Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-dfsvx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-27T19:45:54.066Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

“Dark Money” and “Dirty Politics”: Are anonymous ads more negative?†

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 April 2017

Daniel E. Chand
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Many scholars have studied the use of negative advertising in campaigns and what motivates candidates and groups to run negative ads. Recent elections, however, have seen a dramatic increase in advertising by outside groups, particularly by so-called “dark-money” organizations, which do not disclose their donor information. This study questions whether dark-money groups are more likely to engage in negative advertising. By examining the more than 13,000 outside-group expenditures from the 2010 through the 2014 congressional elections, it finds that outside groups are, indeed, more likely to use negative ads when they conceal their donor information. Additionally, while liberal and conservative groups are roughly equally likely to use negative ads, conservative groups are most likely to use anonymously funded negative advertisements. This could be, at least in part, due to the support conservative groups receive from organized businesses, which generally seek to conceal their political activities from public scrutiny.

Type
Research Article
Information
Business and Politics , Volume 19 , Issue 3 , September 2017 , pp. 454 - 481
Copyright
Copyright © V.K. Aggarwal 2017 and published under exclusive license to Cambridge University Press 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

†

The author would like to thank graduate students Melanie Tellez and Paige Sharp for their help collecting data for this project and anonymous reviewers for their feedback on the manuscript. Anonymity is occasionally appropriate.

