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THE LUTHERAN IDENTITY OF JOSQUIN’S MISSA PANGE LINGUA: RENAISSANCE OF A RENAISSANCE MASS

  • Alanna Ropchock Tierno (a1)
Abstract

In sixteenth-century Germany, both Catholics and Lutherans circulated and performed Josquin’s Missa Pange lingua, even though its model, the hymn Pange lingua, was associated with Eucharistic practices that were exclusively Catholic. This source-based study reveals how Lutherans selected the Missa Pange lingua for performance over other available masses and adapted it for their liturgical and pedagogical needs. Two printed sources of the mass offer perspectives on how Lutherans might have negotiated the polemical rituals and theology associated with the Missa Pange lingua alongside an aesthetic interest in the work. The intention of this study is not to de-emphasise the connection between the Missa Pange lingua and its borrowed melody or the initial Catholic identity of the mass. Rather, the Lutheran identity of the Missa Pange lingua provides an additional layer to the early reception history of this work and a case study of the Lutheran appropriation of Catholic music.

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Corresponding author
Email: aropchoc@su.edu
Footnotes
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Portions of this study were presented at the 80th Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society in Milwaukee (November 2014), the Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference in Birmingham, UK (July 2014), at Case Western Reserve University, and at Masarykova univerzita (Brno, Czech Republic). Much of the research presented here also appears in my Ph.D. dissertation, ‘The Body of Christ Divided: Reception of Josquin’s Missa Pange lingua in Reformation Germany’ (Case Western Reserve University, 2015). For their crucial comments and feedback, I thank Peter Bennett, Franz Körndle, Susan McClary and Laura Youens. I also thank the two anonymous reviewers for Early Music History for their insight and helpful suggestions. Finally, I am especially grateful to David Rothenberg, who offered invaluable advice on this project from the earliest dissertation drafts to the present work.

Photographs by the author where noted. Other images are courtesy of the Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek (Jena, Figure 1), Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna, Figure 2), Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich, Figure 3), Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek RheinMain (Wiesbaden, Figures 8 and 9), and the Württembergische Landesbibliothek (Stuttgart, Figure 10).

Manuscript sigla are taken from C. Hamm and H. Kellman, Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88). RISM sigla are provided for printed sources.

The following abbreviations are also used:

BrnoAM Brno, archiv města fond V 2 Svatojakubská knihovna sign

BrusBR Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België

BudOS Országos Széchényi Könyvtár

ChiN Chicago, Newberry Library

DresSL Dresden, Sächische Landesbibliothek

EK Die Evangelische Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, ed. E. Sehling (Leipzig, 1902–)

ErlU Erlangen, Universitätsbibliothek

HerdF Herdringen, Schloss Fürstenberg, Bibliothek

JenaU Jena, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek

LeipU Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek

MunBS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

MunU Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität

NJE New Josquin Edition (Utrecht, 1987–) (all references are to the critical commentary volumes)

RegB Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek

RosU Rostock, Bibliothek der Wilhelm-Pieck-Universität

StuttL Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek

ToleBC Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana

VatG Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Giulia

VatP Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Palatini latini

VatS Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina

VatSM Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Santa Maria Maggiore

VienNB Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek

WA D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 4th ser. (Weimar, 1883–)

Footnotes
References
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1 Information on earlier editions and sources of the Missa Pange lingua can be found in Masses Based on Gregorian Chants 2, ed. W. Elders, NJE 4. See also Allende-Blin, J., ‘Beobachtungen über die “Missa Pange lingua”’, in H. K. Metzger and R. Riehn (eds.), Josquin des Pres, Musik-Konzepte, 26/27 (Munich, 1982), pp. 7084 ; Fallows, D., Josquin (Turnhout, 2009), pp. 320323 ; Osthoff, H., Josquin Desprez (Tutzing, 1962–5), i, pp. 191196 ; Planchart, A. E., ‘Masses on Plainsong Cantus Firmi’, in R. Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion (Oxford, 2000), pp. 130150 ; and Sherr, R., ‘Josquin’s “Missa Pange Lingua”: A Note on Agnus Dei III’, Early Music, 18 (1990), pp. 271273, 275. The most contextual treatment of the Missa Pange lingua is found in Michael Long’s article on the Missa Di dadi, which focuses on Eucharistic devotion: Long, M., ‘Symbol and Ritual in Josquin’s Missa Di Dadi, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 42 (1989), pp. 122 .

2 Current scholarship accepts Pange lingua as being the work of Aquinas. See Rubin, M., Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 185188 , and Walters, B., V. Corrigan and P. T. Ricketts, Feast of Corpus Christi (University Park, Pa., 2006), pp. 3436 . Fortunatus composed Pange lingua and several other hymns to commemorate the arrival of a relic of the True Cross in Poitiers. His hymn begins with the line ‘Pange lingua gloriosi praelium certaminis’ and focuses on the cross and its role in Christ’s sacrifice for the redemption of the human race, with references to the tree from which Adam and Eve took the forbidden fruit and the life of Christ leading up to his crucifixion. Pange lingua is in trochaic tetrameter catalectic, the metre of Roman military marching chants, which made the hymn practical for use during processions with the relic. In time, Fortunatus’s Pange lingua attained a place in the Good Friday liturgy during the veneration of the cross; see Norberg, D., ‘Le “Pange lingua” de Fortunat pour la Croix’, La Maison-Dieu, 173 (1988), pp. 7179 . See also George, J. W., Venatius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul (Oxford, 1992), and Roberts, M., The Humblest Sparrow: The Poetry of Venantius Fortunatus (Ann Arbor, 2009). Evidence of Aquinas’s use of the Fortunatus Pange lingua as a melodic and textual model is found in the manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 1143, which dates from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century and contains a complete version of the Corpus Christi Office. Marginal notes in this manuscript provide the sources of the Corpus Christi Office items. A note adjacent to Pange lingua reads ‘Contra. Pange lingua gloriosi praellum [sic] certaminis, in Passione Domini.’ A complete chart of the Corpus Christi Office items and marginalia can be found in Mathiesen, T. J., ‘The Office of the New Feast of Corpus Christi in the Regimen Animarum at Brigham Young University’, Journal of Musicology, 2 (1983), pp. 1344 , at 24–5. Walters et al., Feast of Corpus Christi, provides in-depth information on the early Corpus Christi liturgies.

