⁸¹ “Pen-pu t'e-p'ai-yüan ta hui chih i-chueh-an” (“A Draft of the Resolutions of the General Meeting of the Specially Assigned Personnel of this Department”), Chung-kuo Nung-min, No. 1, 1926Google Scholar. The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 186.Google Scholar

⁸² The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 139et seq.Google ScholarKen'ichi, Hatano, Chugoku kokuminto tsushi (General History of the Chinese Kuomintang), (Tokyo: 1941), p. 289Google Scholar. Not all the members of the Kuomintang and the officers of the Revolutionary Army took the side of the peasants. Such persons as the magistrates, who were appointed by the Canton Government, and the officers of the Revolutionary Army were sometimes sympathetic to the traditional landlordism, as, for example, in Kuang-ning.

⁸³ Ping-ts'ui, Lui, Ko-ming-chün ti-i-tz'u tung-cheng shih-chan-chi (The Actual Record of the First Eastern Expedition of the Revolutionary Army), (Shanghai: Chung-hua Shu-chü, 1928), p. 205.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid., p. 208.

⁸⁵ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, pp. 31–32Google Scholar. Anon., Hai-lu-feng Su-wei-m (The Hai-lu-feng Soviet) (Shanghai?: 1928), p. 5.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ping-ts'ui, Liu, op. cit., p. 337.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ko-ming-chün, Kuo-min, Hai-lu-feng p'ing-kung-chi (A Record of Suppressing Communists in Hai-lu-feng) (Canton: ? 1928), p. 28Google Scholar. But Chung I-mou indicates P'eng Han-yuan was appointed in 1926. I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min te pa-men chan-tou, p. 196Google Scholar. Another source suggests that, in 1925, P'eng Han-yuan was the magistrate of Hai-feng hsien and Liu Ch'in-hsi, a man from Wu-hua hsien, was that of Lu-feng hsien. See Shau-po, Ch'en (ed.), Hai-lu-feng Ch'ih-huo-chi (A Record of Red Calamities in Hai-lu-feng) (Canton: 1932).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 201.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, p. 36.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Yang-ling, Ho, op. cit., IV, p. 20.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Gen–ichi, Suzue, Chugoku ktaho to-so-shi (The History of the Emancipation Campaign in China), (Tokyo: Ishizaki-shoten, 1953), p. 514.Google Scholar

⁹² The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 178et seq.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid., p. 185 et seq.

⁹⁴ Ibid., p. 171 et seq.

⁹⁵ Yūji, Muramatsu, op cit., pp. 161–162Google Scholar; Gen'ichi, Suzue, op. cit., p. 122.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ I-mou, Chung, “Hai-lu-feng nung-min te pa-nien chan-tou,” p. 191.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid.

⁹⁸ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, pp. 40–41.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ As mentioned already, the First Peasant Congress of Kwangtung Province, which started May 1, 1925, could not demand a reduction of rent. “The Draft of the Resolution on the Future Policy of the Peasant Union” shows the attitude of the First Peasant Congress: “The Peasant Union would have been destroyed if the reduction of rent had been demanded immediately after the Union was organised.” The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 180.Google Scholar

¹ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-mln yun-tung, p. 40.Google Scholar

² Ibid., p. 42.

³ Anon., op. cit., p. 8Google Scholar. It can be assumed, however, that the tenants still paid a part of their rent, at least to small landowners.

⁴ I-mou, Chung, “Hai-lu-feng nung-min te pa-nien chao-tou,” p. 193.Google Scholar

⁵ Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 203Google Scholaret seq. I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, pp. 42–43.Google Scholar

⁶ Anon., op. cit., pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid., p. 9.

⁸ Ibid., pp. 10–11.

⁹ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, p. 43.Google Scholar

¹⁰ kuo-min-tang, Chung-kuo, tang-pu hsüan-ch'uan-pu, kuang-tung-sheng (Department of Information, Provincial Party Branch in Kwangtung, Kuomintang), Chung-kuo Kuomintang Kuang-tung-sheng tang-pu cheng-li chin ching-kuo (The Process of the Establishing of the Provincial Party Branch of the Kuomintang in Kwangtung), Canton, 1925, pp. 55–56.Google Scholar

¹¹ Tse-tung, Mao, “Report of Investigation into the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1954), I, p. 21Google Scholar. The author uses “peasant union” instead of “peasant association” which the translator used.

¹² The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 322.Google Scholar

¹³ Shiraki, Tachibana, Chugoku Kakumei-shiron (Articles on the History of the Chinese Revolution) (Tokyo: Nippon Hyōron-sha, 1950), pp. 158, 234.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hsiang-tao Chou-pao, No. 199. 07 22, 1927Google Scholar. And also reprinted in The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 314.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The famous “Report of an Investigation into the Peasant Movemant in Hunan” by Mao Tse-tung was written in March, 1927 for the purpose of defending peasant radicalism in Hunan.