References

2001. “Stealth PACs Revealed: Interest Group Profiles in the 2000 Election.” Center for Public Integrity, http://www.publicintegrity.org/assets/pdf/STEALTHPACSREVEALED.pdf, 2001 (accessed 21 April 2010).Google Scholar
Ainsworth, Scott H. 2002. Analyzing Interest Groups: Group Influence on People and Policies. New York: Norton and Company.Google Scholar
Anders, Gary J. 1985. “Business Involvement in Campaign Finance: Factors Influencing the Decision to Form Corporate PAC.” PS: Political Science and Politics 18 (2): 213–220.Google Scholar
Ansolabehere, Stephen and Iyengar, Shanto. 1995. Going Negative: How Political Advertisements Shrink and Polarize the Electorate. New York: Free Press.Google Scholar
Blackwell, Matthew. 2013. “A Framework for Dynamic Causal Inference in Political Science.” American Journal of Political Science 57 (2): 504–519.Google Scholar
Bowler, Shaun and Todd, Donovan. 1998. Demanding Choices: Opinion, Voting, and Direct Democracy. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Briffault, Richard. 2005. “The 527 Problem… and the Buckley Problem.” George Washington University Law Review 73 (5/6): 949–999.Google Scholar
Briffault, Richard. 2012. “Super PACs.” Minnesota Law Review 96: 1644–1693.Google Scholar
Brooks, Deborah J. and Murov, Michael. 2012. “Assessing Accountability in a Post-Citizens United Era: The Effects of Attack Ad Sponsorship by Unknown Independent Groups.” American Politics Research 40 (3): 383–418.Google Scholar
Carpenter II, Dick M., Primo, David M., Tendetnik, Pavel, and Ho, Sandy. 2014. “Disclosing Disclosure: Lessons from ‘Failed’ Field Experiment.” The Forum 12 (2): 343–356.Google Scholar
Center for Effective Government. 2012. “Senate Votes Down DISCLOSE Act.” 24 July. http://www.foreffectivegov.org/node/12149 (accessed 10 November 2015).Google Scholar
Chand, Daniel E. 2014. “Nonprofit Electioneering Post-Citizens United: How Organizations Have Become More Complex.” Election Law Journal 13 (2): 243–259.Google Scholar
Chand, Daniel E. 2015. “Anonymous Money in Campaigns: Is Sunlight the Best Disinfectant?” The Forum 13 (2): 269–288.Google Scholar
De Albuquerque, Klaus. 1998. “Sex, Beach Boys, and Female Tourists in the Caribbean.” Sexuality and Culture 2: 87–111.Google Scholar
Dowling, Conor and Wichowsky, Amber. 2015. “Attack without Consequence: Candidates, Parties, Groups and the Changing Face of Negative Advertising.” American Journal of Political Science 59 (1): 19–36.Google Scholar
Ellison-Potter, Patricia, Bell, Paul, and Deffenbacher, Jerry. 2006. “The Effects of Trait Driving Anger, Anonymity, and Aggressive Stimuli on Aggressive Driving Behavior.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 31 (2): 431–443.Google Scholar
Fiske, Susan T. 1980. “Attention and Weight in Person Perception: The Impact of Negative and Extreme Behavior.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 38 (6): 889–906.Google Scholar
Fortier, John C. and Malbin, Michael J.. 2013. “An Agenda for Future Research on Money and Politics in the United States.” The Forum 11 (3): 455–479.Google Scholar
Fowler, Erika F. and Ridout, Travis N.. 2010. “Advertising Trends in 2010.” The Forum 8 (4): 1–16.Google Scholar
Fowler, Erika F. and Ridout, Travis N.. 2012. “Negative, Angry and Ubiquitous: Political Advertising in 2012.” The Forum 10 (4): 51–61.Google Scholar
Fowler, Erika F. and Ridout, Travis N.. 2014. “Political Advertising in 2014: The Year of the Outside Group.” The Forum 12 (4): 663–684.Google Scholar
Fridkin, Kim L. and Kenney, Patrick J.. 2004. “Do Negative Messages Work? The Impact of Negativity on Citizens’ Evaluations of Candidates.” American Politics Research 32 (5): 570–605.Google Scholar
Gardner, Amy and T.W., Farnam. 2011. “GOP Candidates Ramp up Negative Ads in Iowa Before Caucuses.” The Washington Post, 21 December, A4.Google Scholar
Garramone, Gina M. 1985. “Effects of Negative Political Advertising: The Roles of Sponsor and Rebuttal.” Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 29: 147–159.Google Scholar
Garramone, Gina M. 1984. “Voter Responses to Negative ads.” Journalism Quarterly 61 (2): 250–259.Google Scholar
Geer, John G. 2006. In Defense of Negativity: Attack ads in Presidential Campaigns. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Glaser, Jack, Dixit, Jay, and Green, Donald P.. 2002. “Studying Hate Crime with the Internet: What Makes Racists Advocate Racial Violence?” Journal of Social Issues 58 (1): 177–193.Google Scholar
Greenberg, Stan and Carville, James. 2012. “Voters Push Back Against Big Money Politics.” Democracy Corps, 13 November, http://www.democracycorps.com/attachments/DCorps_PCAF_memo_FINAL.pdf (accessed 19 January 2016).Google Scholar
Hale, Jon F., Fox, Jeffrey C., and Farmer, Rick. 1996. “Negative Advertisements in U.S. Senate Campaigns: The Influence of Campaign Context.” Social Science Quarterly 77 (2): 329–343.Google Scholar
Hadani, Michael. 2012. “Institutional Ownership Monitoring and Corporate Political Activity: Governance Implications.” Journal of Business Research 65 (7): 944–950.Google Scholar
Hansen, Wendy L. and Mitchell, Neil J.. 2000. “Disaggregating and Explaining Corporate Political Activity: Domestic and Foreign Corporations in National Politics.” American Political Science Review 94 (4): 891–903.Google Scholar
Holman, Craig. 2004. “The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act: Limits and Opportunities for Non-Profit Groups in Federal Elections.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 31: 243–288.Google Scholar
Jamieson, Kathleen H., Waldman, Paul, and Sherr, Susan. 2000. “Eliminate the Negative? Categories of Analysis for Political Advertisements.” In Crowded Airwaves: Campaign Advertising in Elections, edited by Thurber, James A., Nelson, Candice J., and Dulio, David A.. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institute, 44–64.Google Scholar
