The extent to which German big business aided Hitler in his rise to power is still a matter of controversy. For Marxists, or at least those who follow the Moscow line, there is no problem, since they regard Nazism as a manifestation of the monopoly stage of capitalism. Non-Marxists, however, are widely divided. Some have reached conclusions similar to those of the Marxists; others have exonerated the capitalists. Most have concluded that big business gave some support to the Nazis but have not specified its extent or significance. In part, this wide range of opinion is the result of ideological differences. But just as importantly, the evidence on which existing studies of the subject rest is scanty, sometimes ambiguous, and often of questionable validity. Few aspects of National Socialism have been so inadequately researched. Even the most basic facts remain in doubt, and before any further general interpretations can usefully be put forward toward a resolution of the controversy, it is necessary to return to the fundamental task of setting the record straight. A great deal more evidence is available for this purpose than is generally recognized, enough, in fact, to clear up many disputed issues and produce more than a few surprises. A case in point is that of Emil Kirdorf, long universally regarded as an early and loyal backer of Hitler and National Socialism in the camp of big business.
1. See, for example: Bracher, Karl Dietrich, Die Auflōsung der Weimarer Republik (2nd ed., Stuttgart and Düsseldorf, 1957), pp. 292, 334;Bullock, Alan, Hitler. A Study in Tyranny (London, 1952), p. 133;Hallgarten, George W.F., Hitler, Reichswehr und Industrie (2nd ed., Frankfurt am Main, 1962), passim;Lochner, P. Louis, Tycoons and Tyrant (Chicago, 1954), pp. 97f.;Schulz, Gerhard in Bracher, K. D., Sauer, W., Schulz, G., Die National-sozialistische Machtergreifung (Cologne and Opladen, 1960), p. 394.
2. Pinner, Felix, Deutsche Wirtschaftsführer (Charlottenburg, 1925), p. 84. Kirdorf's own reminiscences of his business career are recorded in a 237-page memoir, “Erinnerungen, 1847–1930,” which he had printed for private distribution in 1930 (a copy is in the Kirdorf Papers held by the Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks-A.G. of Essen). An informative, if eulogistic, biography is Bacmeister, Walter, Emil Kirdorf. Der Mann. Sein Werk (2nd ed., Essen, n.d. ). Although Bacmeister used the “Erinnerungen” as his main source of information, and thus knew the facts, he adhered to the Nazi mythology on Kirdorf's relations with the Party. The same is true of a much briefer publication: Debus, W., Emil Kirdorf, ein deutsches Kämpferleben (Essen, 1938). Less informative are two earlier eulogies by Freundt, F. A.: Emil Kirdorf. Ein Lebensbild (Essen, n.d. ); and Kapital und Arbeit (Berlin, n.d. ). There is also a fictional treatment of Kirdorf in the novel Union der festen Hand (Berlin, 1931), by Erik Reger (pseudonym for Hermann Dannenberger). Kirdorf appears, thinly disguised, as “Chiristian Felgenhauer.”
3. Kaelble, Hartmut, Industrielle Interessenpolitik in der Wilhelminischen Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1967), passim.
4. His views are best set forth in a speech he delivered in a guest appearance before the Verein für Socialpolitik on September 27, 1905: Schriften des Vereins…, cxvi (1906), 272–93. See also Jaeger, Hans, Unternehmer in der deutschen Politik, 1890–1918 (Bonn, 1967), passim. Also, Fürstenberg, Hans, Carl Fürstenberg. Die Lebensgeschichte eines deutschen Bankiers, 1870–1914 (Berlin, 1931), pp. 372ff., 412ff.
5. Bacmeister, , Kirdorf, pp. 137f. Pinner, , Wirtschaftsführer, pp. 90f. Bernhard, Ludwig, Der “Hugenberg-Konzern” (Berlin, 1928), p. 53. Many years later, Hitler recalled that in the 1920' Kirdorf was still seething with anger at William II: Picker, Henry, ed., Hitlers Tischgespräche (Bonn, 1951), p. 120.
6. Schriften des Vereins für Socialpolitik, cxvi (1906), 289. Freundt, Kirdorf, p. 74. Kirdorf, “Erinnerungen,” pp. 211ff. Kirdorf's father was Catholic but died before the boy was a year old. He was raised in the Prussian Evangelical Church by his mother, but later joined a Mennonite sect to which his first wife belonged: ibid., p. 211. In the post-war period he espoused the Teutonic cult of the Ludendorffs, : Fritz Thyssen, I Paid Hitler (New York, 1941), p. 99.
