^{page 165 note 1} Strabo too gives only five towns, omitting Sane (vii. fr. 33 and 35, p. 331).

^{page 166 note 1} Plut. Alex. 7; Aelian V.H. iii. 17; etc.

^{page 166 note 2} Dion. Hal. i. ad Amm.ep. i. ad Amm. 5; Pliny N.H. xvi. § 133; Plut. de exilio 14, de Sto. repugn. 20; Dion Chrys. xlvii. 9; Paus. vi. 4. 8; Diog. Laert. v. 1. 9, 2. 14, etc.; Steph. Byz. . Hence , not . Tzetzes, it is true, has (Chil. vii. 441).

^{page 166 note 3} The only alternative is to suppose that Strabo thought of Olynthos as above these other towns either because it stood on a height, or because it lay inland from them (which is possibly, though not necessarily, the point of Thucydides' , i. 58. 2). But the number and area of the towns that could properly be said to lie under Olynthos in either sense would be small for example, they could not include Torone, Assera, or Arnai.

^{page 167 note 1} See appendix ii.

^{page 167 note 2} But the number is suspiciously close to the thirty-two towns which Philip, according to Demosthenes (Hi. Phil. 26), destroyed in 348.

^{page 168 note 1} heradidarum C, a variant doubtless connected somehow with a story found in one of the Socratic Epistles (Hercher, REpistolographi Graeci, p. 630 f.), how the land of Olynthos and Amphipolis (which the author seems to confuse), Pallene, and the land of Torone, were won by Herakles and given in trust to certain persons for his descendants to resume. Some critics ascribe this letter to Speusippos (see F. Susemihl Gesch. d. gr. Litt. in der Alexandrinerzeit ii. pp. 586 sqq.). I will not debate the question, since this letter yields no new evidence on my main point.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 1} These last words are perhaps an echo of Herodotus' 76–05. Compare Lucian de Salt. 32:

^{page 169 note 2} Nothing can be inferred from the genitive in Thuc. i. 64. 2.

^{page 169 note 3} Collitz-Bechtel Sammlung dcr gr. Dialekt- lnschriften no. 5285, Dittenberger Sylloge ² no. 77 Hoffmann Gr. Dialekte iii. no. 13, Hicks and Hill Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions no. 95.

^{page 169 note 4} Collitz-Bechtel, no. 5282; Dittenberger, no. 113; Hoffmann, no. 14; Hicks and Hill, no. 125.

^{page 169 note 5} Eretria: Collitz - Bechtel, nos. 5307–5310; Hoffmann, nos. 18–20; , 1887, pp.77 sqq., IOO2, pp. 100 sqq. Oropos: I.G. 5339, 5338; Dittenberger, no. 589; Hoffmann, nos. 25–27; Hicks and Hill, no. 142 (later dis- coveries at Oropos add nothing for the present purpose).

^{page 169 note 6} I.G. xiv. no. 788; Collitz-Bechtel, no. 5273: date unknown.

^{page 169 note 7} Hoffmann (§ 207) thinks a locative, like in one of the Eretrian inscriptions Hicks and Hill wrongly print

^{page 170 note 1} Note I.G. XII. v. i. no. 716; fifth century (F. Koepp) or later (Hiller von Gaertringen); cut by ignorant man. The infinitive of εíμí occurs thrice: METEINAI, EHEINAI, and EI at the end of a line, followed by τňς. The editors read elcai in this last place also, but it looks from the elcai in this last place also, but it looks from the long. Can this be another example of εíν?

^{page 170 note 2} Poteidaia is the only colony known to have been founded by a Doric town.

^{page 170 note 3} Collitz-Bechtel, no. 5281.

^{page 170 note 4} See Pauly - Wissowa, s.v. A second Arethusa in these parts is recorded, rightly or wrongly, by Skymnos, 634 f.:

^{page 170 note 5} Stephanos has also with a reference to the same book of Theopom pos as for Skabala. Okolon, though it does not appear in the tribute-lists, was perhaps another such Eretrian settlement F. Geyer in W. Sieglin's Quellen u. Forschungen zur alten Geschichte u. Geographic, Heft 6, pp. 62 sq.

^{page 171 note 1} Historia Numorunt ed. 2, p. 207.

^{page 171 note 2} Böhnecke, K. GForschungen aufdem Gebiete dcr att. Rcduer vol. i., p. no, says ‘Als Oekistes der Chalkidier wird Theokles genannt: Konon Narrat. 20’: but he has misread his Konon.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 1} Thuc. i. 107. 2 is instructive: Clearly he regards the three townlets as coherent parts of a tribal whole. Cf. iii. 92. 3, and vi. 2. 3: How little size or independence is necessarily implied in is shewn by iii. 101. 2, (in Ozolian Lokris).

^{page 172 note 2} So among the barbarian Amphilochoi the size and position of Argos brought it soonest under Greek influence, and distinguished it more or less from the rest of the tribe (Thuc. ii. 68). So in the time of Philip an outlying body of Chalkidians held Amphipolis, and stood apart from their kinsmen; whence the latter perhaps came to be distinguished as in CIA II. 105, See R. von Scala Staatsverträge i. p. 200.

