Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-pftt2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-23T14:35:18.732Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Mao Tse-tung: the Lacquered Image*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

In the preface to her biography of Sun Yat-sen, Lyon Sharman writes of the difficulty of drawing a realistic portrait of the symbol of modern Chinese nationalism. Even working in China immediately after Sun's death in 1925, the author attempting an untrammelled biography was hampered not only by the paucity of reliable data but also, and more seriously, by the fact that the Kuomintang had forbidden overt criticism of Sun and of his ideas. The fact that her volume on Sun is still the best available nearly thirty years after publication is a tribute both to the author's assiduousness and to her empathy for China and the Chinese.

Type
MAO at Seventy
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1963

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Sharman, Lyon, “The Lacquered Image and the Biographer, a Preface,” Sun Yat-sen: His Life and Its Meaning (New York: John Day, 1934), pp. vii–xiii.Google Scholar

2 Professor Harold Schiffrin of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem is preparing a new political biography of Sun Yat-sen. The first volume will deal with Sun Yat-sen and the Hsing-chung-hui; a second, with Sun and the Tung-meng-hui.

3 See Snow, Edgar, The Other Side of the River: Red China Today (New York: Random House, 1962), part 2Google Scholar, “Where the Waves Meet,” pp. 111159.Google Scholar

4 The personalities and careers of the individuals who have made Soviet Communism are far more thoroughly documented. In addition to Trotsky, 's My Life: an Attempt at an Autobiography (1930)Google Scholar and his Stalin: an Appraisal of the Man and His Influence (1941)Google Scholar, the following dozen books suggest some of the published resources available. Deutscher, Isaac, Stalin: a Political Biography (1949)Google Scholar; Deutscher, , The Prophet Armed: Trotsky, 1879–1921 (1954)Google Scholar; Deutscher, , The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky, 1921–1929 (1959)Google Scholar; Deutscher, , The Prophet Outcast: Trotsky, 1929–1940 (1963)Google Scholar; Pistrak, Lazar, The Grand Tactician: Khrushchev's Rise to Power (1961)Google Scholar; Rush, Myron, The Rise of Khrushchev (1958)Google Scholar; Shub, David, Lenin (1948)Google Scholar; Souvarine, Boris, Stalin (1939)Google Scholar; Treadgold, Donald W., Lenin and His Rivals (1955)Google Scholar; Walter, Gérard, Lénine (Paris, 1950)Google Scholar; Wilson, Edmund, To the Finland Station (1947)Google Scholar; Wolfe, Bertram D., Three Who Made a Revolution (1948)Google Scholar; Wolfe, , Khrushchev and Stalin's Ghost (1957).Google Scholar

5 Kuo-fan, Tseng (18111872)Google Scholar was a native of Hsiang-hsiang. Tsung-t'ang, Tso (18121885)Google Scholar was a native of Hsiang-yin, but lived with his wife's family at Hsiang-t'an from 1832 until 1844. See the biography of Tseng by Ssu-yu, Teng in Hummel, Arthur W. (ed.), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington: 1944), II, 751756Google Scholar; and that of Tso by Tu Lien-che, ibid. II, 762–767.

6 For a fresh estimate of these books, see the paper by Hsia, C. T., “Comparative Approaches to Water Margin,” Yearbook of Comparative and General Literature, No. 11 (1962), supplement, Third Conference on Oriental-Western Literary and Cultural Relations, Indiana University, pp. 121128.Google Scholar

7 Students at the First Normal School at Changsha during the period when Mao was a student there included Ts'ai Ho-sen, Liu Shao-ch'i, Jen Pi-shin and Li Li-san. Many years later, another former fellow student described Mao at the time of his entrance into the school. “To me he always seemed quite an ordinary, normal-looking person. His face was rather large, but his eyes were neither large nor penetrating, nor had they the sly, cunning look sometimes attributed to them. His nose was flattish and of a typical Chinese shape. His ears were well proportioned; his mouth, quite small; his teeth, very white and even. Those good white teeth helped to make his smile quite charming, so that no one could imagine that he was not genuinely sincere.” Siao-yu, , Mao Tse-tung and I Were Beggars (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1959), p. 31.Google Scholar

