker, , FLE, vol. 6, pt. 1, 6465.Google Scholar

20 Hooker, , FLE, vol. 6, pt. 1, 7879Google Scholar; see also 136–37, 156–57. The citations refer to ibid., vol. 1, 17, lines 10–23, and 18, lines 4–8 (LEP, Preface, 3.10).

21 Hooker, , FLE, 5:643Google Scholar. On the necessity of reason for interpretation, see Hooker, , FLE, vol. 6, pt. 1, 157Google Scholar. On later polemical use of the criterion of reason by the Anglican Church against both Catholic authoritarianism and sectarian irrationalism, see Tumbleson, Raymond D., “‘Reason and Religion’: The Science of Anglicanism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 57 (1996): 132, 156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22 On the stern critique aimed by historians at the Utraquist Church, see David, , “Strange Fate,” 644–52.Google Scholar

23 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 2, 16, 28Google Scholar; Chlíbec, Jan, “K vývoji názorů Jana Rokycany na umělecké dílo,” Husitský Tábor 8 (1985): 54.Google Scholar

24 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 78, 16, 3031Google Scholar. According to Bílejovský, this practice lasted in Rome until the death of Pope Pius II in 1464 (ibid., 31). He also claims that as late as the 1390s Pope Boniface IX approved communion sub utraque for the Church of Saint Barbara in Kutná Hora (ibid., 28).

25 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 1617, 25 (quote).Google Scholar

26 “Communicare autem sub una specie [videtur] esse heresis”; cited by Odložilík, , “Utrakvistická postilla,” 5 n. 13Google Scholar. See also Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 25.Google Scholar

27 See Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 4, 78Google Scholar. On the importance and significance of communion for infants and small children in Utraquism, see two articles by Holeton, David R., “The Communion of Infants and Hussitism”, 204–25Google Scholar, and “The Communion of Infants: The Basel Years”, 1540Google Scholar, and his book La communion des tout-petits enfants: Etude du mouvement eucharistique en Bohême vers la fin du Moyen-Age (Rome, 1989), esp. 235303Google Scholar. According to the 1540 homiliary, “Sic nunc turbantur, cum vident Christum nasci per predicacionem verbi eius, cum communicant corpori ac sangvini domini et ipsi pueri”; cited by Odložilík, , “Utrakvistická postilla,” 7 n. 17; see also 24.Google Scholar

28 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 89, 17.Google Scholar

29 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 9, 18Google Scholar. The actual time span between the death of Očko and the reintroduction of the lay chalice by Jakoubek was thirty-four years; on p. 9, Bílejovský gives the correct death date for Očko as 1380. On Wenceslaus IV's suppression of Utraquism, see Holeton, David R., “Revelation and Revolution in Late Medieval Bohemia,” Communio Viatorum 36 (1994): 35, 4041.Google Scholar

30 Kalousek, Josef, “Ruské badání o příčinách a účelích hnutí husitského,” Časopis českého musea 56 (1882): 102Google Scholar; see also Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 138 n. 30.Google Scholar

31 On Koranda, see Krofta, Kamil, “Václav Koranda mladší z Nové Plzně a jeho názory náboženské,” in his Listy z náboženských dějin českých, 262.Google Scholar

32 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 18.Google Scholar

33 Ibid., introduction, 24. The Anglicans encountered similar questionings of their ecclesiastical origins; see Avis, , Anglicanism, 179Google Scholar. On “hussiti,” see for instance Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, Abteilung 2, 1560–72, vol. 8, ed. Rainer, Johann (Graz, 1967), 4647Google Scholar; Abteilung 3, 1572–85, 6:154, 365, 369 (see n. 15); Abteilung 3, 1572–85, vol. 7, ed. Bues, Almut (Tübingen, 1990), 49, 88Google Scholar; and Die Hauptinstruktionen Clemens' VIII. für die Nuntien und Legaten an den europäischen Fürstenhöfen 1592–1605, ed. Jaitner, Klaus, 2 vols. (Tübingen, 1984), 1:59, 2:710Google Scholar. On the courteous form, see Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, Abteilung 3, 6:467Google Scholar; see also Abteilung, 3, 7:98, 376.Google Scholar

