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Shantytowns and Pioneers beyond the City Wall: Berlin's Urban Frontier in the Nineteenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 July 2014

Kristin Poling*
Affiliation:
University of Michigan-Dearborn

Extract

In 1783, Friedrich Gedike wondered whether the city of Berlin was growing disproportionately to the rest of the country. Like any good enlightened observer of the city, Gedike praised the open vistas of newly planned suburbs over the cramped streets of the medieval city core. But, though a spacious city allowed for healthy use and recreation and Berlin remained much smaller than great capitals such as Paris and London, Gedike feared that Berlin's growth was becoming too rapid to control. Something, he worried, was out of proportion. Hundreds of buildings had been erected in place of the city's now demolished ramparts. This newly won land had not sufficed, however, and new suburbs with thousands of new buildings arose, streets irregularly placed, without adequate linkages to the inner city. This immoderate growth was evident in the failure to overcome the boundary between the city core and newly developed suburbs. The number of streets broken through the former fortifications land proved inadequate. This continued division, Gedike feared, would impede the city's ongoing development.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Central European History Society of the American Historical Association 2014 

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References

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2 Gedike, Über Berlin, 14.

3 Following from Richard Slotkin's contention that the American frontier myth was but one version of a larger system of myths produced by the social strains of modernization, this article contributes to a comparative understanding of processes of modernization, urbanization, and nation-building by exploring a German version of the frontier myth as it was applied to the growing city. Slotkin, Richard, The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization 1800–1890 (New York: Atheneum, 1985)Google Scholar.

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8 The Oranienburger Gate had been moved out in 1845–46 and was expanded in 1849. A piece of the wall was removed in conjunction with the construction of new railway tracks in 1850. A new gate was placed between the Kottbusser and Halle Gates in 1851. GStA PK I. HA Rep 151 III, Nr. 2074 and 2075.

9 GStA PK I. HA Rep. 90a, Nr. 1800, doc.1; GStA PK I. HA Rep. 93b, Nr. 3029.

10 GStA PK I. HA Rep. 77, Tit. 227a, Nr.49, vol. 2; LA Berlin Rep 000-02-01, Nr. 1579. Further petitions from the early 1860s can be found in GSTA PK I. HA Rep. 90a, Nr. 1800. On the financial “double burden” of living in the suburbs, see also Zschocke, Die Berliner Akzisemauer, 40.

11 Minister of War Albrecht von Roon justified the decision with reference to 1848 in 1853. GStA PK I. HA Rep. 93b, Nr. 3029, 31.

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18 As Otto von Gierke would formulate it, the Prussian “authoritarian state” feared the “the growing big city.” Quoted in Hegemann, Das steinerne Berlin, 268.

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35 This was a metaphor used by Reinhard Baumeister in his book on city expansion planning: “Der Zuzug neuer Einwohner ist daher den Zinsen eines Kapitals zu vergleichen, welche dem letzteren stets zugeschlagen werden, und die Einwohnerzahl vergrössert sich wie ein auf Zinseszins stehendes Kapital.” Baumeister, Stadt-Erweiterungen, 8.

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43 Börsen-Zeitung, July 23, 1865, 2691.

44 Spenersche Zeitung, September 3, 1865, 2.

45 GStA PK I. HA Rep. 93b, Nr. 3030.

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid.

48 Charles Taylor argues that it is a characteristic of modern “narrations of change, growth, development, realization of potential” that they often have “once-for-all moments: of founding, revolution, liberation.” Taylor, Charles, A Secular Age (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004), 716Google Scholar.

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50 Springer, Berlin, 85. For a historical account of the “Stadtrandzone” in the mid-nineteenth-century city, see Hengsbach, “Der Berliner Stadtrand,” 144–162; and von der Dollen, Busso, “Stadtrandphänoneme in historisch-geographischer Sicht,” in Siedlungsforschung, ed. Fehn, 1534Google Scholar.

51 Springer, Berlin, 94.

52 Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 27, 1872, 1465. The mayor at the time was Arthur Hobrecht, the brother of James Hobrecht, who was the author of Berlin's controversial 1862 city plan.

53 Large, David Clay, Berlin (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 16Google Scholar.

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55 Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, July 4, 1872, 3, and August 25, 1872, 3; Kreuzzeitung, May 11, 1872, 2–3; Gerichts-Zeitung, July 13, 1872, 2.

56 “Die Wohnungsnoth und die Barackenstadt in Berlin,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, July 14, 1872, Beilage. Cabinets, beds, and mattresses were included in the reported building supplies. Interestingly, none of the illustrations ever depicted this. In these, the huts look relatively orderly, constructed out of wood.