3 There are twenty-seven known sources of the Missa Pange lingua. Nineteen have complete or nearly complete readings of the mass that would have been suitable for liturgical use, while the rest transmit only certain sections in a variety of forms: duet anthologies known as bicinia intended for pedagogical purposes, lute intabulations and Heinrich Glarean’s Dodekachordon treatise. Of the nineteen ‘liturgical’ sources, eight are concretely linked to Lutherans, a number that expands upon further consideration. JenaU 21, not counted among the eight, belonged to Frederick the Wise of Saxony (1463–1525), who protected Martin Luther and allowed the Reformation to flourish in Wittenberg, while maintaining personal and professional ties to the Catholic Church. Duet sections from the Missa Pange lingua are included in a bicinia collection compiled by Georg Rhau (1488–1548), a printer based in Wittenberg who published the bicinia and numerous other music publications for Lutheran churches and schools. Finally, one of the eight liturgical Lutheran sources is a printed mass anthology titled Missae tredecim quatuor vocum. When the original owners of the extant or otherwise documented Missae tredecim copies are considered, the number of Lutheran Missa Pange lingua sources doubles.

4 Osthoff (Josquin Desprez, p. 90) coined the term ‘German Josquin Renaissance’ to describe the unprecedented popularity of Josquin compositions in the Germanic region in the mid- to late sixteenth century. While previous studies on this phenomenon note the posthumous circulation of Josquin Mass Ordinary settings in Germany, the primary focus has been on the motet genre; see Crook, D., ‘The Exegetical Motet’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 68 (2015), pp. 255316 ; W. Kirsch, ‘Josquin’s Motets in the German Tradition’, in Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference, ed. E. E. Lowinsky (London, 1976), pp. 261–78; Oettinger, R. W., ‘Ludwig Senfl and the Judas Trope: Composition and Religious Toleration at the Bavarian Court’, Early Music History, 20 (2001), pp. 199225 ; and Schlagel, S. P., ‘The Liber selectarum cantionum and the “German Josquin Renaissance”’, Journal of Musicology, 19 (2002), pp. 564615 . Studies on the German reception of Mass Ordinaries often gravitate to a specific source. See e.g. Haar, J., ‘Josquin as Interpreted by a Mid-Sixteenth-Century German Musician’, in S. Hörner and B. Schmid (eds.), Festschrift für Horst Leuchtmann zum 65. Geburtstag (Tutzing, 1993), pp. 179205 ; Rodin, J., ‘A Josquin Substitution’, Early Music, 35 (2006), pp. 249258 ; and Schlagel, S. P., ‘Fortune’s Fate: Josquin and the Nürnberg Mass Prints of 1539’, in A. Clement and E. Jas (eds.), Josquin and the Sublime: Proceedings from the International Josquin Symposium at Roosevelt Academy Middelburg, 12–15 July 2009 (Turnhout, 2011), pp. 191209 . The favouring of motet over mass can be traced back to the work of A. W. Ambros in the 1860s; see Kirkman, A., The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass: Medieval Context to Modern Revival (Cambridge, 2010), p. 6 .

5 See Heal, B., The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Early Modern Germany: Protestant and Catholic Piety, 1500–1648 (Cambridge, 2007); J. L. Koerner, The Reformation of the Image (Chicago, 2004); and Spicer, A. (ed.), Lutheran Churches in Early Modern Europe (Farnham, 2012).

6 Although other Protestant sects such as those led by Zwingli and Calvin took a stronger, more destructive stance against religious art than the Lutheran movement, Martin Luther and his colleagues still had to negotiate their position on the role of images in theology and practice. Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, a theologian at the University of Wittenberg, took the strongest stance against images and incited iconoclastic acts in Wittenberg in the 1520s. Shortly thereafter, Martin Luther denounced Karlstadt’s teachings on images and other matters; see Eire, C. M. N., War against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 5473 .

7 For examples of this new approach to Reformation studies, see Heal, B., ‘“Better Papist than Calvinist”: Art and Identity in Later Lutheran Germany’, German History, 29 (2011), pp. 584609 ; Frandsen, M., Crossing Confessional Boundaries: The Patronage of Italian Sacred Music in Seventeenth-Century Dresden (Oxford, 2006); and Kaufmann, T., ‘Einleitung: Transkonfessionalität, Interkonfessionalität, binnenkonfessionelle Pluralität – Neue Forschungen zur Konfessionalisierungsthese’, in K. von Greyerz et al. (eds.), Interkonfessionalität – Transkonfessionalität – binnenkonfessionelle Pluralität: Neue Forschungen zur Konfessionalisierungsthese (Heidelberg, 2003), pp. 915 .

8 In Admonition concerning the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Our Lord (1530), Luther observes that the Gloria, Alleluia, Creed, Preface, Sanctus, Benedictus and Agnus Dei contain ‘nothing about a sacrifice but only praise and thanks’ and notes that, therefore, ‘we have also kept them in our Mass’ (nichtst vom opffer, Sondern eitel lob und danck, Darumb wir sie auch jnn unser Messen behalten). The English translation and Luther’s original German text of this section can be found in Leaver, R., Luther’s Liturgical Music (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2007), p. 9 .

9 WA 19, pp. 73–4. Also see R. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, pp. 293–4.

10 Kirchenordnungen were legal documents that contain information on a variety of topics pertinent to a town or church that recently broke away from Rome, such as tenets of basic governance, the organisation and curriculum of schools, special rites such as baptism and marriage, and the structure of liturgical services. The most comprehensive collection of edited Kirchenordnungen is the series Emil Sehling began over a century ago, Die Evangelische Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts. The Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften has been in charge of the series since 2002.

11 Luther’s belief in the ‘Real (i.e. physical) Presence’ of Christ in the Eucharist became a cornerstone of his theology and a primary point of disagreement with both Huldrych Zwingli and Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt. For general information on Luther’s beliefs regarding the Eucharist, see Wandel, L. P., The Eucharist in the Reformation: Incarnation and Liturgy (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 94138 . For more on Zwingli’s Eucharistic theology, see pp. 139–207. Throughout her recent biography of Luther, Lyndal Roper emphasises Luther’s belief in the Real Presence; see Roper, L., Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet (London, 2016), esp. pp. 290294, 318–19, 326–8 and 354–5.