Johnson-Cartee, Karen S. and Copeland, Gary. 2013. Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Kingser, Taren and Schmidt, Patrick. 2012. “Business in the Bulls-Eye? Target Corp. and the Limits of Campaign Finance Disclosure.” Election Law Journal 11 (1): 21–35.Google Scholar
Krishnakumar, Anita S. 2007. “Towards a Madisonian ‘Interest-Group’ Approach to Lobbying Regulation.” Alabama Law Review 58: 513–17.Google Scholar
Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.. 2006. How Voters Decide: Information Processing During Election Campaigns. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Lau, Richard R. and Pomper, Gerald M.. 2004. Negative Campaigning: An Analysis of U.S. Senate Elections. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
Lau, Richard R., Sigelman, Lee, and Rovner, Ivy Brown. 2007. “The Effects of Negative Political Campaigns: A Meta-analytic Reassessment.” Journal of Politics 69 (4): 1176–1209.Google Scholar
Lau, Richard R., Sigelman, Lee, Heldman, Caroline, and Babbitt, Paul. 1999. “The Effects of Negative Political Advertisements: A Meta-analytic Assessment.” American Political Science Review 93 (4): 851–875.Google Scholar
Long, Scott J. 2012. “Regression Models for Nominal and Ordinal Outcomes.” Regression Models. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Google Scholar
Lyon, Thomas P. and Maxwell, John W.. 2004. “Astroturf: Interest Group Lobbying and Corporate Strategy.” Journal of Economics and Management Strategy 13 (4): 561–97.Google Scholar
Martin, Gary. 2000. “McCain Cries Foul Over ads.” San Antonio Express-News, 7 March, 6A.Google Scholar
Mayer, Lloyd Hitoshi. 2010. “Disclosures About Disclosure.” Indiana Law Review 44: 255–284.Google Scholar
McDonnell, Mary-Hunter and Werner, Timothy. 2016. “Blacklisted Benefactors: Social Activists’ Challenges and the Disruption of Corporate Political Activity.” Administrative Science Quarterly, http://asq.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/05/03/0001839216648953.full (accessed 7 October 2016).Google Scholar
Moramarco, Glenn J. 2000. “Beyond ‘Magic Words’: Using Self-disclosure to Regulate Electioneering.” Catholic University Law Review 49 (107): 1999–2000.Google Scholar
Nielsen, Carolyn. 2013. “Coproduction or Cohabitation: Are Anonymous Online Comments on Newspaper Websites Shaping News Content?” New Media and Society 16 (3): 470–487.Google Scholar
Novak, Viveca, Maguire, Robert, and Overby, Peter. 2013. “Wellspring's Flow: Dark Money Outfit Helps Fuel Groups on Political Front Lines.” Center for Responsive Politics, 5 November. http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/11/wellsprings-flow/ (accessed 29 January 2016).Google Scholar
Palmer, Anna and Phillip, Abby. 2012. “Corporations Don't Pony up for Super PACs.” m, 8 March http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0312/73804.html (accessed 30 September 2013).Google Scholar
Primo, David. M. 2013. “Information at the Margin: Campaign Finance Disclosure Laws, Ballot Issues, and Voter Knowledge.” Election Law Journal 12 (2): 114–129.Google Scholar
Reader, Bill. 2012. “Free Press vs. Free Speech? The Rhetoric of ‘Civility’ in Regard to Anonymous Online Comments.” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 89 (3): 495–513.Google Scholar
Romiti, Jonathan. 2012. “Playing Politics with Shareholder Value: The Case for Applying Fiduciary Law to Corporate Political Donations Post-Citizens United .” Boston College Law Review 53 (2): 737–774.Google Scholar
Rosenberg, Lisa. 2012. “What You Should Know about the DICLOSE Act Part 1: What is the DISCLOSE Act?” Sunlight Foundation, 12 July, https://sunlightfoundation.com/blog/2012/07/12/what-you-should-know-about-the-disclose-act-part-1-what-is-the-disclose-act/ (accessed 10 May 2015).Google Scholar
Santana, Arthur D. 2014. “Virtuous or Vitriolic: The Effect of Anonymity on Civility in Online Newspaper Reader Comment Boards.” Journalism Practice 8 (1): 18–33.Google Scholar
Schattschneider, E.E. 1960. The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar
Shapiro, Michael A. and Rieger, Robert H.. 1992. “Comparing Positive and Negative Political Advertising on Radio.” Journalism and Mass Communication 69 (1): 135–145.Google Scholar
Shen, Fuyuan and Wu, H. Denis. 2002. “Effects of Soft-money Issue Advertisements on Candidate Evaluation and Voting Preference: An Exploration.” Mass Communication and Society 5 (4): 395–410.Google Scholar
Skaperdas, Stergios and Grofman, Bernard. 1995. “Modeling Negative Campaigning.” American Political Science Review 89 (1): 49–61.Google Scholar
Stratmann, Thomas. 2006. “Is Spending More Potent for or Against a Proposition? Evidence from Ballot Measures.” American Journal of Political Science 50 (3): 788–801.Google Scholar
The Washington Post, 5 January 2014. “Koch-backed Political Network, Built to Shield Donors, Raised $400 Million in 2012,” Matea Gold. http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/koch-backed-political-network-built-to-shield-donors-raised-400-million-in-2012-elections/2014/01/05/9e7cfd9a-719b-11e3-9389-09ef9944065e_story.html (accessed 1 July 2014).Google Scholar
Theilmann, John and Wilhite, Allen. 1998. “Campaign Tactics and the Decision to Attack.” The Journal of Politics 60 (4): 1050–1062.Google Scholar
Torres-Spelliscy, Ciara. 2011. “Hiding Behind the Tax Code, the Dark Election of 2010 and Why Tax-exempt Entities Should be Subject to Robust Federal Campaign Finance Disclosure Laws.” Chapman's Journal of Law and Policy 16: 59–97.Google Scholar
Torres-Spelliscy, Ciara and Fogel, Kathy. 2012. “Shareholder-authorized Corporate Political Spending in the United Kingdom.” University of San Francisco Law Review 46: 525–580.Google Scholar