¹⁶ Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 202.Google Scholar

¹⁷ “Kuang-tung-sheng nung-min i-nien-lai chih fen-tou pao-kao ta-kang” (“An Outline Report of the Struggles of the Peasants in Kwangtung Province for This One Year”), Chung-kuo Nung-min, amalgamated issue of Nos. 6 and 7, 07, 1926.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Yang-ling, Ho, op. cit., III, p. 82et seq. Italics mine.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Gen'ichi, Sttzue, op. cit., p. 534.Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf., Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 209.Google Scholar

²¹ Te, Yü, op. cit., p. 50.Google Scholar

²² Chung-kuo Nung-min, Nos. 4 and 5.

²³ See Part I of this article, The China Quarterly, No. 8, p. 182.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Peasant Movement During the Period of the First Revolutionary Civil War, p. 22.Google Scholar

²⁵ Smedley, Agnes, The Great Road, The Life and Times of Chu Teh (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1956), pp. 185, 205.Google Scholar

²⁶ Eudin, and North, , op. cit., pp. 356–364Google Scholar, Jōhōbu, Gaimushō, op. cit., pp. 156–171.Google Scholar

²⁷ Stalin expressed his opinion concerning these two principles at the meeting of the Chinese Commission of the Executive Committee of the Comintern on November 30, 1926. “I know that there are Kuomintangists and even Chinese Communists who do not consider it possible to unleash a revolution in the countryside, since they fear that if the peasantry were drawn into the revolution it would disrupt the united anti-imperialist front. That is a profound error, comrades. The more quickly and thoroughly the Chinese peasantry is drawn into the revolution, the stronger and more powerful the anti-imperialist front in China will be. The authors of the thesis, especially Tan P'ing-shan and Rafes, are quite right in maintaining that the immediate satisfaction of a number of the most urgent demands of the peasants is an essential condition for the victory of the Chinese revolution.” Works of J. V. Stalin (Moscow: 1954), VIII, p. 385.Google Scholar

²⁸ Cf. Schwartz, Benjamin, Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (Harvard Un.: 1952), p. 63Google Scholaret seq. North, Robert C., Moscow and the Chinese Communists (Stanford Un.: 1953), p. 91et seq.Google Scholar

²⁹ Tōa-kyoku Daini-ka, Gaimushō (Second Section, Bureau of Eastern Asia, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Chugoku Kakumei (Chinese Revolution), a Japanese version of Pavel Mif, Chinese Revolution (Tokyo: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1934), pp. 215–216.Google Scholar

³⁰ Kuwajima, , op. cit., p. 90.Google Scholar

³¹ Snow, Edgar, Red Star Over China, rev. ed. (New York: Modern Library, 1944), p. 162.Google Scholar

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³³ But another source indicates that the head was T'an Yen-k'ai. Suzue, , op. cit., p. 169.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Osaka Taishi Keizai Renmei (Osaka League of Economic Activities towards China), ed., So-renpo Shina Manshu no kyosan undo (The Communist Movements in the Soviet Union, China and Manchuria) (Tokyo: Shinkō-sha 1934), p. 314Google Scholar. Another source, which shows the “Nanchang” opinion, is Gen'ichi, Suzue, op. cit., p. 245.Google Scholar

³⁶ Kuo Mo-jo proves in his memoirs that P'eng P'ai, Li Li-san, T'an P'ing-shan, Chou En-lai, and Yun Tai-ying were in Nanchang. Mo-jo, Kuo, Hai-tao (Billows) (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-yi Ch'u-pan-she, 1951), pp. 31–33Google Scholar. Chu Teh told Agnes Smedley, “Liu Po-cheng was chairman of the Front Committee and Chou En-lai the vice-chairman. Other members were Yen Chien-ying, li Li-san, and Chang Kuo-tao party leaders, and Tan Ping-shan, and Lin Tsu-han.” Smedley, , op. cit., p. 201.Google Scholar

³⁷ It is assumed that the origin of this “Kiukiang” opinion among the Japanese sources was Kuwajima, , op. cit., p. 91.Google Scholar

³⁸ Han-ping, Liang, Chung-kuo hsien-tai Ko-ming-shih chiao-hsüe ti-kang (Lecture Outline of the Revolutionary History of Modern China) (Tientsin: T'ung-su Ch'u-panshe, 1955), p. 87Google Scholar. Kan-chin, Ho, Chung-kuo hsien-tai ko-ming-shih (Revolutionary History of Modern China) (Peking: Kao-tung Chiao-yü Ch'u-pan-she, 1957), I, p. 124Google Scholar. The sources from mainland China do not give details about this Emergency Conference. There is a Chinese version of a part of Snow's Red Star Over China which was published in 1947 by a Communist publisher in Ta-lien, in which the part giving some of the names of the attempts at the conference was left out. One may wonder whether there was any specific reason to keep names secret

³⁹ Jōhōbu, Gainwshō, Chugoku Kyosanto sen-kyuhyaku-sanju-go-nen shi (History of the Chinese Communist Party in the Year 1935) (Tokyo: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1936), p. 640Google Scholar. Shiraki, Tachibana, op. cit., p. 243Google Scholar. Li-Ang, , Hung-seh Wu-t'ai (Red Stage) (Chungking: Sheng-li Ch'u-pan-she, 1942), p. 18.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Imprecar, 08 18, 1927.Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ Asiaticus, , “Autobiography of General Yeh T'ing,” Amerasia, Vol. V, No. 1, 03 1941.Google Scholar

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⁵² This decision is discussed on p. 176 et seq. below.