12 The three Petrucci volumes are as follows: Misse Josquin (RISM J 666–8), Missarum Josquin Liber secundus (J 671–2) and Missarum Josquin Liber tertius (J 673–4). For more on printed Josquin repertory and historiography, see van Orden, K., ‘Josquin des Prez, Renaissance Historiography, and the Cultures of Print’, in J. F. Fulcher (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the New Cultural History of Music (Oxford, 2011), pp. 354380 .

13 Josquin’s authorship of the mass is uncontested in the New Grove Dictionary of Music, NJE 4, p. 85, and Planchart’s essay in The Josquin Companion. Fallows (Josquin, p. 323) refers to the idea of Josquin not composing Missa Pange lingua as ‘absurd’. Joshua Rifkin is possibly the only scholar to suggest in writing that the mass may not be Josquin’s, but the remark was made to illustrate a broader point about Josquin authenticity studies and was not based on any specific evidence: J. Rifkin, ‘Problems of Authorship in Josquin: Some Impolitic Observations with a Postscript on Absalon, fili mi’, in W. Elders with F. de Haen (eds.), Proceedings of the International Josquin Symposium Utrecht 1986 (Utrecht, 1991), pp. 46–7.

14 Owens, J. A., ‘How Josquin Became Josquin: Reflections on Historiography and Reception’, in Owens and A. M. Cummings (eds.), Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood (Warren, MI, 1997), p. 275 .

15 Fallows, Josquin, p. 323.

16 All the early Missa Pange lingua sources on this table are considered complete (and therefore suitable for liturgical use) except for two: ChiN C25, which contains two sections of the Gloria arranged for lute, and VienNB 18832, a collection of duet sections that contains the Pleni sunt and Agnus II sections of the mass. Because they only contain a few sections of the mass and thus had practically no impact on its dissemination among Lutherans, these sources are considered peripheral in the present study. Nevertheless, they serve as important evidence that the mass was included in lute and bicinia collections in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, possibly while Josquin was still alive.

17 Because the elevation was the most important moment in the Mass, it also became the most important point in cyclic musical settings of the Mass Ordinary as they developed in the fifteenth century. See Kirkman, The Cultural Life, pp. 177–207.

18 See chapters 1–3 of Rubin, Corpus Christi, for a detailed discussion of early Eucharistic theology, the rise of medieval Eucharistic devotion, and the development and spread of Corpus Christi.

19 Zika, C., ‘Hosts, Processions, and Pilgrimages: Controlling the Sacred in Fifteenth-Century Germany’, Past and Present, no. 118 (Feb. 1988), pp. 2564 , at 37–8.

20 Germanic processional books that contain Pange lingua include the following manuscripts, for which RISM sigla are given: A-Gu, MS 1459, fol. 89r (sixteenth century, Abbey of St. Lambrecht in Austria); GB-Lbl, Add. MS 31386, fol. 57 (sixteenth century, Cologne); and D-KNd, MS 1064, fol. 51v (fifteenth century, owned by St. Nicolas de Brauweiler) and MS 1163, fol. 48v (fifteenth century, Cologne). Germanic books for the Office that contain Pange lingua include D-AAm, G 20 (fols. 205r, 399r, 402v); D-KNd, MS 1157 (fol. 24r); A-Gu, MSS 114 (fol. 234r), 204 (fol. 194r), 387 (fol. 241v); D-Mbs Clm 17010 (fol. 113v); GB-Ob, MS Laud Misc. 284 (fol. 269r); D-W Cod. Guelf 170 Helmst (fol. 13r).

21 B. Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels, 1350–1500’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1988), pp. 383–94; and Browe, P., Die Verehrung der Eucharistie im Mittelalter (Munich, 1933), pp. 141154 .

22 See Kellman, H. (ed.), The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts 1500–1535 (Ghent, 1999) for a catalogue of all known Alamire manuscripts.

23 Although Occo was a bibliophile and took an interest in the arts, it seems more likely that he wanted the choirbook for the Heilige Stede rather than for his own use, especially since he did not have an ensemble at his disposal; see Boorman, S., ‘Purpose of the Gift’, in B. Bouckaert and E. Schreurs (eds.), The Burgundian-Habsburg Court Complex of Music Manuscripts (1500–1535) and the Workshop of Petrus Alamire (Leuven and Neerpelt, 2003), p. 114 . Literature on the Occo Codex includes the online edition with commentary, Jaap van Benthem et al., ‘The Occo Codex’, Computerized Mensural Music Editing Project (http://www.cmme.org/database); a facsimile edition, B. Huys and S. A. C. Dudok van Heel (eds.), Occo Codex (Brussels, Royal Library Albert I, Ms. IV 922), Facsimilia Musica Neerlandica, 1 (Buren, 1979); Huys, ‘An Unknown Alamire-Choirbook (‘Occo Codex’) Recently Acquired by the Royal Library of Belgium’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 24 (1974), pp. 1–19; and F. A. Warmington, review of Occo Codex (Brussels, Royal Library Albert I, MS. IV. 922) by Bernard Huys and Sebastien A. C. Dudok van Heel, Notes, 2nd ser., 38 (1981), pp. 406–9.

24 Detailed studies of Frederick’s choirbooks include K. P. Duffy, ‘The Jena Choirbooks: Music and Liturgy at the Castle Church in Wittenberg under Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1995), and J. Heidrich, Die deutschen Chorbücher aus der Hofkapelle Friedrichs des Weisen: Ein Beitrag zur mitteldeutschen geistlichen Musikpraxis um 1500, Sammlung Musikwissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen, 84 (Baden-Baden, 1993). For more on the music at Frederick’s court, see Duffy, ‘Netherlands Manuscripts at a Saxon Court’, in Bouckaert and Schreurs (eds.), The Burgundian-Habsburg Court Complex, pp. 218–19.

25 Weimar, Staatsarchiv, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv Reg. O. 201 (Reg. O. pag. 91 AAa 41), fols. 1–9; as cited in Duffy, ‘The Jena Choirbooks’, pp. 163–8.

