^{page vi note 1} The Narrative of General Venables (London, 1900), p. viiGoogle Scholar.

^{page vi note 3} The Narrative of General Venables, pp. 144 et seq.

^{page 1 note 1} May Io, English style.

^{page 1 note 2} Kingston harbour.

^{page 1 note 3} Since become Spanish Town. It is well described in the English accounts : see Memorials of the Professional Life and Times of Sir William Penn, Knt. (London, M.DCCC.XXXII.), II, p. 103Google Scholar ; The Narrative of General Venables (London, 1900), pp. 98, 138–9, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 1 note 4} To Spaniards of the time, the West Indies in general were “las islas de Barlovento.” All America was “las Indias.”

^{page 1 note 5} Compare Jamaica under the Spaniards (Kingston, 1919), p. 52, note.

^{page 1 note 6} See Memorials, II, pp. 17–8, 56–7.

^{page 1 note 7} South East Point. See frontispiece, Jamaica under the Spaniards.

^{page 2 note 1} Spanish “maestres de campo ” were equivalent to English colonels of the time ; and quite as numerous.

^{page 2 note 2} The English accounts agree that only the Martin galley (which Francis Barrington described as “a small friggott ”) engaged the enemy. See Narrative, pp. 35, 136–7, 162 ; Memorials, II, pp. 51, 99 ; Clarke Papers (London, 1899) III pp. 58–9Google Scholar ; Barrington Letters (Seventh Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, London, 1879), Part I, appendix, p. 573.

^{page 2 note 3} In the vicinity of Passage Fort.

^{page 3 note 1} It transpires, then, that there were Spaniards (Captain Castilla among them) who shared the English opinion that resistance might have been offered the invaders along the road from the harbour to the town. Compare The Barrington Letters, Seventh Report, p. 574 ; The Clarke Papers, III, p. 59 ; Memorials, II, p. 100 ; The Narrative, p. 137.

^{page 3 note 2} The student of the English accounts cited infers that as the invaders approached the town, about two o'clock in the afternoon, on Friday, May 11, English reckoning, Salinas and some others approached on horseback, and displaying a flag of truce. Obviously, their mission was to inform the enemy that if supplies were what they wanted, the Spaniards were ready to come to an understanding. “… for the ennemie did think wee had come vpon that account as Jacson did with his flete, which was onlie to vitell, and so be gon againe.…”—Whistler, The Narrative, p. 163.

^{page 3 note 3} “We told them we would treat when we saw any authorized from the Governour.… ” —Venables, The Narrative, p. 36. See also p. 114, Venables' commission, paragraph 7, constituting his authority so to do.

^{page 4 note 1} “St. Jerome” in the margin, in a handwriting not Castilla's.

^{page 4 note 2} The governor, don Juan Ramirez, was the highest authority in the island. Next to the governor ranked the maestro de campo, don Francisco de Proenza. Third, the sargento mayor (approximately lieutenant colonel), don Francisco de Carvejal.

From this Spanish narrative and the English accounts, the student infers that Salinas and Carvajal saw Venables on Friday night; but perhaps it was not until Saturday morning. “… next morning (i.e. Saturday, the 12th) a Priest and a Major came to us to desire a treaty.….”—Venables, Narrative, p. 36. The editor has seen nothing in the Spanish documents to suggest that Salinas was a priest; but Carvajal might well have been described in English as a major. “I told them,” Venables continues, “we came not to pillage, but to plant; and withal having been long at sea with salt meat I expected they should send us in an hundred cows daily for our supply, with fresh meat and cassavina bread proportionable, or without those supplies I would not treat. Whereupon they sent us in cattle, but not bread, alledging they had not enough for us.”

^{page 5 note 1} This was evidently a stormy interview : see Memorials, II, p. 103. The former Catholic priest was Mr. Gage, interpreting, “whose reports to Cromwell of the Spanish possessions in America first prompted this expedition.” See the Narrative, p. 125, “Commissions delivered to severall officers att Hispaniola and Jamayca. Novemb' 1654 Mr. Thomas Gage, chaplaine to the Generral's Regiment.”

^{page 6 note 1} I.e. human and divine.

^{page 6 note 2} It would appear that this message never reached don Pedro de Bayona, inasmuch as the first news he had of events in Jamaica was furnished him in July, 1655, by refugees (Archives of Indies, 54–3–29, Bayona Villanueva to the crown, Santiago de Cuba, July 27, 1655). See p. 21, note 2.

^{page 7 note 1} Perhaps on Sunday ; or on Monday, since “The 14th they were again hot on the treaty.… .”—Seventh Report, p. 574.