⁵³ Later changed to Provincial Committee. The Hai-lu-feng Committee was one of the local committees under its jurisdiction.

⁵⁴ Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 204.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The armaments objective was realised on a very small scale. Anon., op. cit., p. 11Google Scholar. se Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 203.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Ibid., p. 17.

⁵⁹ Lin T'ieh-shih was educated at Keiō University in Tokyo (from a registration file of Keiō University).

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⁶⁴ Anon., op. cit., pp. 22–23Google Scholar. It is assumed that the story of the abortive attack on the town of Hai-feng, which was described in Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 206Google Scholaret seq., dealt with this third attack, though it gave the date as the 15th or 16th day of the Seventh Month in the lunar calendar.

⁶⁵ Nym Wales, ibid., p. 205.

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⁶⁷ Ibid., p. 25.

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⁷⁷ Ibid., pp. 41–43.

⁷⁸ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, pp. 74–75.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Fonnerly Li Chi-ch'en.

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⁸⁴ As for the “revolutionary committee,” the November Resolution of the Politburo reads as follows: “The guerrilla peasant movement is to attack and to move in turn, and therefore its leading organ is the revolutionary committee which has the character of a temporary government. In short, when a peasant uprising takes place, the revolutionary committee elected from peasant unions or other secret peasant organisations in this area leads it. In case of an urban uprising, the revolutionary committee elected from trade unions and others does the same task.” Shiraki, Tachibana, op. cit., p. 263Google Scholar. Another Japanese version of this part of the resolution is cited in Gen'ichi, Suzue, op. cit., p. 260.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, pp. 84–85.Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ Ibid., pp. 84–86.

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⁹⁴ San, Kim and Wales, Nym, Song of Ariran, The Life History of a Korean Rebel (New York: John Day, 1941), p. 243.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ San, Kim and Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 103Google Scholar. Another source indicates that they arrived on December 19. I-mou, Chung, “Hai-lu-feng nung-min te pa-nien chantou,” p. 210.Google Scholar

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⁵ I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, p. 98.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid., p. 102. A source from the revolutionary side indicates that the persons bable for execution were as follows: exploiting and corrupted officials, local rascals, oppressive gentry, landlords, spies, organisers, policemen, security guards, informers, tax-farmers, persons employed by enemy organs, persons who gave refuge to enemies and anti-revolutionaries, and persons who worked for the enemies. Anon., op. cit., pp. 82–83Google Scholar. Besides these, the sources from the anti-soviet side add the blind and the old. koming-chun, Kuo-min, op. cit., p. 34Google Scholar; Kuwajima, , op. cit., p. 435.Google Scholar

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⁹ Anon., op. cit., pp. 49, 80–84Google Scholar. It is doubtful that this labour law was carried out, because they had to raise the productivity of their poor industry to its maximum as they were tightly surrounded by the anti-revolutionary forces.

¹⁰ Ibid., p. 86.

¹¹ Ibid., p. 36.

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¹³ There is circumstantial evidence which suggests that the commanders of the anti-revolutionary regular forces did not pay attention to these Hai-lu-feng soviets. Ts'ai T'ing-ch'ieh (or Ts-ai T'ing-kai), a general under Ch'en Ming-shu's command, raided Wu-hua, Lao Lung and Ho Yuan around the territory of the Hai-lu-feng soviets in this period. But he did not mention the soviets at all in his autobiography. Ting-ch'ieh, Ts'ai, Ts'ai Ting-ch'ieh tzu-ch'uan (Autobiography of Ts'ai Ting-ch'ieh), (Hongkong: Tzu-yu Ch'u-pan-she, 1946), pp. 227–228.Google Scholar

¹⁴ A kind of self-defence corps under the control of the landlords.

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¹⁶ They tried to expand the area of the soviets and disjtetched troops to Hui-yan Hsien, but a month later these were forced to retreat by the anti-revolutionary force. I-mou, Chung, Hai-lu-feng nung-min yun-tung, p 106.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Kim San and Nym Wales mistook Ts'ai Teng-hui for Ts'ai T'ing-ch'ieh (Ts'ai T'ing-kai). San, Kim and Wales, Nym, op. cit., p. 111.Google Scholar

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³¹ It is assumed that P'eng P'ai himself did not go to Moscow.

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³⁴ For example: “… not realising that the period was one in which the ruling classes enjoyed temporary stability.…” Mao Tse-tung, ibid., I, p. 68; “If the Party in the border area cannot find adequate economic measures, then, under the condition that the enemy's rule remains stable for some time, the independent régime will come up against great difficulties.” Ibid., I, p. 70.

³⁵ Ibid., I, p. 98.