26 In his catalogue entry, Jas concludes that JenaU 21 must have been for the Hofkapelle: see Kellman (ed.), The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 103.

27 Sherr, R., ‘The Singers of the Papal Chapel and Liturgical Ceremonies in the Early Sixteenth Century: Some Documentary Evidence’, in P. A. Ramsey (ed.), Rome in the Renaissance, the City and the Myth (Binghamton, 1982), p. 253 . The Missa Pange lingua Credo would have been particularly useful for the papal Corpus Christi Mass, as the pope’s presence presented a logistical challenge even if he was not the celebrant. During the Et incarnatus section, the celebrant had to kneel, listen for the pope to say the words, and bow towards the altar when the words were sung by the choir. The congregation also had to listen for the words to be sung and kneel at that point. The Et incarnatus section needed to be very clear for everyone to hear, and although many Renaissance masses do have pointed breaks between the words ‘descendit de caelis’ and ‘et incarnatus’, Josquin provides a particularly clear cadential point at ‘descendit de caelis’ in the Missa Pange lingua and the Et incarnatus section is one of Josquin’s signature homophonic passages to emphasise an important phrase of text. See Sherr, ‘Speculations on Repertory, Performance Practice, and Ceremony in the Papal Chapel in the Early Sixteenth Century’, in B. Janz (ed.), Studien zur Geschichte der päpstlichen Kapelle: Tagungsbericht Heidelberg 1989 (Vatican City, 1994), pp. 114–16.

28 Lockwood, L., ‘A Virtuoso Singer at Ferrara and Rome’, in R. Sherr (ed.), Papal Music and Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome (Oxford, 1998), p. 228 . Jeffrey Dean estimates that Gellandi copied the Missa Pange lingua into VatS 16 between 1515 and 1516 with the title added c. 1517–19; see J. Dean, ‘The Scribes of the Sistine Chapel 1501–1527’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1984), pp. 226–7.

29 The NJE critical commentary on the Missa Pange lingua lists VatP 1980–81 and VatP 1982 as probably being copied for Giulio de’ Medici, but Anthony Cummings points out that there is nothing in the Medici coat of arms on the partbooks connecting them to Giulio or any other member of the Medici family; see Cummings, A., ‘Giulio de Medici’s Music Books’, Early Music History, 10 (1991), pp. 65122 , at pp. 74–5. The Missa Pange lingua in VatG XII.2 was copied by the ‘Medici scribe’ probably around 1518, according to Dean (‘Scribes of the Sistine Chapel’, p. 113). Because the readings in VatS 16 and VatG XII.2 are nearly identical, Jaap van Benthem states in the online Occo Codex critical commentary that VatG XII.2 was copied from VatS 16.

30 See Hudson, B., ‘A Neglected Source of Renaissance Polyphony: Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore JJ.III.4’, Acta Musicologica, 48 (1976), pp. 166180 .

31 We know that Lang added a processional cross upon his promotion because his coat of arms in the Liber Selectarum Cantionum, published in 1520 (Augsburg: Grimm and Wirsung), contains a processional cross; see Giselbrecht, Elisabeth and L. Elizabeth Upper, ‘Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music: Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum ’, in S. Gasch, B. Lodes and S. Tröster (eds.), Senfl-Studien I (Tutzing, 2012), pp. 1768 .

32 Bente, M., Neue Wege der Quellenkritik und die Biographie Ludwig Senfls (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 206207 . When describing Helmut Hell’s belief that MunBS 510 and two related choirbooks represented Senfl’s mature work as a scribe, Birgit Lodes states that ‘in any event, [these sources] were probably not prepared in Munich for the court chapel’. See Lodes, B., ‘Ludwig Senfl and the Munich Choirbooks: The Emperor’s or the Duke’s?’, in T. Göllner, B. Schmid and S. Putz (eds.), Die Münchner Hofkapelle des 16. Jahrunderts im europäischen Kontext (Munich, 2006), p. 232 . See also Hell, H., ‘Senfls Hand in den Chorbüchern der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek’, Augsburger Jahrbuch für Musikwissenschaft, 4 (1987), pp. 65137 .

33 For further discussion of Maximilian’s tendency to leave projects unfinished, see Rothenberg, D. J., ‘The Most Prudent Virgin and the Wise King: Isaac’s Virgo prudentissima Compositions in the Imperial Ideology of Maximilian I’, Journal of Musicology, 28 (2011), pp. 3480 , at 36; and Silver, L., Marketing Maximilian: The Visual Ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor (Princeton, 2008), p. ix .

34 Brecht, M., Martin Luther, trans. J. Shaaf (Philadelphia, 1985–93), i, p. 75 .

35 ‘Ego huic festo bin nit gut, quod sacramentum wirt boslich gehandlet et ignomia magna datur.’ WA 11, p. 125.

36 ‘In nostra civitate tantum effecimus, spero, quod nullus sit scortator publicus, occultos commendamus deo. Vos celebrabitis corpus Christi, nos non, hec opus est, imo una lectio melior est quam 10 feriae.’ WA 15, p. 567. Luther was implying that public veneration of the Eucharist (processions, Eucharistic adoration, etc.) was comparable to public acts of adultery. At that time in Germany, sexual promiscuity was both deplorable and often associated with Rome. See Puff, H., Sodomy in Reformation Germany and Switzerland 1400–1600 (Chicago, 2003), esp. pp. 126127 and pp. 140–66.

37 The most familiar exception of German Lutherans retaining Corpus Christi is found in Brandenburg; see Nischan, B., Prince, People, and Confession: The Second Reformation in Brandenburg (Philadelphia, 1994). A second exception occurred in Fraustadt near the Polish/Silesian boarder, where Lutherans voluntarily celebrated Corpus Christi in order not to offend their ‘neighbors’; see Zeeden, E. W., Faith and Act: The Survival of Medieval Ceremonies in the Lutheran Reformation, trans. K. G. Walker (St. Louis, Mo., 2012), p. 57 .Ducal Saxony also came very close to retaining Corpus Christi through the Leipzig Interim, an alternative to the Augsburg Interim produced at the Diet of Augsburg on 15 May 1548. Philipp Melanchthon was dissatisfied with the Leipzig document and it was never revised or instituted.