8 Hsing, Huang (18741916)Google Scholar was one of the foremost leaders of the anti-Manchu movement in Hunan. He joined forces with Sun Yat-sen in 1905 to form the T'ung-meng-hui, in which society he ranked next to Sun himself. Best known for his part in the “Three Twenty-nine” uprising of April 1911 at Canton, later commemorated by the Kuomintang as the Huang-hua-kang revolt, Huang was the organiser and leader of many other uprisings during the first decade of the century, and figured prominently in the revolt of October 1911 and in the “Second Revolution” of 1913. He died at Shanghai, on 10 31, 1916Google Scholar. See Hsueh, Chun-tu, Huang Hsing and the Chinese Revolution (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961).Google Scholar

Chiaojen, Sung (18821913)Google Scholar, was also a prominent figure in the anti-Manchu revolutionary movement and one of the founding members of the T'ung-meng-hui in 1905. An admirer of western-style parliamentary government, Sung was the guiding spirit behind the reorganisation of the T'ung-meng-hui into a parliamentary political party, the original Kuomintang, of which he was acting general director until his assassination by agents of Shih-k'ai, Yuan at Shanghai on 03 22, 1913.Google Scholar

O, Ts'ai (18821916)Google Scholar was a leader of the 1911 revolution in Yunnan, and played his most celebrated role in the early republican period as leader of the Yunnan military forces which rose in armed revolt against Yuan Shih-k'ai in December 1915. Ts'ai died of illness in Tokyo on November 8, 1916.

9 Written in the old Chinese literary style, this article, “T'i-yu chih yen-chiu,” appeared in the issue of 04 1, 1917 (Vol. III, No. 2)Google Scholar. Mao signed it with a pseudonym, “erh-shih-pa-hua sheng” (the man of twenty-eight strokes), based on the fact that his name, Mao Tse-tung, is composed of twenty-eight strokes in Chinese writing. Stuart R. Schram has prepared a full translation of this article, with critical introduction and Chinese text, in Mao Ze-dong, “Une Etude de L'education physique” (Paris: Mouton, 1962).Google Scholar

10 Hsu T'e-li (b. 1876) is the eldest of the “elders” of the Chinese Communist Party, the group also including Tung Pi-wu, Wu Yü-chang, Hsieh Chueh-ts'ai and the late Lin Po-ch'ü. On the occasion of Hsu T'e-li's sixtieth birthday in 1936, Mao Tse-tung paid the conventional Chinese respects to his hsien-sheng. “Twenty years ago, you were my teacher. You are my teacher now and it is certain that in the future you will continue to be my teacher.” See Peking Review, No. 17, 04 27, 1962.Google Scholar

11 The significance of personal connections in republican China is suggested by the pattern of relations linking Yang Ch'ang-chi, Mao Tse-tung, and Chang Shih-chao (1881–) venerable Hunanese educator and journalist. Yang Ch'ang-chi had travelled abroad, first to Japan (1902) and later to England (1908), with his elder brother, Yang Shou-jen, who had been closely associated with Chang Shih-chao in organising patriotic student associations during the final years of the Ch'ing period. When Yang Shou-jen committed suicide in England in May 1911 by jumping into the sea, Chang Shih-chao assumed responsibility for his burial. Years later, when Chang travelled to north China in 1949 to represent Nanking in the final, abortive peace talks with the Communists, he decided to remain in Communist territory after the breakdown of negotiations. Chang Shih-chao was, of course, well known to Mao personally, and has occupied a special position at Peking since Mao gained power. Richard C. Howard assisted me in sorting out this web of relationships and obligations.

12 Paulsen's System der Ethik, a neo-Kantian work, appeared in several editions in German. Yuan-p'ei's, Ts'ai Chinese translation of the work, Lun-li-hsueh yuan-li (Commercial Press, 1913)Google Scholar, ran to about 100,000 characters, and Mao's marginal notes on his own copy ran to over 12,000 characters. See Jui, Li, Mao Tse-tung T'ung-chih ti Ch'u-ch'i Ko-ming Huo-tung (Comrade Mao Tse-tung's Early Revolutionary Activities) (Peking: Chung-kuo Ch'ing-nien Ch'u-pan-she, 1957), p. 40.Google Scholar