34 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 7, 2325.Google Scholar

35 A condemnation of the temporal power and the wealth of the church was incorporated into the third article of the Compactata; see Bartoš, , Husitská revoluce, 2:226Google Scholar. Wyclif's disciple, Peter Payne, defended the third article on behalf of the Utraquists at the Council of Basel; see Betts, Richard R., Essays in Czech History (London, 1969), 246Google Scholar. On Wyclif's attitude, see also Wilks, Michael, “Reformatio Regni: Wyclif and Hus as Leaders of Religious Protest Movements,” Studies in Church History 9 (1972): 118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 21Google Scholar; see also 11, 114–15.

37 Odložilík, , “Utrakvistická postilla,” 8.Google Scholar

38 Ibid., 16–17.

39 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 13, 30Google Scholar; Wilks, , “Reformatio Regni,” 117Google Scholar; Faulkner, Robert K., Richard Hooker and the Politics of a Christian England (Berkeley, Calif., 1981), 31.Google Scholar

40 “Anižt' oni co o podstatné křesťanstva, jako náměstcy apoštolští, k zachování pečují v milosti, jen aby k své vůli všecky podmánili, uživajíce a popauzejíce mocý světských, aby y oni jich služebnícy a ne Boží byli, a oni v jich panství pychali”; Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 3738.Google Scholar

41 Jan of Příbram, “De ritibus misse,” in Geschichtschreiber der husitischen Bewegung in Böhmen, 3 vols., ed. Höfler, Karl, Fontes rerum austriacarum, nos. 2, 6, and 7 (Vienna, 1865), 2:506Google Scholar; Odložilík, , “Utrakvistická postilla,” 5, 15Google Scholar. See also Nejedlý, Zdeněk, Dějiny husitského zpěvu, 5 vols. (Prague, 19541955), 5:169–70.Google Scholar

42 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 2022Google Scholar. See also Kronika tak řečeného Dalimila, ed. Bláhová, Marie (Prague, 1977), 121.Google Scholar

43 Nejedlý, , Dějiny husitského zpěvu, 1:39Google Scholar. Even Cyril and Methodius may have introduced the so-called Liturgy of Saint Peter (a Slavic translation of the contemporary Roman rite) rather than the Byzantine rite; see Dvornik, Francis, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs: SS. Constantine-Cyril and Methodius (New Brunswick, N.J., 1970), 111–16.Google Scholar

44 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 2223, 46Google Scholar. “Alchymus” is probably the Hellenized member of a Jewish priestly family, Alcimus, who was appointed high priest in Jerusalem (162–160/59 b.c.) with the assistance of Demetrius I Soter, the Seleucid ruler of Syria, to combat Judah Maccabee and his followers; see Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), s.v. “Alcimus.”Google Scholar

45 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 23Google Scholar. Anne Hudson describes similar arguments against the use of English for theological writings at the turn of the fourteenth century, citing in part from a manuscript in the Brno University Library; see her “Lollardy: The English Heresy?” in Hudson, , Lollards and Their Books (London, 1985), 157–58Google Scholar. The heretical writings Bílejovský refers to are probably Nicholas's Confessio Taboritarum of 1431 (see Zeman, , The Hussite Movement, 179Google Scholar) and the Apology of the Bohemian Brethren, published in 1511, which also attracted the attention of Erasmus and Luther (see Rican, Rudolf et al. , Jednota Bratrská, 1457–1957: Sborník k pětistému výroči založení [Prague, 1956], 29).Google Scholar

46 Odložilík, , “Utrakvistická postilla,” 20.Google Scholar

47 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 810, 13, 2728, 46.Google Scholar

48 Odložilík, , “Utrakvisticlá postilla,” 24Google Scholar. For an earlier view, see Krofta, , “O nékterých spisech M. Jana z Příbramě,” 213Google Scholar. See also Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 1314.Google Scholar