38 Ott first appears in extant records as a bookseller in Regensburg from 1516. He lost his Regensburg citizenship in 1524 (due to a crackdown on book publishers in the city in order to hinder the Reformation) and moved to Nuremberg, where he worked as a bookseller on the Herrnmarkt from 1525 until his death in 1546. See R. Gustavson, ‘Hans Ott, Hieronymus Formschneider, and the Novum et insigne opus musicum (Nuremberg, 1537–1538)’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Melbourne, 1998), pp. 3–5 for the little available biographical information on Ott.

39 According to Gustavson, (ibid., p. 67), the prefaces and dedications that Ott wrote for his editions indicate that he had ‘nothing . . . more than a rudimentary knowledge of music’.

40 Upon the arrival of the Reformation, town councils rather than individuals were charged with the upkeep and administration of a church. The church administrator, or Kirchenpfleger, however, was responsible for carrying out policies, dealing with personnel and handling any related problems as they arose.

41 In his extensive study of the Nuremberg Lutheran liturgy, Bartlett Butler states that there is no direct evidence for the use of liturgical polyphony in Nuremberg between 1525 and 1535 in the liturgical and Council documents that he examined. He reported that there are no records of choirbooks being purchased or copied, and there are no extant choirbooks from these years (or earlier); see B. Butler, ‘Liturgical Music in Sixteenth-Century Nürnberg: A Socio-Musical Study’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1970), p. 405.

42 Melanchthon had connections to Nuremberg and disagreed with the removal of polyphony from the liturgy (‘Ich will auch hiemit die kunstlichen oder figurirten gesang nit verworfen haben’). He wrote that if each person can propose his favourite tune then dissention will surely result (‘jetzt aber dieweil ein jeder eine besondere Weise vornimmt, und einem jeden sein Gesang am besten gefällt erheben sich zwietracht’); see Melanchthon, P., Corpus Reformatorum: Philippi Melanchthonis Opera, i, ed. Carolus G. Bretschneider and H. E. Bindseil (Halle an der Saale, 1834), col. 719 .

43 Butler, ‘Liturgical Music’, p. 453.

44 Ibid., pp. 255–6. While studying in Wittenberg and working as Luther’s secretary, Dietrich wrote a letter to Baumgartner asking if he would persuade Senfl to send his Missa Nisi Dominus to Luther: Senfl must have promised to send Luther this mass but had not yet done so. ‘Senflius aliquando promisit Luthero missam “Nisi Dominus” Fuccharo cuidam compositam. Sed promisit tantum, non misit, nescio an admonendus sit ea de re.’ Quoted in Albrecht, O. and P. Flemming, ‘Das sogenannte Manuscriptum Thomasianum’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 12 (1915), pp. 205235 , 241–84, at 244. For detailed information on the friendship between Senfl, the Munich humanists and Baumgartner, see G. MacDonald, ‘The Metrical “Harmoniae” of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl in the Conjunction of Humanism, Neoplatonism, and Nicodemism’, in Gasch, Lodes and Tröster (eds.), Senfl-Studien I, pp. 69–148, esp. pp. 84–106. This line of communication was in place before the printing of Ott’s Latin polyphony: in a cover letter dated 1 October 1530, Martin Luther asks Baumgartner if he would deliver an enclosed letter to Senfl, the text of which can be found in WA Briefe V, 639. An English translation and discussion of the letter is in Buszin, W. E., ‘Luther on Music’, Musical Quarterly, 32 (1946), pp. 8097, at 83–5.

45 This exemplar, BrusBR Fétis 1783, once belonged to Martin Luther and is signed by Veit Dietrich; see Charteris, R., ‘Newly Identified Music Editions from the Private Library of Martin Luther’, Monte Artium, 6 (2013), pp. 4195 .

46 Schlagel, S., ‘A Credible (Mis)Attribution to Josquin in Hans Ott’s Novum et insigne opus musicum: Contemporary Perceptions, Modern Conceptions, and the Case of Veni sancte Spiritus ’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 56 (2006), pp. 97126 , at pp. 104–5. The lack of a dedication in the Magnificat octo tonorum led Butler (‘Liturgical Music’, pp. 451–2, 456) to postulate that Baumgartner might have convinced Senfl to publish his Magnificats with Ott in Nuremberg since the lack of a dedication could indicate a private endeavour rather than a project that Ott initiated independently.

47 Ott obtained an Imperial privilege to print the repertory in 1545, which suggests that he had what became known as the Choralis Constantinus in his possession before his death the following year. Ott’s wife, Elsbet, published the first volume of Mass Propers in 1550 before selling the other two volumes to the Augsburg bookseller Georg Willer. For a summary of the Nuremberg publication of Choralis Constantinus, see Gustavson, ‘Hans Ott’, pp. 37–46.

48 I have argued above that Maximilian I commissioned this manuscript, but regardless of whether MunBS 510 was commissioned by the Imperial court or the ducal court, Senfl would have had access to the abandoned choirbook and possibly its copying exemplar.

49 In the critical commentaries for the NJE (4, p. 78) and online Occo Codex edition, the editors do not discuss potential relationships between Missae tredecim and earlier manuscripts other than observing that the print contains a large number of variants. My own analysis of these sources revealed that the Missae tredecim reading does indeed contain the seven pitch errors pointed out by Elders in the NJE, but most of the variants between the Missae tredecim and the earlier sources are not major, and some could have been deliberate editorial decisions by Ott. These are primarily variations in ligatures and several cadences that are simplified in Ott’s edition, as well as a few rhythmic variants. VatS 16, the Occo Codex and JenaU 21 have about the same number of variants, with 117, 120 and 119 respectively. MunBS 510 contains several instances of a dotted minim being replaced by a coloured semibreve, which is not found in any of the other earlier sources or in Missae tredecim and generally belongs in the category of a copyist’s or printer’s prerogative. When those coloration variants are discounted, MunBS 510 actually contains the fewest variants with Missae tredecim: 108. It is also worth noting that eleven of the thirteen Missae tredecim masses are found in at least one source from the Alamire workshop, although Ott most likely did not obtain exemplars of the masses directly from Alamire, who died in June 1536; see E. Schreurs, ‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, in Kellman (ed.), The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 22.