13 See Tse-tsung, Chow, The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), p. 74.Google Scholar

14 Notably Chang Jen-chieh, Li Shih-tseng and Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei.

15 See Shih-chao, Chou, “My Recollections of Chairman Mao Tse-tung in Changsha before and after the May Fourth Movement,”Google ScholarPeking, Kung-jen Jih-pao, 04 20, 1959Google Scholar, translated in Survey of China Mainland Press (SCMP) (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate-General), No. 2011, 05 12, 1959, pp. 114.Google Scholar

16 Though the Hsiang River Review published only five issues during the summer of 1919 before it was suppressed, young Chinese intellectuals at Peking such as Fu Ssu-nien and Lo Chia-lun viewed it as one of the half-dozen best magazines of that period. Mao, as chief editor, wrote most of the articles himself. See Jui, Li, op. cit., pp. 99111Google Scholar, and Tse-tsung, Chow, The May Fourth Movement, p. 348, note c.Google Scholar

17 Mao's major contribution was a long article, “The Great Union of the People,” published serially in three issues (07 21–08 4, 1919)Google Scholar. There he expressed views which, though anti-imperialist and anti-militarist, were not yet Marxist. Mao wrote of the workers and peasants, and declared his support for the method of political struggle advocated by “the German, Marx.” But his references to the Bolshevik revolution assessed it, not as a model, but rather as a blow to the European powers weakening their position in Asia. See Jui, Li, op cit., pp. 103104.Google Scholar

18 Ch'ang-chi, Yang died at Peking on 01 17, 1920.Google Scholar

19 Chang Wen-t'ien also joined the Young China Association at the same time as Mao. See Shao-nien Chung-kuo, 02 15, 1920, p. 66Google Scholar. Conrad Brandt brought this reference to my attention.

20 See Snow, Edgar, Red Star over China (New York: Modern Library edition, 1944), p. 157Google Scholar. A useful edition of Mao, 's story as repotted by Snow is The Autobiography of Mao Tse-tung (Canton: Truth Book Company, second revised edition, 1949)Google Scholar; this volume gives the English text, accompanied by Chinese annotations giving personal and place names, as well as explanations of phrases used by Mao.

21 Chinese patriots later assassinated Chang Ching-yao at Peiping on the ground that he was in the employ of the Japanese. He died on May 7, 1933.

22 The Nationalists suppressed the Culture Bookstore at Changsha in 1927.

23 At age fourteen, Map had been married in the Chinese fashion at Shaoshan. He never lived with the girl.

24 An alternative view suggests that Mao and Yang K'ai-hui were married a year later, in the winter of 1921.

25 Delegates to the first Congress included: From Peking: Chang Kuo-t'ao, Liu Jen-ching. From Shanghai: Li Ta, Li Han-chun. From Canton: Ch'en Kung-po. From Wuhan: Tung Pi-wu, Ch'en Tan-ch'iu. From Changsha: Mao Tse-tung, Ho Shu-heng. From Tsinan: Wang Chin-mei, Teng En-ming. Representing Chinese in Japan: Chou Fo-hai.

Wilbur, C. Martin (ed.), The Communist Movement in China, an Essay Written in 1924 by Ch'en Kung-po (New York: Columbia University, East Asian Institute Series, No. 7, 1960)Google Scholar, provides a full discussion of data bearing upon the first Congress (pp. 14–29) and texts of the only documents apparently extant from that meeting. Ch'en T'an-ch'iu (Ch'en Pan-tsu) has given an account in his “Reminiscences of the First Congress of the Communist Party of China,” Communist International (New York), XIII, 10 1936, pp. 13611366Google Scholar. Pi-wu's, Tung account, “The Main Problems of the First National Congress,” appeared in the Peking People's Daily (Jen-min Jih-pao) on 06 30, 1961Google Scholar, and was translated in SCMP No. 2545, July 26, 1961, pp. 1–5.

26 See Boonnan, Howard L., “Tung Pi-wu: a Political Profile,”Google Scholar scheduled for publication in The China Quarterly. Ta, Li (1889–)Google Scholar, who later became one of China's foremost academic interpreters of Marxism, has also survived, but he left the Communist Party early.