7. Schriften des Vereins für Socialpolitik, CXVI (1906), 277.
8. Müller, Fritz F., Deutschland, Zanzibar, Ostafrika (East Berlin, 1959), p. 52.Kehr, Eckart, “Soziale und finanzielle Grundlagen der Tirpitzschen Flottenpropaganda,” in Kehr, , Primat der Innenpolitik, ed. Hans-Ulrich Wehler (Berlin, 1965), p. 140. Keim, August, Erlebtes und Erstrebtes (Hanover, 1925), p. 142.
9. Class, Heinrich, Wider den Strom (Leipzig, 1932), p. 247. Deutsches Zentralarchiv, Potsdam (DZAP), Alldeutscher Verband, file 211/I, letter, Class to Reventlow, Count Ernst zu, May 7, 1910.
10. Kruck, Alfred, Geschichte des Alldeutschen Verbandes, 1890–1939 (Wiesbaden, 1954), p. 84.Gatzke, Hans W., Germany's Drive to the West (Baltimore, 1950), p. 43.Fisher, Fritz, Griff nach der Weltmacht (Düsseldorf, 1961), passim.
11. Weber, Hellmuth, Ludendorff und die Monopole (East Berlin, 1966), pp. 103f.Breucker, Wilhelm, Die Tragik Ludendorffs (Stollhamm, 1953), p. 31.
12. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/9, letter to Schüssler, Waldemar, Oct. 25, 1926.
13. Bacmeister, , Kirdorf, p. 166.
14. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/2, letter to Dauerfriedenskomitee, Oct. 10, 1919.
15. Ibid. On the Republic as Pöbelherrschaft: DZAP, Alldeutscher Verband, 211/1, Kirdorf to Class, Aug. 28, 1922.
16. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/4, letter to Dix, Arthur, Aug. 13, 1924.
17. Ibid., 2 00 01/2, letter to Ludendorff, Aug. 7, 1919.
18. Ibid., letter to Reinhold Wulle, Mar. 12, 1920. Also, 2 00 01/4, letter to Arthur Dix, Aug. 13, 1924.
19. DZAP, Alldeutscher Verband, 211/1, interview printed in Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger Jan. 21, 1923.
20. Gengler, Ludwig Franz, Die deutschen Monarchisten 1919 bis 1925 (Kulmbach, 1932), p. 32.
21. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” pp. 210ff.
22. Ibid., p. 175: letter from Count Westarp, on the occasion of Kirdorf's eightieth birthday, reprinted from Berliner Börsen-Zeitung of Apr. 9, 1927. Kirdorf was a member of the Arbeitsausschuss Deutschnationaler Industrieller; see Dörr, Manfred, “Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, 1925 bis 1928” (unpub. diss., Marburg, 1964), p. 593.
23. Bernhard, , “Hugenberg-Konzern,” pp. 64f. See also his correspondence with Hugenberg in Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/7.
24. Bacmeister, , Kirdorf, pp. 145f.
25. For Kirdorf's unsuccessful effort to mobilize the industrial wing of the DNVP against the unemployment insurance bill, see Paul Reusch Papers, Historisches Archiv, Gute Hoffnungshütte, Oberhausen, file 30019390/20, Kirdorf to Reusch, Mar. 14, 1927. For his opposition to the workday law, see Kirdorf to Westarp, Feb. 26, 1927: Westarp Papers, Gaertringen.
26. See Kirdorf Papers, file 9/21/01. Only one person, Heinrich Class of the All-deutscher Verband, was indicated in connection with the alleged plot, and the charges against him were eventually dropped for lack of evidence: Kruck, , Alldeutschen, pp. 174f. The Social Democratic Interior Minister of Prussia, Albert Grzesinski, later apologized to the others involved from the floor of Landtag, in December 1926: Sitzungsberichte des Preussischen Landtages, 2. Wahlperiode, vols. 10–11, 15670f.
27. For information on these appearances see Heiber, Helmut, ed., Das Tagebuch von Joseph Goebbels, 1925/26 (Stuttgart, n.d. ), p. 84;Weinberg, Gerhard L., “National Socialist Organization and Foreign Policy Aims in 1927,” Journal of Modern History, xxxvi (1964), 430f. Also, Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Akten der Regierung Düsseldorf, 16738: Polizeipräsident, Essen, to Regierungspräsident, Düsseldorf, Feb. 5, 1927. Also Berlin Document Center, Reichsschatzmeister der NSDAP, Ordner 155 (Gau Ruhr): Polizeiprāsident, Essen, to NSDAP, Essen, May 28, 1926.