50 However, when considering Schlagel’s comments on the transfer of music notation from manuscript to print form, such variants are to be expected; see Schlagel, ‘A Credible (Mis)Attribution’, pp. 105–6.

51 Schlagel, ‘Fortune’s Fate’, p. 195.

52 One aspect of the masses that Ott especially valued is the mensural and rhythmic variation of the unifying cantus-firmus material throughout a five-movement mass; see Kirkman, The Cultural Life, pp. 34–5. Facsimiles and English translations for all of Ott’s prefaces can be found in the appendix to Gustavson’s dissertation, pp. 557–606 (the Missae tredecim preface is on pp. 576–80).

53 ‘etiam ad sacra ornanda uti licet’. Ott, Missae tredecim, sig. AA 3v. Ott implies that he had more to say about the liturgical use of this repertory by stating that the matter would be discussed further in forthcoming volumes of masses (Missarum Tomos; there is no evidence that Ott actually published this second volume of masses). In the prefaces to both motet volumes, Ott refers to the ‘barbarous’ act of removing Latin polyphony from the liturgy. The Novum et insigne opus musicum was the safer place to make such comments, since Ott was writing the prefaces to a Catholic monarch rather than a Lutheran town council. These sporadic references to the liturgy do not brand the prints as solely intended for church services, but certainly hint at the potential of liturgical use and express Ott’s (and Dietrich’s and Baumgartner’s) desire to hear this repertory in church once again.

54 Due to the delicate situation with the Holy Roman Emperor, Nuremberg adopted what Bartlett Butler called a ‘policy of appearances’ (the Nuremberg Council often used the word Schein when describing their actions). Essentially, the city and its Council attempted to appear loyal to the Catholic Holy Roman Empire while quietly allowing the Reformation to blossom. See Butler, ‘Liturgical Music’, esp. pp. 79–88 and 149–54.

55 For more on how sources of Renaissance music were used for different purposes, see Schmidt-Beste, T., ‘Private or Institutional – Small or Big? Towards a Typology of Polyphonic Sources of Renaissance Music’, Journal of the Alamire Foundation, 1 (2009), pp. 1326 . On the significance of manuscript-to-print transitions of sixteenth-century repertory, see Cumming, J. E., ‘From Chapel Choirbook to Print Partbook and Back Again’, in F. Piperno, G. B. Ravenni and A. Chegai (eds.), Capelle musicali fra corte, stato e chiesa nell’Italia del Rinascimento: Atti del Convegno internazionale Camaiore, 21–23 ottobre 2005, Historiae Musicae Cultores, 108 (Florence, 2007), pp. 373403 .

56 As dedicatee of Missae tredecim, the Nuremberg council received a copy of the print sometime before 28 February 1539: ‘12 fl Hannsen Ottel puchfürer zur vererung, dass er eim erbarn rat vier gesangpüchlein, darin etlich mess, geschenckt hat.’ Nuremberg, Bayerisches Staatsarchiv, Stadtrechnungen Nr. 183 [Jahresregister Nr. 71], fol. 68v, 28 February, 1539, as cited in Butler, ‘Liturgical Music’, p. 465, n. 179. Since no later evidence exists to associate the description of the council’s copy with any of the other extant exemplars, I have chosen to omit this initial documented copy from my list of Missae tredecim exemplars. Sixteenth-century music prints were generally produced in runs of 500 or 1000. Gustavson (‘Hans Ott’, pp. 310–12) suggests that the Novum et insigne opus musicum volumes were printed in runs of 500; also see chapter 4 of Bernstein, J. A., Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice (New York, 2001) for more on the distribution of printed music in the sixteenth century. Although twenty-three may seem like a small percentage compared to Gustavson’s estimated print runs, it is a relatively high number of extant sources for a given sixteenth-century print, and the known Missae tredecim copies provide an idea of where the print circulated, who obtained copies of it, and how it was used.

57 Only two exemplars with traceable provenances belonged to Catholics. The exemplar currently at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich belonged to Hans Heinrich Herwart (1520–83), an Augsburg patrician known for his extensive music collection; see Taricani, J., ‘A Renaissance Bibliophile as Musical Patron: The Evidence of the Herwart Sketchbooks’, Notes, 49 (June 1993), pp. 13571389 , at 1363. For more on Herwart’s life and music collection, see also Slim, H. C., ‘The Music Library of the Augsburg Patrician, Hans Heinrich Herwart (1520–1583)’, Annales musicologiques, 7 (19641977), pp. 67109 .The other ‘Catholic’ exemplar is held at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna. Three of the four partbooks at this library – the discantus, contratenor and bassus – bear the Fugger crest on the cover. However, Missae tredecim is not explicitly listed in Raimund Fugger’s music catalogue; see Schaal, R., ‘Die Musikbibliothek von Raimund Fugger d. J.: Ein Beitrag zu Musiküberlieferung des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Acta Musicologica, 29 (1957), pp. 126137 . Neither of these exemplars contains handwritten markings or signs of heavy use, which is to be expected of music prints belonging to music collectors or bibliophiles. However, while the three Fugger partbooks from Vienna do not contain any markings, the tenor partbook has a completely different cover and contains a few editorial markings, which indicates that it existed separately from the other three for a period of time and was used in some sort of performance context.

58 The Regensburg Gymnasium partbooks have a few stray annotations indicating use while the Zerbst partbooks are devoid of handwritten markings. A single annotation in the Zerbst Novum et insigne opus musicum II exemplar, which is bound together with Missae tredecim, indicates Lutheran use: in the Isaac motet Christus filius Dei, a contrafactum of his famous Virgo prudentissima, the words ‘sacro imperio pro Carolo caesare romano’ are replaced with the Lutheran-friendly phrase ‘sancta ecclesia fideli gubernatione’. Gustavson (‘Hans Ott’, p. 828) also notes that in the discantus part of Senfl’s Anima mea liquefacta est, there is a brown ink stain that completely covers a note stem in the Zerbst copy.