57 Versions of the same story with these numbers ran in a number of local papers. Spenersche Zeitung, May 17, 1872; Vossische Zeitung, May 18, 1872, Beilage; Kreuzzeitung, May 22, 1872, 3.

58 “Berliner Krawalle und Wohnungsnoth,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, August 11, 1872, Beilage.

59 The shantytowns were described in three of the most widely distributed illustrated family journals. Ring, Max, “Ein Besuch in Barackia. Berliner Lebensbild,” Gartenlaube 72, no. 28 (1872): 458461Google Scholar; Hosang, E., “Berliner Wohnungsnoth,” Über Land und Meer 13, no. 46 (1872): 1314Google Scholar; Die Berliner Barackencolonie,” Illustrirte Zeitung 58, no. 1511 (1872): 435437Google Scholar. L. Loeffler's woodcut appeared in the Gartenlaube, Georg Koch's in Über Land und Meer, and Knut Ekwall's (a Swedish painter) in the Illustrirte Zeitung. Another illustration of the 1872 shantytowns, a woodcut by Paul Meyersheim, appeared in the Berliner Volkszeitung Sonntagsblatt on July 14, 1872. This image also appeared reprinted in Glatzer, Berlin wird Kaiserstadt, 81.

60 Accounts ran in the Staatsbürger-Zeitung, the Kreuzzeitung, the Vossische Zeitung, Spenersche Zeitung, Norddeutsche Zeitung, the Berliner Volkszeitung, the Demokratische Zeitung, and the Berliner Tageblatt.

61 Hosang, “Berliner Wohnungsnoth,” 14.

62 Recent scholarship on the housing market in imperial Berlin emphasizes its early inefficiency, rather than general market shortages. Bernhardt, Christoph, Bauplatz Groß-Berlin. Wohnungsmärkte, Terraingewerbe und Kommunalpolitik im Städtewachstum der Hochindustrialisierung (1871–1918), Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin 93 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1998), 321Google Scholar.

63 The Gründerzeit led to similar housing crises in other German cities, though nowhere as spectacularly as in Berlin. There were shantytown settlements in Frankfurt similar to the ones in Berlin. Wischermann, Clemens, “Mythen, Macht und Mängel. Der Deutsche Wohnungsmarkt im Urbanisierungsprozess,” in Geschichte des Wohnens, Band 3. 1800–1918: Das bürgerliche Zeitalter, ed. Reulecke, Jürgen (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1997), 337Google Scholar.

64 For an example of the rural vagrant, see Ostwald, Hans, Vagabunden. Ein autobiographischer Roman, ed. Bergmann, Klaus, Schriftenreihe des Institut für sozialhistorische Forschung (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 1980), 37Google Scholar.

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67 In a later report from 1894, the City Magistracy found that only one-sixth of the users of the city's homeless shelter was Berlin-born. Scheffler, Jürgen, “‘Weltstadt’ und ‘Unterwelt.’ Urbanisierung, Armenpolitik und Obdachlosigkeit in Berlin 1871–1914,” Internationale Wissenschaftliche Korrespondenzen zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung 22, no. 2 (June 1990): 165Google Scholar.

68 Wischermann, “Mythen, Macht und Mängel,” 335–336.

69 J. Scheffler, “‘Weltstadt’ und ‘Unterwelt,’” 168.

70 Ibid., 166–168.

71 See, for example, Walcker, Karl, Die großstädtische Wohnungsnoth, ihre Ursachen und Heilmittel, Deutsche Zeit- und Streitfragen 7 (Hamburg: Verlagsanstalt und Drückerei Actien Gesellschaft, 1892)Google Scholar.

72 Baumeister, Stadt-Erweiterungen, 27.

73 J. Scheffler, “‘Weltstadt’ und ‘Unterwelt,’” 165.

74 Moritz Julius Bonn wrote that late nineteenth-century Berlin was “not unlike an oil city of the American west, which had grown up overnight and, feeling its strength, insisted on displaying its wealth.” Bonn, Moritz Julius, Wandering Scholar (London: Cohen & West, 1949), 4445Google Scholar, quoted and cited in Eksteins, Modris, Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1989), 75Google Scholar.

75 Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 27, 1872, 1465; “Die Barackenstadt vor Kottbuser Thor,” Berliner Tageblatt, May 27, 1872.

76 For a discussion of the identification of the urban underclass with the exotic, barbaric, and oriental, see Lindner, Rolf, Walks on the Wild Side. Eine Geschichte der Stadtforschung (Frankfurt and New York: Campus Verlag, 2004)Google Scholar.