28. In his “Erinnerungen,” p. 180, Kirdorf wrote in 1930 that he first heard Hitler on April 27, 1927. In his interviews with the press during the Third Reich (see n. 29 below), he dated the occasion variously as 1925, 1926, or 1927. According to a later report by the deputy Gauleiter of the Gau Essen-Ruhr, the encounter took place in September 1926: Berlin Document Center, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, Mappe 136, Schlessmann to Reichspressestelle, Munich, May 17, 1943.
29. Kirdorf told of his encounters with Hitler in at least three interviews with the press during the Third Reich; there are minor discrepancies, but on the essential facts all three accounts coincide closely. Clippings of two of these were found in the Reichsnährstand-archiv, Museum für Deutsche Geschichte, East Berlin: “Meine Begegnungen mit dem Führer,” Preussische Zeitung (Königsberg), 01 3, 1937; “Kirdorf über Vierjahresplan,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Oct. 28, 1936. The third was located in DZAP, Alldeutscher Verband, 211/I: “Begegnungen mit Adolf Hitler. Eine Unterredung mit Geheimrat Kirdorf,” Rheinisch-Westfālische Zeitung, July 28, 1935. A paraphrase, not, as indicated, a verbatim text, of part of the interview with the Preussische Zeitung is printed in Norden, Albert, Lehren deutscher Geschichte (East Berlin, 1947), pp. 157f.
30. On Frau Bruckmann, who was allegedly born a Princess Cantacuzène, see Hanfstaengel, Putzi, Hitler, the Missing Years (London, 1957), pp. 42f. Also Müller, Karl Alexander von, Im Wandel einer Welt (Munich, 1966), pp. 299f. Also Schirach, Baldur von, Ich glaubte an Hitler (Hamburg, 1967), passim.
31. Kirdorf, in Preussische Zeitung (see n. 29 above).
32. This date was given by Kirdorf, in Rheinisch-Westfälische Zeitung (see n. 29 above). There is no documentary basis for the oft-repeated assertion of the journalist Konrad Heiden that Kirdorf and Hitler were brought together through the intermediacy of Otto Dietrich and Theodor Reismann-Grone: Heiden, , Adolf Hitler (2 vols., Zurichs, 1936–1937), I, 260.
33. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 181. See also Kirdorf in Rheinish-Westfälische Zeitung (n. 29 above).
34. According to the master membership file of the NSDAP, located now in the Berlin Document Center, Kirdorf became a member of the NSDAP on Aug. 1, 1927, receiving membership number 71032.
35. Even as a new convert to Nazism, Kirdorf apparently could not repress his congenital pessimism: Hitler later complained that the industrialist had promised his support only with the proviso that he not be required to believe in a successful outcome of the struggle. “A people which had tolerated an emperor like William II,” Kirdorf told Hitler, “was in his opinion too decadent in its leading circles ever to experience a rebirth.” (Picker, , Tischgespräche, p. 120.)
36. See Turner, Henry Ashby Jr., “Hitler's Secret Pamphlet for Industrialists, 1927,” Journal of Modern History, XL (1968), 348–74.
37. According to the postwar testimony of one of Kirdorf's acquaintances, the old industrialist attached special importance to this aspect of National Socialism: National Archives of the United States, Record Group 238 (Nuremberg Documents), NI-635, statement written by Tengelmann, Wilhelm, 1945 (now available in U. S. National Archives Microfilm Publications, Microcopy No. T-301, Records of the U. S. Chief Counsel for War Crimes, Nuremberg, Military Tribunals, Relating to Nazi Industrialists, Roll 7).
38. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 198. See also the speech which Paul Silverberg gave in tribute to Kirdorf on the occasion of the latter's eightieth birthday: Silverberg, Paul, Reden und Schriften (Cologne, 1951), pp. 231–33.
39. Turner, , “Pamphlet,” p. 358.
40. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 196, letter of Jan. 3, 1928, to “Dr. S.” This is clearly Dr. Arthur Salomonsohn, long-time head of the Disconto-Gesellschaft, Berlin, and former chairman of the board of overseers of GBAG. See Kirdorf's other correspondence with Salomonsohn: Kirdorf Papers, 200 01/1/8.
41. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 182 (the participants are not named).
