^{page 142 note 1} Judged merely in terms of space allocated in the Prosopographia Imperii Romani Paullus Fabius Maximus rates higher than 93 per cent of those who held the consular office between 30 B.C. and A.D. 14, but almost all the evidence relates to his subsequent career.

^{page 142 note 2} The fullest treatment of this element and indeed of the poem as a whole is by Weinreich, Otto, ‘Religionswissenschaftliche und Literaturgeschichtliche Beiträge zu Horaz’, Zeitschr.für Kirchengeschichte, lxi (1942), 33–70Google Scholar—a valuable but understandably one-sided study.

^{page 142 note 3} It is improbable that the scripta referred to by Ovid in Ex P. 1.2. 135 were poetical compositions.

^{page 142 note 4} Horace, 413. I regret having to oppose Fraenkel's views here and elsewhere in this paper. He teaches and inspires even when he seems most mistaken, which is a measure of the great value of his book.

^{page 143 note 1} Op. cit. 365 and 350.

^{page 143 note 2} Brink, C. O., in Horace on Poetry, 179–83, takes a much milder view of the epistle than Fraenkel.Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 1} S. I. 2. 119, 1.3. 109, 1.4. 113, 1. 5.84, 2. 5. 80.

^{page 144 note 2} Ep. 1. 6. 38, 1. 18. 21, 2. 2. 56, A.P. 42, 320, 414.

^{page 144 note 3} Weinreich, , op. cit. 60.Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 4} Zielinski's, emendation deae for deo in 1. 16,Google Scholar recently defended by Nisbet, R. G. M. (Crit. Essays on Roman Literature: Elegy and Lyric, ed. Sullivan, J. P., 183),Google Scholar is not only superfluous: it destroys what was meant to be a joke.

^{page 145 note 1} Cinara does not appear in the Odes before Book 4 for those who can resist the temptation to identify her with Glycera (1. 19. 5, 1. 30. 3. 1. 33 2, 3. 19. 28).

^{page 146 note 1} He was one of the two provincia governors known to have been given this title in the time of Augustus. See Crook, J. A., Consilium Principis, 23–4.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 1} Odes 2. 12. I have no doubt that the traditional identification of Licymnia with Terentia is correct. For a good discussion of the poem see Williams, G., ‘Poetry in the Moral Climate of Augustan Rome’, JRS lii (1962), 28–46, esp. 35–8.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 2} Wili, W., Horaz, 155 remarks:Google Scholar ‘Die Ehre der Widmung des zweiten Buches wird gleichsam zwischen Pollio und Maecenas geteilt, ähnlich wie sie in B. IV der Lieder dem Paullus Maximus und Augustus zugleich zukommen sollte.’

^{page 147 note 3} Cf. Fraenkel, , op. cit. 425–6.Google Scholar

^{page 148 note 1} The great majority of the Augustan consuls (30 B.C.-A.D. 14) were married at some time in their lives, but unfortunately the biographical material is not sufficient to establish how many married before they took office. If Cassius Dio (56. 10. 3) is to be believed, there were at least two very remarkable examples of bachelor consuls—M. Papius and Q,. Poppaeus, coss. suff. A.D. 9.

^{page 148 note 2} I use the term in its usual rather loose sense. For a discussion of terms see Muth, R., ‘ “Hymenaios” und “Epithalamium” ‘ in Wiener Stud. lxvii (1954), 5–45.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 1} Pavlovskis, Z., ‘Statius and the Late Latin Epithalamia’, Cl. Phil. lx (1965), 164–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar argues that the Medea has the last of the hymenaioi, which were superseded by the epithalamia (with Venus as the central figure). This seems to me to be drawing a more definite conclusion than the meagre evidence will allow.

^{page 149 note 2} Maximus does not appear to have been a poet like Stella, but he had Horace to sound the tibia for him.

^{page 149 note 3} From the marriage-song of a later Maximus: Ennodius, , Epithalamium dictum Maximi, 27. Cf. 17–18:Google Scholarcui sanguis census genius mens vota superstant / Musarum prima Julia supercilio.

^{page 149 note 4} Op. cit., 413–14.Google Scholar

^{page 149 note 5} Loc. cit., 39.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 1} Cf. Dio Cassius, 58. 2.

^{page 150 note 2} Sen. Controv. 2. 4. 11. Syme observes: ‘It was Cassius who defined for all time the character and capacity of Paullus Fabius Maximus' (The Roman Revolution, 487Google Scholar). But Syme has special cause for despising Maximus—his Asianism (ibid. 375).

^{page 150 note 3} Op. cit. 412.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 4} Loc. cit. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 5} An inscription found at a shrine of Venus Paphia in Cyprus:

^{page 151 note 1} De Horatianorum carminum inscriptionibus commentatiuncula, 4.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 2} This has led a number of critics to believe that Horace is here making a genuine confession: e.g. W. Wili, Horaz, 355 and Wilkinson, L. P., Horace and His Lyric Poetry, 51–3.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 1} Fraenkel is very illuminating on this point. For a tidying and partial modification of Fraenkel's scheme see Ludwig, W., ‘Die Anordnung des vierten Horazischen Odenbuches’, Mus. Hel. xviii (1961), 1–10.Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 2} It would be rash to offer a list of these, but 3. 12 can probably be safely cited as an example.

^{page 152 note 3} For a discussion of some of the metrical features see Rotsch, L., ‘Zur Form der drei Horaz-Oden im Asclepiadeus maior’, Gymn. lxiv (1957), 89–98.Google Scholar Horace seems to have made a point of including a wide range of metres in the fourth book as he had done in the first.

^{page 152 note 4} Orazio Lirico, p.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 1} Cf. the Fescennine section of Cat. 61.119–43.