77 Hosang, “Berliner Wohnungsnoth,” 14; Gerichts-Zeitung, June 11, 1872. These two articles appear to report the same incident of a captured burglar, but in the former it is depicted as potentially dangerous vigilante justice, and in the latter as a model of restrained volunteer policing.

78 Die Berliner Barackencolonie,” Illustrirte Zeitung 58, no. 1511 (1872): 435Google Scholar.

79 Ring, “Ein Besuch in Barackia,” 460.

80 Friedrich Dorn, “Ein Spaziergang in's Elend,” Germania, September 7, 1872.

81 Die Berliner Barackencolonie,” Illustrirte Zeitung 58, no. 1511 (1872): 435Google Scholar.

82 Staatsbürger-Zeitung, August 23, 1872.

83 “Die Barackenstadt vor dem Kottbuser Thor,” Berliner Tageblatt, May 27, 1872, 3.

84 Kreuzzeitung, May 22, 1872, 3.

85 Hosang, “Berliner Wohnungsnoth,” 14.

86 This is particularly true of the articles in the Gartenlaube, Illustrirte Zeitung, and Germania.

87 Turner, Frederick Jackson, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History (1893),” Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner: “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” and Other Essays, With Commentary by Faragher, John Mack (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1994), 59Google Scholar.

88 Ring, “Ein Besuch in Barackia,” 358–361.

89 Recalling well-known published accounts of visits to Berlin's extramural tenements in the 1840s, such as Ernst Dronke's. Dronke, Berlin.

90 Staatsbürger-Zeitung, May 17, 1872; “Die Barackenstadt vor dem Kottbuser Thor,” Berliner Tageblatt, May 27, 1872, 3. For the socialist politician and journalist Wilhlem Hasselmann, the presence of those same flags convinced him that the shanty dwellers were politically a lost cause. Vossische Zeitung, June 11, 1872, 4th Beilage, 2.

91 Staatsbürger-Zeitung, June 1, 1872, 4.

92 Ring, “Ein Besuch in Barackia,” 460.

93 Here the conservative Kreuzzeitung's May 22 account shares much with reformer Max Ring's rosy depiction in “Ein Besuch in Barackia” in the Gartenlaube, omitting details such as the hired carpenters even when picking up stories from the pages of the Gerichts-Zeitung. The Gerichts-Zeitung (also a relatively conservative, government-aligned paper) tended to treat the shantytowns in a positive light, yet without the same evident misrepresentations and exaggerations of the Kreuzzeitung or Gartenlaube accounts.

94 Bullock, Nicholas and Read, James, The Movement for Housing Reform in Germany and France, 1840–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 7577Google Scholar.

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97 Koch, Georg, “Die Baracken der Obdachlosen in Berlin,” Über Land und Meer 46 (1872): 4Google Scholar.

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99 Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 27, 1872, 1465; “Die Barackenstadt vor Kottbuser Thor,” Berliner Tageblatt, May 27, 1872.

100 Die Berliner Barackencolonie,” Illustrirte Zeitung 58, no. 1511 (1872): 435Google Scholar.

101 Respectively, Ring, “Ein Besuch in Barackia,” 459; Die Berliner Barackencolonie,” Illustrirte Zeitung 58, no. 1511 (1872): 437Google Scholar; and Baracke. Organ für Neu-Berlin,” Kladderadatsch 25, no. 33 (July 21, 1872): 130Google Scholar.

102 The lead article of this imagined periodical humorously bemoaned the devastation back in “Old Berlin,” thanking God that “a New Berlin arises outside the southern gates of the old city—a Berlin of huts, but a Berlin over which hovers the spirits of freedom, humanity, sociability, and humor.” Baracke. Organ für Neu-Berlin,” Kladderadatsch 25, no. 33 (July 21, 1872): 130Google Scholar.

103 Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 27, 1872, 1465.

104 Naranch, Bradley, “Inventing the Auslandsdeutsche,” in Germany's Colonial Pasts, ed. Ames, Eric, Klotz, Marcia, and Wildenthal, Lora (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 23Google Scholar. On Gartenlaube article genres, see Belgum, Kirsten, Popularizing the Nation: Audience, Representation, and the Production of Identity in Die Gartenlaube, 1853–1900 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

105 Lekan, Thomas, “German Landscape: Local Promotion of the Heimat Abroad,” in The Heimat Abroad: The Boundaries of Germanness, ed. O'Donnell, Krista, Bridenthal, Renate, and Reagin, Nancy (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2005), 142Google Scholar. See, for example, the writing of the German emigrant environmentalist Rudolf Cronau, Our Wasteful Nation: The Story of American Prodigality and the Abuse of Our National Resources (New York: Mitchell Kennerley, 1908)Google Scholar.