59 The Rostock Universitätsbibliothek exemplar bears the coat of arms of Duke Johann Albrecht I of Mecklenberg-Schwerin (1525–76), who established a Latin school and had a library constructed in his Schweriner Schloss in 1553. A copy of the print is listed in a 1573 inventory of the ducal library holdings; see Krüger, N., Die Bibliothek Herzog Johann Albrechts I. von Mecklenburg (1525–1576), ii (Wiesbaden, 2013), p. 961 . Handwritten markings in this copy appear in a few selected masses including the Missa Pange lingua and suggest that the book was used at least for pedagogical and possibly liturgical purposes. The Zwickau Ratsschulbibliothek exemplar is bound with Petreius’s Liber quindecim missarum with the year 1540 stamped on the partbook covers; this volume appears in a 1670 catalogue (Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek Hs. 17.12.18, Abteilung ‘Libri Musici’, p. 739, col. b) for the library of Christian Daum (1612–87), who was rector of the Latin school in Zwickau from 1662 until his death; I am grateful to Gregor Hermann of the Ratsschulbibliothek for bringing this catalogue to my attention. It is possible that Daum acquired the prints from another schoolmaster, but any earlier theories are speculative. The Zwickau exemplar is nearly devoid of handwritten markings, but one clear exception is a mensuration adjustment in the Credo of the Missa Pange lingua. Regarding the lost Leipzig exemplar, Orf identified the print in Thomaskirche music inventories from 1551 and 1564; see Orf, W., Die Musikhandschriften Thomaskirche Mss. 49/50 und 51 in der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig (Leipzig, 1977), pp. 171 and 173.

60 Zulauf, E., ‘Beträge zur Geschichte der Landgräflich-Hessischen Hofkapelle zu Cassel bis auf die zeit Moritz des Gelehrten’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, ns 26 (1903), p. 103 .

61 In some instances, Lutherans may have abbreviated the Latin Creed if it directly preceded the performance of the entire German Creed. There is no obvious doctrinal reason for the abbreviation of the Nicene Creed; Luther permitted recitation in its entirety and in fact embraced this Creed as a refutation of earlier Christian heresies in order to convey his ecclesiastical authority; see Brecht, Martin Luther, iii, p. 190. Nevertheless, he did not strictly enforce the performance of the entire Latin Creed, thereby permitting Lutheran communities to abbreviate it as they saw fit.

62 The partbook covers reveal that the original owner probably had the initials I.S.S., and the prints were bound in 1551. This volume is first identified in the 1628 catalogue of that library; see Gustavson, ‘Hans Ott’, pp. 755–8. In Isaac’s Christus filius Dei the name of Emperor Charles is updated with the name Rudolpho, who reigned as Holy Roman Emperor from 1576 until 1612.

63 The Preface is a brief prayer that precedes the Canon in the Catholic Mass. Although Martin Luther eliminated the Canon in the Lutheran liturgy because it emphasises the concept of the Mass as a sacrifice, he retained the Preface and other Lutheran communities followed suit.

64 A mass (or mass movement) will either have markings in all four partbooks or none at all, which suggests only the following masses and movements from Missae tredecim were performed in Heilbronn: the Missa Pange lingua, Missa Da pacem, Missa Sub tuum praesidium (markings in all five movements), Missa L’homme armé (Agnus only) and Missa O gloriosa (Credo only). There are also several handwritten markings in the Novum et insigne opus musicum II, which Gustavson (‘Hans Ott’, pp. 756–7) discusses in great detail.

65 Ratzeberger, M., Die handschriftliche Geschichte Ratzeberger’s über Luther und seine Zeit, ed. C. G. Neudecker (Jena, 1850), p. 59 . Quoted and translated in Charteris, ‘Newly Identified Music Editions’, p. 77; Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, p. 47; and Nettl, P., Luther and Music (Philadelphia, 1948), p. 61 . In the Jena Missae tredecim exemplar, there are a few sporadic markings, most of which appear to be editorial rather than performance-based. In the tenor partbook, the Josquin misattribution of the Missa Sub tuum praesidium is corrected with ‘petri de la rue’ written in black ink, a vertical line crosses out an extra ‘i’ in the word ‘tollis’ in the discantus part of the Missa Salva nos Gloria, and there is a clef correction at the beginning of the first Agnus Dei of the Missa L’homme armé in the contratenor part. The most substantial annotations appear in the Missa de Sancto Antonio in two partbooks; both the discantus and the bassus partbooks have notational corrections in the Sanctus. Given Ratzeberger’s account, it is tempting to imagine Luther himself correcting the misspelling of ‘tollis’ and adding La Rue’s name in the Missae tredecim exemplar from the Electoral Library in Wittenberg (now held in Jena). Nevertheless, there is no firm evidence connecting the Jena Missae tredecim or any other extant copy to Martin Luther.

66 Müller-Blattau, J., ‘Die musikalischen Schätze der Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek zu Königsberg i. Pr.’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 6 (1924), pp. 215259 , at 220–1. A second Missae tredecim exemplar existed at the Königlichen- und Universitäts-Bibliothek zu Königsberg, but was lost during the Second World War. Gustavson (‘Hans Ott’, p. 387, n. 36) attempted to track down the partbooks into Russia without success, but believes the partbooks are still extant in an unknown location.

67 The Jena Missae tredecim is identified in a catalogue of the Electoral Library that dates from the first half of the sixteenth century; Jena, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, MS Appendix 22B (4D), olim App. Ms. f. 22, fol. 4v, as cited in Gustavson, ‘Hans Ott’, p. 772.

68 The annotations in the Missa Pange lingua are similar to those found in other masses and suggest a practical, perhaps pedagogical use for the partbooks. Text is written into the final Agnus Dei in the copies from Kassel, Vienna, and RegB C 62a. Other annotations include mensuration lines, numbers above rests to indicate the number of beats, and some slight rhythmic and mensuration alterations near the end of the Credo. These are not significant alterations to the mass, but they strongly suggest that the Missa Pange lingua was performed from the print somewhere by Lutherans, even if it was only in music classrooms. Four of the eight exemplars with markings in the Missa Pange lingua (Heilbronn, Rostock, Zwickau, RegB A.R. 91) have at least an indirect connection to a Lutheran school. The Kassel exemplar was most likely used for liturgical functions as part of Philipp der Großmütige’s chapel music collection. The original provenances of the remaining three exemplars, however, are not clear. RegB C 62a and the Paris Missae tredecim can only be traced to the nineteenth century, while the history of the tenor partbook held in Vienna is even more enigmatic. It is clearly different from the other three Fugger partbooks in Vienna with the presence of handwritten markings and a different cover; thus it is difficult to ascertain exactly when the four partbooks became a unit. I am grateful to John Romey for providing me with detailed information on the Paris Missae tredecim exemplar.