^{page 7 note 2} “… Don Acosta, a Portuguise …” “… one of the best men amongst them. … ”—The Narrative, pp. 39, 99. See instructions to Colonel Bland (Ibid, 124)—his plantation needed special guard, for, admirable as “this Gent” (Ibid., p. 39) may have appeared to the English, the Spanish documents make it plain that to the Spaniards he was a traitor and recognized as such.

^{page 7 note 3} “… in regard they had yesterday (Monday) obliged themselves for the governor's coming in,” the English now effected to regard Duarte de Acosta and the two captains not as commissioners, but as hostages (Memorials, II, p. 104).

“The Articles being sign'd by the Commissioners I demanded the Commissioners for Hostages for performance and kept them.… ”—Venables, The Narrative, p. 39. See also pp. 99, 137. Cf. Memorials, II, p. 104. Narrative, pp. 39, 99, 137.

Apparently, then, the articles of capitulation were not only laid down, but signed as well—“by the Commissioners,” be it remarked—–prior to Governor Ramirez's advent in the English camp. Study of the Spanish narrative suggests that Venables was demanding his signature in addition to those of the commissioners, for it will be observed that the. governor announces that he will sign no paper not to the advantage of “both majesties,” i.e. of his God and of his king. The Spanish translation of the articles of capitulation preserved iii the Archives at Seville does not bear his name. When, presumably after the 17th (“17th, Thursday.—The Spaniards signed the articles.…”), the accountant Tello, brought them before the assembly at Bunducu, if they did not carry that signature, its omission may have amounted to aft order to the Spaniards to reject the articles, as indeed they did, encouraged by Tello. They adopted, then, the policy which, according to this narrative, had been Proenza's all along.

^{page 8 note 1} Author of this narrative.

^{page 9 note 1} See p. 7, note 3.

^{page 9 note 2} “… we … set division among them. …”—Venables, The Narrative, p. 99. See also p. 39 ; mention of “a Coll. amongst them Enemy to the Governour. …“

^{page 9 note 3} “…the Governor …I fetch'd in. …”—Venables, The Narrative, p. 39

^{page 9 note 4} Compare with the English accounts, The Narrative, pp. 137, 164.

^{page 10 note 1} The Narrative, pp. 137, 164, 166.

^{page 10 note 2} “…we ware in hopes that he would saue the Hangman a labor.”— Ibid., p. 166. If Ramirez died of this disease it was not at this time, nor did he afford the hangman business, despite Venables' belated threats (see The Harrington Letter, Seventh Report, p. 574). Instead, the English deported him and, dying at sea, he was buried in gulf waters off Yucatan at the end of September, 1655. See p. 22, note 1.

^{page 10 note 3} Guatibacoa was evidently the region immediately south-west of the town, between it and West Harbour and Peake Bay, because the Anaya ranch is shown on contemporary maps preserved in the Archives of the Indies to have been in the immediate vicinity of those harbours, and from the Anaya ranch we read in this same narrative (p. 14) that the English turned “back ” to Guatibacoa. Other references bear out this conclusion and the editor has observed none that contradict it.

^{page 10 note 4} Negroes and mulattoes were the best fighters on the Spanish side. The English documents make this plain (compare The Narrative, pp. 36, 156, etc.; note in The Barrington Letter, Seventh Report, p. 575, that they are “the black rogues ” whom its writer desired to clear away) ; and the Spanish documents at Seville make it equally plain that when they fell away from him the last Spanish governor of Jamaica gave over his most Catholic majesty's cause in that island as lost indeed.

^{page 10 note 5} The English accounts leave no doubt of the damage done in the killing of stragglers. See, for instance, The Barrington Letter, Seventh Report, p. 574 ; The Clarke Papers, III, p. 59 ; The Narrative, p. 39, and much subsequent mention of said damage by cutting off stragglers.

^{page 11 note 1} Presently called Nicholas Paine; see p.21.

^{page 11 note 2} Compare Venables' mention of this incident, The Narrative, p. 39. This negro could not have been a priest, but he may well have served the church in some very modest capacity. The English documents leave no doubt that his execution was justified ; and they and this Spanish narrative both show that Duarte de Acosta's disaffection was disastrous to the Spaniards. See p. 17.

^{page 12 note 1} Cf. Narrative, p. 165.

^{page 12 note 2} Cf. Narrative, pp. 36–39.

^{page 12 note 3} Just as don Francisco de Proeneza succeeded to leadership of the Spaniards, in the absence of his only superior, Governor Ramirez, so, evidently, don Francisco de Carvajal had been succeeded by don Cristobal Ysassi Arnaldo, presently to become last Spanish governor of Jamaica.

^{page 13 note 1} Cf. Narrative, p. 39.

^{page 13 note 2} Cf. Narrative, p. 165, lines beginning “Now this Spaniard did know what would kep our sillie Armie quiat.….” and with the accusation, p. 164, at the end of the entry for the 13th day.