^{page 172 note 3} Smith's, Diet, of Greek and Roman Geogr. says that Aineia ‘was colonised by the Cor inthians (Scymnus Ch. 627).’ This is a mistake. Skymnos says nothing of the sort.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 4} Thuc. iv. 109. For the juxtaposition of Greeks and barbarians in the same town compare Emporiai in Spain (Strabo iii. 4. 8, p. 160; Livy xxxiv. 9) and perhaps Naples and Syracuse (W. E. Heitland The Roman Republic § 187). Kleonai was perhaps predominantly Chalkidi see Herakleides (above).

^{page 172 note 5} Meyer, EG. d. A. II. §299, n., implies that they were not Greeks: Hdt. (compare vii. 122 with viii. 127) implies that they were Greeks.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 6} Hdt. viii. 127, Thuc. ii. 99. 3. This was before 479.

^{page 172 note 7} Nic. Damasc. fr. 60 (Müller).

^{page 172 note 8} And Dikaia or Dikaiopolis on one or the other side of the Thermaic Gulf.

^{page 172 note 9} I.G. i. 243, 3:

^{page 172 note 10} And Argilos. The foundation of Akanthos and Stagiros is placed by Eusebios in 655–4.

^{page 174 note 1} Such canting derivations are common enough. Here is one which involves Chalkis. Hesych. Miles, vi. 21: (See Hdt. 144, Thuc. iv. 75. 2.) The legend of the foundation of Euboia near Edessa in Macedon (Strabo x. p. 449) probably belongs to the same class; so, perhaps, does the claim of Pallenian Skione to be derived from Pellene. The coincidence of name which I suppose is not very strange. is a word of several meanings, a bird, a fish, a lizard; from any of these, or from something else, the tribal name may have been formed. For the termination compare etc.; , the , real or supposed, of (Steph. Byz and on a coin from ‘the Pangaean district’ (Head H.N ² p. 195). suggests a further analogy, but I had better not speak of totems. The legend of the Giants, common to Pallene and to the neighbourhood of Chalkidic Kyme. may have helped.

^{page 174 note 2} See R.E., Pauly-Wissowas.v. Chalkis (2).Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 3} lb. (9), and Gesch, Beloch Gr. ii. p. 242. It is odd that Schaefer and Dittenberger should refer to this questionable town the who joined the second Athenian league (l.G. ii. 17, Dittenb. Syll. i2. pp. 124, 129).Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 4} This may help to explain why some authors seem to recognize only two prongs (see Müller, C on Ptol. Geogr, . iii. 12. 9).Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 1} Read perhaps For the construction cf. s. vv.

^{page 175 note 2} Compare the survival of

^{page 175 note 3} This is probable, though it cannot quite be proved. See Classen-Steup.

^{page 175 note 4} Cat, B.M. of Greek Coins, Mac. etc., p. xxxi.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 1} See Kirchhoff, AThuk. und sein Urkunden material p. 47, n.; Steup, JThukydideische Studien i. p. 43; Macan, R. W on Hdt. vii. 123.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 2} Travels in Northern Greece iii. p. 179.

^{page 176 note 3} Compare Macan on Hdt. vii. 122.

^{page 176 note 4} I.G., i., 259; cf. B.S.A., xv., p. 240, where Sarte is added to the list of contributors. For the date see E. Cavaignac Le Trésor d'Athènes, Stepp. xxxvi. f.

^{page 176 note 5} Compare appendix iii.

^{page 176 note 6} P. 98.

^{page 176 note 7} Busolt Gesch, Gr. iii. p. 797.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 8} P. 170.

^{page 176 note 9} Eion, however, a colony of Mende, had revolted (p. 95).

^{page 176 note 10} P. 98.

^{page 176 note 11} P. 100.

^{page 176 note 12} P. 100.

^{page 176 note 13} P. 100.

^{page 176 note 14} Steph. Byz. s.v.

^{page 176 note 15} Their town may be confidently identified with the Kampsa of Herodotus (p. 94) and Ste phanos' For the loss of initial ∑ compare (below).

^{page 177 note 1} P. 172, n. 4.

^{page 177 note 2} Hdt. vii. 123 (p. 94); Steph, . Byz, . ; and p. 176, n. 15Google Scholar

^{page 177 note 3} Thuc. i. 61. 5 seems to imply that Gigonos did neither. It is possible, however, for an army to encamp in a dismantled town.

^{page 177 note 4} Pol. 1306 a 2, 1303 b 2.

^{page 177 note 5} Beloch (Gesch, Gr ii. p. 275) inclines to put it in the second half of the warGoogle Scholar

^{page 177 note 6} Compare the Argilians resident there in 424 (iv. 103. 3).

^{page 177 note 7} See above, p. 99.

^{page 178 note 1} See Schweighäuser's, Lexicon Herodoteum s.v. Τενος; Thuc. iv. 61.3–4. Once in Thucydides θνος is practically equivalent to πóλις (vii. 58 3).Google Scholar