27 Yet Communist Parties, like individual Communists, are products not only of their external environments but also of their innate endowments. For verification of this point, one need only consider the varying fortunes of the Communist Parties in China, Japan and India during the past four decades. See Swearingen, Rodger and Longer, Paul, Red Flag in Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Overstreet, Gene D. and Windmiller, Marshall, Communism in India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1959).Google Scholar

28 Fu-chih, Wang (hao: Ch'uan-shan, 1619–92). See biography by Ch'i Ssu-ho in Hummel (ed.), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 817819Google Scholar. Founded in the early years of the republic, the Wang Fu-chih Institute was a centre of anti-Yuan Shih-k'ai sentiment in 1914–15. Mao often attended lectures there while a student at the First Normal School.

29 Ho Shu-heng was a member of the Institute, and later its director.

30 The most important Western-language study covering labour developments in this period is Chesneaux, Jean, Le mouvement ouvrier Chinois de 1919 à 1927 (Paris: Mouton, 1962).Google Scholar

31 See Kan-chih, Ho, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1959), p. 67.Google Scholar

32 Communists elected to membership on the first Central Executive Committee of the reorganised Kuomintang in January 1924 were: Tan P'ing-shan, Li Ta-chao and Yu She-te. The six Communists elected to alternate membership were: Lin Po-ch'u, Mao Tse-tung, Yu Fang-chou, Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai, Han Lin-fu and Chang Kuo-t'ao.

33 Communists elected to membership on the second Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang in January 1926 were: T'an P'ing-shan, Lin Po-ch'ü, Li Ta-chao, Yu Shu-te, Wu Yü-chang, Yang P'ao-an and Yun Tai-ying.

34 An adherent of the left wing of the Kuomintang, Liu Ya-tzu (1887–1958) was elected to membership on the Central Supervisory Committee of the Kuomintang at the Second National Congress in 1926, and was active for a time in the party's propaganda department. See Mao, 's two poems, “To Mr. Liu Ya-tse”Google Scholar and “Reply to Mr. Liu Ya-tse,” in Tse-tung, Mao, Nineteen Poems (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1958), pp. 2426.Google Scholar

35 The peasant department of the Kuomintang was then headed by Lin Po-ch'ü (1882–1960), a fellow Communist from Hunan.

36 Other Communists who lectured at the Institute in 1926 included P'eng P'ai, Li Li-san, Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai, Yun Tai-ying, Hsiao Ch'u-nu and Ch'en Tu-hsiu's two sons, Ch'en Yen-nien and Ch'en Ch'iao-nien.

37 The importance attached to Hunan province is indicated by the fact that three of the eight armies comprising the National Revolutionary Army under Chiang Kai-shek's overall command were led by Hunanese: T'an Yen-k'ai (Second Army), Ch'eng Ch'ien (Sixth Army) and T'ang Sheng-chih (Eighth Army).

38 See Jui, Li, op. cit., p. 260.Google Scholar

39 Hsiang-hsiang, Heng-shan, Li-ling and Changsha.

40 See North, Robert C., M. N. Roy's Mission to China: the Communist-Kuomintang Split of 1927 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963).Google Scholar

41 See Brandt, Conrad, Stalin's Failure in China, 1924–1927 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958).Google Scholar

42 See Schwartz, Benjamin I., Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), p. 137.Google Scholar

43 Jen-min Wen-hsueh (People's Literature) carried the Chinese text of these six poems in its May 1962 issue, with prefatory note by Mao dated April 27, 1962. A long commentary, with annotations, written by Kuo Mo-jo accompanied the poems. Though ludicrous as literary criticism, Kuo's annotations, prepared after consultation with Communist Party archives and party veterans, contain some useful historical data on the 1929–31 period.

44 Mao began his 1957 poem, “The Immortals,” with the phrase, “I lost my proud poplar.” The ideograph yang, “poplar,” refers to Yang K'ai-hui, whose surname it was. See Tse-tung, Mao, Nineteen poems, pp. 3031.Google Scholar

45 See Schwartz, , op. cit., pp. 175177.Google Scholar

46 Chang Kuo-t'ao was elected in absentia. He was then the senior political figure in the Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei base, with Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien as military commander.

47 One student of the Chinese Communist movement suggests that the fourth plenum of January 1931 is primarily significant because it was “the last identifiable instance of outright Soviet intervention in the internal affairs of the Chinese Communist Party.” McLane, Charles B., Soviet Policy and the Chinese Communists, 1931–1946 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), p. 9Google Scholar.