The author of the anonymous relation, Ibid., p. 137, states that the Spaniards wrote a letter to the English informing them of their rejection of the articles; see also the Barrington Letters, Seventh Report, p. 574.

^{page 13 note 3} The English documents show that on Tuesday, May 22, Colonel Buller with a commanded party of perhaps as many as 3,000 men, did set out for the west, guided by Duarte de Acosta's advice. Lt.-Col. Ward commanded a force that went also, by sea. They did not succeed in engaging the enemy, except as the enemy chose (in guerrilla warfare). They brought back some prisoners and news that the island was indeed fertile. They had travelled south-west as far as the vicinity of Peake Bay or West Harbor (Anaya). See p. 10, note 3. See Memorials, II, pp. 104–5 ; Narrative, p. 138 ; Barrington Letters, Seventh Report, p. 574. Colonel Buller returned on Friday, the last of May.

^{page 14 note 1} “Upon consultation at his (Colonel Buller's) arrivall, and considering that the onely way to famine the enemie by keeping him from his Cassavi bread, it was concluded that the next day a partie of a 1000 men should disperce and settle att severall plantations, where the other should follow in due time, to inhabit the country, which will be devided among the regiments, and every man to have his proportion of goods from the province thereof, they manuring it themselves. And for the better carrying on hereof a committee is appoynted for the benefitt of the country.”—Anonymous relation, Narrative, p. 138.

“After this (Buller's) another partie was sent forth, who remained 15 miles from the citty in plantacions. Afterwards little of accions, onely the army was devided by regiments into severall quarters of the habitable parts of the country to plant guarrisons.” —Anonymous narrative, Clarke Papers, III, pp. 59–60.

“… then one Lt.-Coll. Bland was commanded out with another party (on June 1, then ; see Narrative, date of his instructions, p. 124) to the plantations alotted for my coil's plantations and future quarters ; the said It. coll. returned, but left a major there to secure them from the enemy.”— Barrington Letters, Seventh Report, p. 574.

“At present (June 4, 1655) we are possessed of the Town and of their Houses, and the People are fled into the Mountains not daring to fight us, so that now we are spreading our Army into the country to quarter and to prevent the Enemy from getting Provision, so also to plant for our own relief ; for our shipping not coming to us hath put us to great loss and hardship. ”…—How, to his brother, Narrative, p. 40.

“I then being very weak order[ed] the Council of Warr to fall about distributing the Army into the several Plantations, that they might fall to work, and live (for the future) upon their own endeavours and fix plantations to be supplies at hand (Europe being far off) for the further carrying on the design.… I sent also several Parties abroad to discover the country, and attempt upon the Enemy, and to secure the passes into the Mountains, who return'd with some Prisoners and Pillage, and shortly most of the Regiments were sent to their several Plantations as it fell to them by lot. I press'd again for Bread, but it was answered the Men must work or rott.”—Venables, Narrative, p. 47.

“I had ordered the Officers to sit Constantly to order the quartering of the Army, and to put them into Plantations.”—Ibid., p. 61.

“St. Iago on Jamaica, June 15, 1655.—… The land is devided among the regiments. … ”—Anonymous relation, Narrative, p. 140.

“Now our Armie did begin to share the Land and plantations. … ”— Whistler, Narrative, p. 166.

“… A Colony, the work I was sent about, was effected.”—Venables Narrative, p. 103.

Only a student of Spanish documents, particularly those of the sixteenth century, referring to Spanish conquests in the western hemisphere, can appreciate how wisely in the midst of disgraceful laxities, the English were acting, after all. “… Officers to sit Constantly to order the … Army … into Plantations. Our Armie … did share the Land … A Colony … was affected.” Necessity spurred (“… Men must work or rott. ….”) as necessity has a way of forcing humanity forward ; but this policy, which doubtless seemed to all to be the obvious, the only course to pursue, was the flowering of a genius which has built the British empire to endure. Simple wisdom it was—the great things are invariably simple things—simple wisdom, that Spain could not, and cannot acquire. “… Work or rott! “Plant or starve !

^{page 15 note 1} Castilla does not seem to distinguish between Penn and Venables, or, indeed, to have known that the English expedition had two commanders. Penn cleared for England on June 25 (Memorials, II, p. 126 ; eleven vessels are listed as departing at that time) and Goodson was commissioned to command the squadron left at Jamaica—” those desired to stay were all the English frigates ” (Ibid., pp. 104, 114).

Venables also returned to England, clearing in July. Colonel Buller accompanied him. Major General Fortescue succeeded him in his command (Narrative, pp. 66–7, 104, 140, 141).

^{page 16 note 1} Penn and Venables were both sent to the tower, but presently released (Memorials, II, pp. 136, 142 ; Narrative, pp. 77, 86).