49 On similar qualities in the religious attitude of Hooker, see FLE, vol. 6, pt. 1, 7980Google Scholar, and the literature cited there. See also Urbánek, Rudolf, “Český mesianismus ve své době hrdinské,” Od pravěku k dnešku: Sborník k 60. narozenindm J. Pekaře, 2 vols. (Prague, 1930), 1:262–84, esp. 263–64Google Scholar; Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 27, 3941Google Scholar; and Krofta, , “Slovo o knězi,” 296–97.Google Scholar

50 See the Consistory's response of July 28, 1548, to a nobleman's request to replace the Lutheran minister on his estate with an Utraquist priest who would be able to serve a Germanspeaking congregation; Borový, Klement, Jednání a dopisy konsistoře katolické a utrakvistické, 2 (Prague, 18681869), 1:229Google Scholar. See also Jireček, Josef, Rukovět' k déjinám literatury české, 2 vols. (Prague, 18751876), 1:116.Google Scholar

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52 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 50Google Scholar. Kaminsky seeks to identify the “Picardi” with the “Beghardi,” or the Brethren of the Free Spirit, who were widespread in fourteenth-century Europe and were condemned by the Council of Vienne in 1311; see his History of the Hussite Revolution, 354–55Google Scholar. The term “Beghardi” had been used as a vague term of insult for heretics already by Jan Milic of Kroměříž; see Holeton, , La communion des tout-petits enfants, 21Google Scholar. The main competitors of the Picardi for ideological input into radical Taboritism were the Waldensians and the Lollards (the folkish followers of Wyclif); see Pekař, Josef, Žižka a jeho doba, 4 vols. (Prague, 19271933), 1:1517Google Scholar; and Hudson, Anne, “A Lollard Compilation in England and Bohemia,” in Hudson, Lollards and Their Books, 3142Google Scholar. To complicate the situation further, Václav Tomek identifies the fortytwo men with women and children, French by nationality, who arrived in Prague in 1418 as Waldensians, who were soon suspected of heresy and called Pikarts or “bekardi”; see Tomek, , Dějepis města Prahy, 12 vols. (Prague, 18551901), 3:624Google Scholar. As we shall see, Bílejovský, however, categorically rejects the influence of the Waldensians and, at least in part, seeks to rehabilitate Wyclif.

53 Bartoš, , Husitská revoluce, 1:116Google Scholar. Calvin, in his correspondence with the Brethren in 1540, questioned their designation as Pikarts; see “Poznamenání a spolu shromáždění některých věcí pamětihodných přítomným i budoucím,” 1579 MS Prague Bib. Nat. XVII C 3 fol. 143v. Fynes Moryson also calls the Brethren “Picards”; see Moryson, , Shakespeare's Europe: A Survey of the Conditions of Europe at the End of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Hughes, Charles (London, 1903), 277.Google Scholar

54 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 5153.Google Scholar

55 Ibid., 53, 55.

56 Ibid., 25–26.

57 Ibid., 109 (see also 105); and Šimák, , “Bohuslava Bílejovskeho Kronika česká,” 101Google Scholar. On the relationship between the Bohemian Brethren and the Waldensians, often called Waldensian Brethren (fratres Valdenses), see Gonnet, Giovanni and Molnár, Amadeo, Les Vaudois en Moyen Age (Turin, 1974)Google Scholar; and Říčan, , The History of the Unity of Brethren.Google Scholar

58 Bydžovský, Pavel, Tato Knižka toto try ukazuje (n.p., n.d. [after 1541]), 2.Google Scholar

59 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 102Google Scholar. On Wyclif's influence, see also Leff, Gordon, “Wyclif and Hus: A Doctrinal Comparison,” in Wyclif in His Times, ed. Kenny, Anthony (Oxford, 1986), 105–25Google Scholar; Betts, , Essays in Czech History, 2962, 132–59Google Scholar; Herold, Vilém, Pražská univerzita a Wyclif (Prague, 1985)Google Scholar; and Holeton, David R., “Wyclif's Bohemian Fate: A Reflection on the Contextualization of Wyclif in Bohemia,” Communio Viatorum 32 (1989): 209–22.Google Scholar

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62 Bílejovský, , Kronyka, 99.Google Scholar

64 Bartoš, , Husitská revoluce, 1:21, 37Google Scholar. Nicholas was immolated as a heretic in Meissen about 1416 (ibid., 22).

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