48 See, for example, the April 1945 Resolution on Some Questions in the History of Our Party, and the two major articles released from Peking in July 1951 on the thirtieth party anniversary: Po-ta, Ch'en, Mao Tse-tung's Theory of the Chinese Revolution Is the Combination of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese RevolutionGoogle Scholar, and Ch'iao-mu, Hu, Thirty Years of the Communist Party of China. Chou En-lai does not appear in Ho Kan-chjh's official History of the Modern Chinese Revolution between the Nanchang uprising of August 1927 and 1949.Google Scholar

49 Ex post facto Mao's line is invariably “correct.” In 1936, he told Edgar Snow that one of the major errors made in Kiangsi had been the Communist failure to unite with the Fukien revolt. The same line was reitrated in the April 1945 resolution of the Central Committee on party history; see Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, IV, 19411945 (New York: International Publishers, 1956) pp. 171218Google Scholar. A review of contemporary documentation is provided by Tso-liang, Hsiao, Power Relations within the Chinese Communist Movement: a Study of Documents, 1930–1934 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1961), pp. 248260Google Scholar. It is also interesting to note Mao's reference to the Nineteenth Route Army in a footnote (doubtless added later) to his December 1935 report, On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism; this reference appears in Mao, , Selected Works, IV, 19411945 (New York, 1956), note 11, pp. 313314Google Scholar. When the Central People's Government was established in 1949, all principal leaders of the Fukien revolt (Ch'en Ming-shu, Li Chi-shen, Chiang Kuang-nai, Ts'ai T'ing-k'ai, and others) without exception joined the Peking government, and were awarded high, though nominal, positions.

50 The account given by Robert C. North, based both on official Chinese Communist versions and on interviews with Chang Kuo-t'ao, is generally accepted. See Moscow and Chinese Communists (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2nd ed., 1963), pp. 165166.Google Scholar

51 This interlude in Chu Teh's career remains obscure. Chu's version states that he was held under duress by Kuo-t'ao, Chang during 19351936Google Scholar. See Smedley, Agnes, The Great Road (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1957), pp. 329336.Google Scholar

52 In his speech of February 1, 1942, inaugurating the cheng-feng movement, Mao said: “I came to northern Shensi five or six years ago, yet I cannot compare with comrades like Kao Kang in my knowledge of conditions here or of the people of this region.” See Compton, Boyd, Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1942–44 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1952), p. 25Google Scholar. The specific reference to Kao Kang was later deleted in the official English translation. See Mao, , Selected Works, IV, 19411945 (New York: International Publishers, 1956), p. 39Google Scholar, where the revised text refers only to “native cadres” in northern Shensi.

53 The most systematic presentation of this thesis has been given by Johnson, Chalmers A. in Peasant Nationalism and Communist Power: the Emergence of Revolutionary China, 1937–1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962).Google Scholar

54 See the new translation of The Art of War by Griffith, Brigadier-General Samuel B., USMC, Ret. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963).Google Scholar

55 A particularly useful edition of Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War, with foreword by Mao dated February 23, 1941, is that published at Mukden by the Tung-pei Hsin-hua Shu-tien in September 1949. That edition contains five detailed maps showing campaigns of the Kiangsi period.

56 At that point Mao had never been outside China. He had apparently had little or no contact with foreigners on his visits to Peking and Shanghai between 1918 and 1920, nor was he known to have been well acquainted with Russian or Comintern representatives in China during the 1921–27 period.

57 See Snow, Edgar, Red Star over China, pp. 6980.Google Scholar

58 See Smedley, Agnes, Battle Hymn of China (New York: Knopf, 1943), pp. 168170.Google Scholar

59 Various sources also give her name as Ho Chih-chien, Ho Chih-chen.

60 Also known as Chiang Ch'ing at Yenan. None of Mao's wives has been a public figure. Ts'ai Ch'ang (wife of Li Fu-ch'un) and Teng Ying-ch'ao (wife of Chou En-lai) have, in contrast, been members of the Central Committee of the party for many years; the present wives of Liu Shao-ch'i and Ch'en Yi have frequently appeared in public and travelled abroad with their husbands in recent years.