^{page 16 note 2} “Wee have taken … a rich fat woman, the richest of the country.… ”—Anonymous relation, Narrative, p. 140.

^{page 16 note 3} The rainy season had now set in. To remain in the bush had become serious hardship. Not all the Spaniards who were unwilling to endure it, left for Cuba : not a few surrendered. Compare Narrative, pp. 47, Letter to Thurloe ; 140–1. The English soon deported their seventy prisoners, probably because food was very scarce.

^{page 17 note 1} I.e. from South East Point to South Negril. The editor is not prepared to identify Port Pereda. It is shown on a map preserved at Seville and might be Black River.

^{page 17 note 2} Neither does the editor consider it safe to attempt to identify Manati, Lobato, Laguna Sucia, Jaguaytabo, Caobana ranch and river, etc., here mentioned. Evidently through August and September of 1655, the English made the Spaniards uncomfortable in their retreats in south-western Jamaica. Compare Barrington's remarks made in March following (Seventh Report, P. 575)

^{page 19 note 1} Compare with English accounts of the sicknesses which afflicted the invaders, especially the Barrington Letters, Seventh Report, p. 574 ; Narrative, pp. 142, 156, etc., etc., etc.

^{page 21 note 1} Compare Narrative, pp. 142–3.

^{page 21 note 2} Documents at Seville show that the Spaniards withdrew to the north coast, where it would appear that an estate owned by don Francisco de Leiva Ysassi (possibly near the port called Santa Ana) became their headquarters, largely because his generosity there sheltered don Francisco de Proenza (see p. 27). Communication was established with don Pedro de Bayona, governor at Santiago de Cuba, whose conduct with respect to Jamaica justified the accusation made later that he had waged more war than the English upon his most Catholic majesty's subjects in that distracted island.

As here indicated, the first assistance they received came from don Pedro Zapata, governor of Cartagena. He learned of their situation in October ; in December the supplies and munitions which he sent, were landed upon the south coast (A .de I., 54–3–29, the council for Indres to the crown, May 17, 1657). He sent further relief in April, which, however, seems never to have reached its destination (Ibid.).

^{page 22 note 1} Ramirez's promotion of Cristobal Ysassi Arnaldo, from sargento mayor to be his teniente de maestre de campo, in immediate command of the campaign, doubtless aroused considerable jealousy, as the narrative here indicates. It made the defense of Jamaica entirely a family affair (for Proenza, Ysassi and the Leivas were inter-related by blood and marriage), especially when Ysassi preferred his nephew, don Cristobal de Leiva (later killed in action) to be his second, i.e. sargento mayor.

Governor Ramirez died at sea off Campeche at the end of September, 1655 (A. de I., 54–3–29, don Francisco de Bazan to the crown, Merida, September 29, 1655). Proenza had been de facto governor for months preceding. It is not logical to suppose that he had awaited news of the governor's death to name his lieutenant: Castilla is here merely forestalling any charge that he had not the right to make this much resented appointment.

^{page 22 note 2} The arrival of the first relief, from Cartagena, in December, 1655, was the end of the first period into which the history of Spanish resistance to the English occupation of Jamaica seems to fall. The second period opened in March, 1656, when Ysassi, newly promoted, left the north coast for the south, to take possession of said relief and so strengthened, to carry the war into the enemy's country. Two excellent letters of his, which parallel the Castilla narrative of subsequent events, have been preserved in the Archives of the Indies : 54–3–29, don Cristobal Ysassi Arnaldo to don Bias, his brother at Santiago de Cuba, written from Manatines in Jamaica, April 3, 1656; don Cristobal Ysassi Arnaldo to don Pedro Zapata, from Jamaica, June 25, 1656.

^{page 23 note 1} Petty dissension distracted the Spanish camp ; with the later arrival of regular forces, jealousies among the officers augmented, culminating, eventually, in disaster to his most Catholic majesty's arms.

^{page 23 note 2} See p. 10, note 3.

^{page 24 note 1} I.e. on the site of Apostles Battery. The promontory mentioned was the Hill, opposite. See map, opp. p. 82, Jamaica under the Spaniards.

^{page 25 note 1} In the margin and in a hand not the author's are the words “It is here.” Evidently the seal described at one time accompanied this document.

^{page 25 note 2} “Also ” in the margin, in another hand.

^{page 28 note 1} In the margin and in a hand not the author's is the note “Deposition is in its place.”

^{page 28 note 2} Major General Robert Sedgwick, who arrived in Jamaica, October 1, and died May 24.

^{page 28 note 3} Edward Doyley, later general, and regularly commissioned (February 8, 1661) to be first English governor of Jamaica.

^{page 29 note 1} See p. 28, note 3.

^{page 29 note 2} Compare with heading of the document.