42. See for example “Vertrauen und Verbundenheit,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Aug. 19, 1934 (Reichsnährstandarchiv); also, statement in Der Ruhrarbeiter, May 1, 1936, quoted in Guerin, Daniel, Fascism and Big Business (New York, 1939), p. 24.
43. See “Emil Kirdorf,” Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, Apr. 8, 1936, clipping in Reichsnährstandarchiv.
44. “Adlerschild des Reiches für Geheimrat Kirdorf,” Völkischer Beobachter, Berlin, 04 8, 1937. Also “Adolf Hitler im Ruhrgebiet,”ibid., Berlin, Apr. 15, 1935.
45. “Der Führer an der Bahre Emil Kirdorfs,” Vōlkischer Beobachter, North German edition, 07 17, 1938. See also Emil Kirdorf zum Gedāchtnis. Trauerfeier am 16. Juli 1938 (Essen, 1938).
46. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/1/10, letter to NSDAP Munich, Aug. 12, 1928; printed in Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” pp. 200f.
47. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 200.
48. See Kühnl, Reinhard, Die nationalsozialistische Linke, 1925–1930 (Meisenheim am Glan, 1966).
49. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/1/10, letter to NSDAP, Munich, Aug. 12, 1928; printed in Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” pp. 200f. He gave the date of the offending issue of Die neue Front as Aug. 10, 1928. The author was not mentioned.
50. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/1/10, Hugenberg to Kirdorf, Oct. 29, 1928; Kirdorf to Hugenberg, Dec. 6, 1929.
51. “Eine Erklärung Kirdorfs,” in Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Aug. 23, 1930, and Berliner Tageblatt, Aug. 24. 1930. Unaccountably, this statement has gone unnoticed by historians.
52. “Kirdorfs Brief an Hitler,” Völkischer Beobachter, Berlin, 08 27, 1929. An English translation of most of the letter is in Heiden, Konrad, Der Fuehrer (Boston, 1944), pp. 340ff.
53. Kirdorf, , in Preussische Zeitung, Jan. 3, 1937 (see n. 29 above). Also, Ernst Poensgen, “Hitler und die Ruhrindustriellen. Ein Rückblick,” copy in National Archives of the United States, Record Group 238 (Nuremberg Documents), Case X, Bülow Dokumentenbuch I. Also ibid., NI-635, statement of Wilhelm Tengelmann, 1945 (now available in Microcopy T-301, Roll 7).
54. According to the Nazi master membership file (now at Berlin Document Center), Kirdorf's membership did not lapse until Oct. 1, 1928, six weeks after the submission of his letter of resignation. This raises the possibility of efforts to bring him to reconsider.
55. see Kirdorf's response in his “Erinnerungen,” p. 202.
56. This is made clear in Kirdorf's letter of August 1929 (n. 52 above).
57. Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/1/12, Hess, Rudolf to Kirdorf, Dec. 28, 1930.
58. Hess mentioned in this letter that Hitler was at the moment unable to give an “Aufklärungsvortrag,” but Hess promised to remain in touch through Kirdorf's son-in-law, presumably to make arrangements for such a talk at a future date. This son-in-law was Hans Krueger, a retired naval officer who had been appointed one of the many members of the board of directors of United Steel, probably as a favor to Kirdorf; see Wenzel, Georg, Deutscher Wirtschaftsführer (Hamburg, 1929), column 1259, and Lengyel, Emil, Hitler (New York, 1932), p. 201. Kirdorf's stepson, Wilhelm Wessel, who owned a small tile factory in Bonn, also had close ties to the NSDAP: Berlin Document Center, Partei Kanzlei, Correspondence on Kirdorf.
59. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 202.
60. Völkischer Beobachter, Berlin, 08 27, 1929. See also Heiden, , Fuehrer, p. 342.
61. For his attitude toward the idea of a “national” bloc, see his “Erinnerungen,” pp. 207ff.
62. Ibid., pp. 202, 204, 207f.
64. Ibid., pp. 216f.
65. Ibid., pp. 220f. His disillusionment with Hindenburg had been accelerated by an interview with the President on March 3, 1928, at which he sought in vain to bring Hindenburg to use his emergency powers against the peril represented by the machinations of the Center and the SPD: ibid., pp. 198ff.
66. Ibid., p. 234. Also, Autographen-Sammlung von Dr. C. Duisberg (in archive of Farbenfabrik Bayer, Leverkusen), Kirdorf to Duisberg, June 21, 1931.
67. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” pp. 234, 237.
68. See his New Year's statement in Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Jan. 1, 1933 (clipping in DZAP, Alldeutscher Verband, 211/I).