61 Mao Tse-min (b. 1895) was a moderately important figure in the Chinese Communist movement during the 1930s, supervising the currency issue at the Kiangsi base and exercising control over the gold and silver specie stocks which the Communists used to help finance the Long March in 1934–35. Mao Tse-min then went from Yenan to Tihwa (Urumchi) in 1937 as a member of the Communist group headed by Teng Fa, and reportedly played an active role in the Sinkiang provincial government during Sheng Shih-ts'ai's pro-Communist interlude. When Sheng broke with Russia, Mao Tse-min was among those executed. Sheng himself concealed the facts so well that it was several years before the senior Chinese Communist leaders knew that their comrades were dead, not merely imprisoned. Tse-min, Mao was arrested on 09 17, 1942Google Scholar, and executed in September 1943. O. Edmund Clubb has supplied me with details on Mao Tse-min's career.

62 Ch'en Po-ta and Hu Ch'iao-mu first emerged in Mao's entourage during the early Yenan period.

63 See Holubnychy, Vsevelod, “Der dialektische Materialismus Mao Tse-tungs,” Der Ostblock und die Entwicklungsländer (Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung) 8–9, 09 1962, pp. 1559Google Scholar, which provides a wide citation of relevant sources in a number of languages; see also Schmitz, Gerhard, Der dialektische Materialismus in der Chinesischen Philosophie (Kaldenkirchen, Rhineland: Steyler, 1960).Google Scholar

64 Pien-cheng-fa Wei-wu-lun (On Dialectical Materialism) appeared in the Shanghai journal, Min-chu, in 1940Google Scholar. The East Asian Library of Columbia University has one section of this text, Min-chu, 1, 2 (1940).Google Scholar

65 The process reached a climax with the assassination in July 1946 at Kunming of Wen I-to, prominent poet, scholar and spokesman of the liberal intellectuals who opposed the National Government. Wen's death aroused national attention and widespread criticism of the Kuomintang.

66 See Hsia, T. A., “Twenty Years after the Yenan Forum,” The China Quarterly, No. 13, 0103 1963, pp. 226253.Google Scholar

67 See Goldman, Merle, “Hu Feng's Conflict with the Communist Literary Authorities,” The China Quarterly, No. 12, 1012 1962, pp. 102137.Google Scholar

68 See Hsu, Kai-yu (translator and editor), Twentieth Century Chinese Poetry: an Anthology (New York: Doubleday, 1963), pp. 338342.Google Scholar

69 See Boorman, Howard L., “The Literary World of Mao Tse-tung,” The China Quarterly, No. 13, 0103 1963, pp. 1538.Google Scholar

70 See Cheng-feng Wen-hsien (Peking: Hsin-hua Shu-tien, 1950)Google Scholar. Translations of twenty-two documents used in “study” and discussion groups during the 1940s are given in Compton, Boyd, Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1942–44.Google Scholar

71 See Lewis, John Wilson, Leadership in Communist China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963), Chap. 3Google Scholar, “Mass Line as a Concept of Leadership,” pp. 70100Google Scholar

72 In 1943, Mao became chairman (chu-hsi) of the Central Committee, a new title apparently intended to distinguish his position from that of general secretary (tsung shu-chi), which had been the top position in the Chinese Communist party hierarchy during the 1920s and 1930s.

73 In addition to Mao, this group comprised two fellow Huanese, Liu Shao-ch'i and Jen Pi-shih; Mao's veteran military associate, Chu Teh; and his principal negotiating and foreign affairs specialist, Chou En-lai.

74 A convenient official listing of the nineteen “liberated areas” is given in Kan-chih, Ho, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution, pp. 424426.Google Scholar

75 See Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, IV (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), note on p. 34.Google Scholar

76 See Ng, Yong-sang, “The Poetry of Mao Tse-tung,” The China Quarterly, No. 13, 0103 1963, pp. 6073Google Scholar. The paper compares Mao's poem with Su Tung-po's famous tz'u composed in the metrical form of Nien-nu-chiao, and suggests a new interpretation of the final two lines of Snow.

77 An excellent photograph of General Marshall and Mao at Yenan appears in Vinacke, Harold M., Far Eastern Politics in the Postwar Period (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1956), between pp. 242 and 243Google Scholar. The picture also shows Chou En-lai, Chu Teh, and Chang Chih-chung, senior Nationalist general present at the 1946 talks.