106 Naranch, “Inventing the Auslandsdeutsche,” 28–29.

107 Walther, Daniel Joseph, Creating Germans Abroad: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Namibia (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

108 Reagin, Nancy, “The Imagined Hausfrau: National Identity, Domesticity, and Colonialism in Imperial Germany,” Journal of Modern History 23 (March 2001): 5486CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Donnell, Krista, “Home, Nation, Empire: Domestic Germanness and Colonial Citizenship,” in The Heimat Abroad, ed. O'Donnell, Bridenthal, and Reagin, 4057Google Scholar.

109 Reagin, Nancy R., Sweeping the Nation: Domesticity and National Identity in Germany, 1870–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 22Google Scholar.

110 My thinking on this topic is indebted to Kevin Repp, “Metropole as Colony: Settlements, ‘Inner Colonization,’ and Visions of Greater Berlin in Late Imperial Germany,” Talk, Panel: “Cultural Reform, Imperialism, and the State in Wilhelmine Germany,” German Studies Association Annual Meeting, October 2004.

111 Des deutschen Reiches Kaiserstadt,” Illustrirte Zeitung 57, no. 1459 (June 17, 1871): 423Google Scholar.

112 Bruch, Ernst, “Zur modernen Entwickelung der deutschen Hauptstadt,” Deutsche Warte. Umschau über das Leben und Schaffen der Gegenwart, vol. 1, ed. Meyer, Bruno (Hildburghausen: Verlag des Bibliographischen Instituts, 1871): 277Google Scholar.

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114 Springer, Berlin, 4.

115 Faucher, Vergleichende Culturbilder, 1–2.

116 Bruch, “Zur modernen Entwickelung der Deutschen Hauptstadt,” 278–279.

117 “Die Wohnungsnoth und die Barackenstadt in Berlin,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, July 14, 1872, Beilage.

118 This is most explicit in Max Ring's long Gartenlaube account, “Ein Besuch in Barackia,” which is framed as a dialogue between two friends who visit the “Republic Barackia” together.

119 The question of whether the dwellings had windows provides an interesting example of how physical description of the huts varied from account to account. The Demokratische Zeitung referred to the huts' “Guckloche alias Fenster” (Demokratische Zeitung, July 11, 1872, 3), while the Tageblatt marveled that their (often glass) windows were “meist zierlich mit Gardinen geschmückt” (“Die Barackenstadt vor Kottbuser Thor,” Berliner Tageblatt, May 27, 1872, 3).

120 Gerichts-Zeitung, June 8, 1872; and Kreuzzeitung, June 9, 1872.

121 See, for example, Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 27, 1872.

122 Hosang, “Berliner Wohnungsnoth,” 14.

123 Kreuzzeitung, July 4, 1872, 2–3.

124 Berlin's inmigration rate peaked in 1871. Hochstadt, Steve, Mobility and Modernity: Migration in Germany, 1820–1989 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 126Google Scholar.

125 Kreuzzeitung, October 4, 1872, 2.

126 Vossische Zeitung, August 28, 1872.

127 Kreuzzeitung, August 1, 1872; Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, August 28, 1872.

128 Spenersche Zeitung, August 24, 1872.

129 “Fiktiver Bericht eines Barackenbewohners,” Neuer Social-Demokrat (September 1, 1872), reprinted in Teuteberg, H. J. and Wischermann, C., Wohnalltag in Deutschland, 1850–1914. Bilder—Daten—Dokumente (Münster: F. Coppenrath Verlag, 1985), 103104Google Scholar.

130 Bade, Klaus, “From Emigration to Immigration: The German Experience in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” Central European History 28, no. 4 (1995): 519Google Scholar.

131 Helbig, Fr[iedrich], “Moderne Wandlungen und Neubildungen,” Gartenlaube no. 45 (1885): 741–43Google Scholar.

132 Bruch, Berlin's bauliche Zukunft, 2 and 95.

133 Ibid., 31.

134 On the application of Freud's notion of the uncanny to spatial experience in the nineteenth-century city, see Vidler, Anthony, The Architectural Uncanny: Essays in the Modern Unhomely (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

135 Bhabha, Homi K., “Introduction: Narrating the Nation,” in Nation and Narration, ed. Bhabha, Homi K. (London and New York: Routledge, 1990), 4Google Scholar.

136 Scheffler, Karl, Berlin. Wandlungen einer Stadt (Berlin: Verlag Bruno Cassirer, 1931), 1819Google Scholar; Scheffler, Karl, Berlin. Ein Stadtschicksal (Berlin-Westend: Erich Reiss Verlag, 1910), 5Google Scholar.

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138 K. Scheffler, Berlin. Wandlungen, 57.