70. His last recorded contact with Hitler prior to the latter's appointment as Chancellor was in September 1932, at the house of Fritz Thyssen: Thyssen, I Paid Hitler, p. 110.
71. Lochner, , Tycoons, p. 173. Kirdorf apparently wrote another such letter of protest later in the year, though to whom is not clear: Kirdorf Papers, 2 00 01/1/10, Brandi, Ernst to Hermann Olfe, Dec. 15, 1933. In Thyssen, I Paid Hitler, p. 99, it is asserted that Kirdorf gave Thyssen a letter addressed to Hitler in which Kirdorf protested against the persecutions.
72. Krupp-Archiv, , Hügel, Villa, Essen: IV E 894, Silverberg to Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, July 22, 1933.
73. Berlin Document Center, Partei Kanzlei, Correspondence on Emil Kirdorf: Kirdorf to Hess, Mar. 3, 1934; Kirdorf to Reichsleitung der NSDAP, Mar. 6, 1934.
74. Ibid., Reichsschatzmeister Franz Xaver Schwarz to Gauleitung, Essen, 06 28 and Dec. 4, 1934.
75. One of the earliest of these inaccurate accounts, and the source for many subsequent versions, is Heiden, Konrad, Hitler, according to which Kirdorf controlled a “Ruhrschatz,” or secret treasury of the Ruhr industry (I, 260). Another version, allegedly that of a participant, but actually thoroughly fictional, at least on Kirdorf, is Strasser, Otto and Stern, Michael, Flight from Terror (New York, 1943), pp. 108f., 117ff., 144.
76. Küster, Fritz, Die Hintermänner der Nazis. Von Papen bis Deterding (Hanover, 1946), p. 15.
77. Wenzel, , Wirtschaftsführer, columns 1134–36.
78. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” passim. Pinner, Wirtschaftsführer, pp. 85f. Bacmeister, Kirdorf, passim.
79. See Klass, Gert von, Hugo Stinnes (Tübingen, 1958), pp. 227ff. Also, Ufermann, and Hüglin, , Stinnes, pp. 20f., 34.
80. Bacmeister, , Kirdorf, pp. 73f., 78. His active role in the coal cartel came to an end in April 1925: ibid., p. 100. He was thus in no position to establish an Umlage, or assessment of 5 Pfennig per ton of mined coal for the benefit of the NSDAP in 1931; cf. Küster, , Hintermänner, p. 15.
81. Kirdorf, , “Erinnerungen,” p. 211.
82. Class, Strom, p. 247.
83. DZAP, Alldeutscher Verband, 211/I: Class to Count Ernst zu Reventlow, May 7, 1910; Kirdorf to Class, Oct. 6, 1915. For a list of personal contributions of prominent members during the period May 9–Aug. 1, 1922, see ibid., file 202. Kirdorf gave only 1000 inflated Marks, while many less well-known persons were donating 10–40,000. On July 23, 1919, he wrote to Class and turned down a request for funds on the grounds that business was bad (ibid., file 211/I).
84. Heiden, , Fuehrer, p. 356. Bullock, Hitler, p. 133.
85. Thyssen, , I Paid Hitler, p. 98. At his de-nazification trial, Thyssen explained that this money, which he estimated at 150,000 Marks, was taken from the funds of the August-Thyssen-Hütte: Spruchkammerverfahren gegen Dr. Fritz Thyssen in Königstein, Obertaunus, 1948, Hessisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Wiesbaden, Klageschrift, p. 215.
86. Otto Dietrich, the Nazi journalist who accompanied Hitler on many of his visits to the Ruhr, expressed the opinion in his postwar memoir that no material support worthy of mention resulted from Hitler's association with Kirdorf, : Zwölf Jahre mit Hitler (Cologne, n.d. ), p. 185.
87. At least one, Wilhelm Tengelmann, explained at Nuremberg after the war that Kirdorf's influence and a meeting with Hitler at Kirdorf's house in 1930 or 1931 had played an important part in his own decision to join the Party at that time: National Archives of the United States, Record Group 238 (Nuremberg Documents), NI- 635, statement written in 1945 (now available in Microcopy T-301, Roll 7).
88. Nuernberg Military Tribunals, Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10 (15 vols., Washington, 1949–1953), VII, 557.
89. See Silverberg, , Reden und Schriften, pp. LXXIIIff.
90. See Bergbau-Verein, , Jahresbericht des Vereins für die bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen, für das Jahr 1929 (Essen, 1930), p. 99.
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