78 Ch'in Pang-hsien (Po Ku), Teng Fa, Yeh T'ing, Wang Jo-fei and others were killed in the crash.

79 “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong” (08 1946)Google Scholar, in Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, IV (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), pp. 97101.Google Scholar

80 See Payne, Robert, Portrait of a Revolutionary: Mao Tse-tung (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1961), p. 222.Google Scholar

81 See Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, IV (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), p. 132, note 3.Google Scholar

82 See the reviews by Steiner, H. Arthur dealing with Mao's writings of the 1945–49 period: Pacific Affairs, XXXV, 4 (Winter 19621963), pp. 384390CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 345, 01 1963, pp. 176177.Google Scholar

83 Kwangtung, a third province of major political importance and the birthplace of Sun Yat-sen. had also been less than happy about Chiang Kai-shek's Chekiang clique. Two of Kwangtung's prominent sons, Hu Han-min and Wang Ching-wei, had been closely associated with Sun Yat-sen from the organisation of the T'ung-meng-hui at Tokyo in 1905, and were regarded as logical successors to Sun in the Kuomintang at the time of his death in 1925.

84 Peking's disclosure of this and other lurid details of recent Sino-Soviet relations is given in the long article released jointly on September 6, 1963, by the editorial departments of the People's Daily and the journal Red Flag, “The Origin and Development of the Differences between the Leadership of the CPSU and Ourselves.”

85 On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (04 5, 1956)Google Scholar, and More on the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (12 29, 1956).Google Scholar

86 The full text, with editorial and bibliographical comment, is given in Communist China 1955 1959, Policy Documents and Analysis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), pp. 273294.Google Scholar

87 The protocol-conscious Chinese have not lost sight of the fact that Khrushchev has come three times to Peking, while Mao has been only twice to Moscow.

88 For the necessity of despising the enemy strategically but taking full account of him tactically, see Tse-tung, Mao, Strategic Problems of China's Revolution War, 12 1936 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1954), Chap. 5, sect. 6, pp. 104114.Google Scholar

89 This official interpretation is given in a note in Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, IV (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), p. 98n.Google Scholar

90 See “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong,” in Mao, , Selected Works, IV (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), p. 100Google Scholar. See also Comrade Mao Tse-tung onImperialism and All Reactionaries Are Paper Tigers” (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1958).Google Scholar

91 NCNA, 08 8, 1963.Google Scholar

92 NCNA, 08 29, 1963.Google Scholar

93 Full text of the Chinese Party's letter is given in New York Times, 07 5, 1963.Google Scholar

94 In May 1956, Mao reportedly swam the Yangtze from Wuchang to Hankow. He made it by “guerrilla means,” floating with the current and following a zigzag course. That summer, he reportedly swam the river a second and third time from Hanyang to Wuchang.

95 One aspect of Mao's decision may have been to demonstrate that, in contrast to Khrushchev, he could lead the party without heading the government.

96 Mo-han, Lin, Raise Higher the Banner of Mao Tse-tung's Thought on Art and Literature (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1961), p. 1.Google Scholar

97 NCNA, 03 18, 1963.Google Scholar

98 See Levenson, Joseph R., “The Day Confucius Died,” Journal of Asian Studies, XX (02 1961), 221226CrossRefGoogle Scholar, review of Tse-tsung, Chow, The May Fourth Movement.Google Scholar

99 Windfalls like Cuba are exceptions to the rule.

100 Sun Yat-sen and Feng Yü-hsiang come to mind as other examples of leaders with this concern.

101 “Report on an Investigation into the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, I, 19261936 (New York: International Publishers, 1954), p. 27.Google Scholar

102 It has been one of the ironies of the post-war period that Churchill and de Gaulle, with their love of imperial power, should have presided over the liquidation of the two great European empires of the 18th and 19th centuries.

103 For the distinction, see Chap. IX, “The Eventful Man and the Event-making Man,” in Hook, Sidney, The Hero in History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1943, 1955), pp. 151183.Google Scholar

104 His eldest son, Mao An-ying, was killed in the Korean war; another son is now an engineer working in the provinces; a younger daughter has been a university student at Peking.