69 NJE 4, pp. 78–9. Elders states that LeipU 49/50 and RosU 49 both ‘derive’ from Missae tredecim, and that RegB C 100 was ‘almost certainly’ copied from that Nuremberg publication. My analysis of these three manuscripts corroborates his findings. Van Benthem names Missae tredecim as the model for LeipU 49/50, RegB C 100 and RosU 71/3 in his critical commentary for the online edition of the Occo Codex repertory. My comparison of Missae tredecim and RosU 71/3 revealed enough discrepancies to hesitate connecting the two sources directly. In the commentary on the Occo Codex edition, van Benthem does not mention RosU 49 at all in his discussion of the Missa Pange lingua transmission, so it is possible that he mistakenly switched the two sources. Moreover, there is an established link between a Missae tredecim copy and all three of these manuscripts and their compilers.

70 Josquin’s Missa l’homme armé super voces musicales appears in RegB C 100 and Isaac’s Missa Salva nos appears in Brno 15/4.

71 Scholarship focused on RosU 71/3 is scarce; most source catalogues and editions refer to the following article as the sole secondary literature: Gaehtgens, W. T., ‘Die alten Musikalien der Universitätsbibliothek und die Kirchenmusik in Alt-Rostock’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stadt Rostock, 22 (1940–1), pp. 164181 , at 169 and 171.

72 The catalogue entry describes a set of music manuscripts as ‘Cantiones Ecclesiasticae, et aliae variae pluribus et diversis partibus’ (church songs and many other various and diverse pieces). Below this title, a brief description of each partbook follows with the opening piece and number of voice partbooks: ‘und mit deinem Gaist’ (DATB), ‘et honor tibi sit’ (DATBV), ‘et cum spiritu tuo’ (DATB), ‘sit nomen domini benedictum’ (DATB), ‘Passion’ (DATB) and ‘Kyrie eleison’ (DATBQ). The opening pieces of RosU 71/1, 71/2 and 71/4 correspond precisely with the second and fourth manuscript descriptions in the catalogue. Given these two matches, it is plausible that the modern shelfmarks of the other Rostock 71 partbook sets correspond with the order of the manuscript descriptions in the ducal catalogue. RosU 71/3 – the partbook set containing the Missa Pange lingua – begins with Clemens non Papa’s Missa Ecce quam bonum. Although a Mass Ordinary matches the ‘Kyrie’ catalogue description of the sixth partbook set, it is entirely possible that the two extant 71/3 partbooks correspond with the third catalogue entry and the Preface responses described in this entry were lost at some point. Moreover, a correspondence of RosU 71/3 with the sixth entry is dubious, as a quintus partbook for RosU 71/3 does not survive and both the Missa Pange lingua and Clemens non Papa’s Missa Ecce quam bonum are in only four parts (although there is one section of the Sanctus in which a second tenor sings a canon at the unison). RosU 71/5 is by far the most difficult partbook set to evaluate since only a few pages of one partbook survive. The fragmented state of the extant manuscripts makes it easy to accept that there was a sixth set of partbooks that is completely lost. It should also be noted that the extant Rostock 71 partbooks were copied by the same scribe who also copied other manuscripts that Kongsted identifies as having belonged to Duke Johann Albrecht. Although the five Rostock 71 partbook sets are not specified in Krüger’s index of music manuscripts from the ducal library catalogue, Ole Kongsted includes them in a list of music manuscripts belonging to the ducal court; see Krüger, Die Bibliothek, p. 2059, and Kongsted, O., ‘Die Musikaliensammlung des Herzogs Johann Albrecht I: Stadt und Hof. Schwerin als Residenzstadt im 16. Jahrhundert’, in Schriften zur Stadt-und Regionalgeschichte, 3 (Schwerin, 1995), p. 131 .

73 Duke Johann Albrecht made a special effort to ensure that his court had high-quality music, which is evidenced by the number of foreign musicians he employed. Clemens Meyer identifies Johann Albrecht’s court musicians as comprising the earliest forerunner of the later Mecklenburg Hofkapelle. See Meyer, C., Geschichte der Mecklenburg-Schweriner Hofkapelle (Schwerin, 1913), pp. 3 and 20.

74 The choirbooks remained at St James until they were deposited in the Brno City Archive in 1931; see Horyna, M. and V. Maňas, ‘Two Mid-Sixteenth-Century Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music from Brno’, Early Music, 40 (2013), pp. 553575 , at 555. I thank David Burn for bringing this manuscript to my attention.

75 In the musicological literature, these sources are typically labelled as coming from ‘Bártfa’, the Hungarian name for this town, and its German name, Bartfeld, is also used occasionally. However, I prefer to use Bardejov, its Slovak name. Gombosi examined the collection shortly after the Hungarian National Library purchased it in 1914; see Gombosi, O., ‘Die Musikalien der Pfarrkirche zu St. Aegidi in Bártfa: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Musik in Oberungarn’, in W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolffheim (eds.), Festschrift für Johannes Wolf (Berlin, 1929), pp. 3847 . Recent literature on these sources includes M. B. Fox, ‘A Liturgical-Repertorial Study of Renaissance Polyphony in Bártfa Mus. Pr. 6 (a-d), National Széchényi Library, Budapest’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1977), and R. Muránji, Thematisches Verzeichnis der Musiksammlung von Bartfeld (Bonn, 1972). The Slovak region experienced a moderate and peaceful period of Reformation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries before the region was re-Catholicised in the 1680s under the rule of Leopold I. Many Slovaks interested in Lutheranism studied in Wittenberg, including Leonard Stöckel from Bardejov, who returned there to organise a Latin school and lead Reformation efforts in the surrounding area; see Part I of Fox, ‘A Liturgical-Repertorial Study’ for a detailed description of the Lutheran Reformation in Slovakia and Stöckel’s career.

76 German composers such as Heinrich Finck and Thomas Stoltzer are represented alongside Josquin, Isaac and La Rue. Mattheus Pipelare’s Missa Mi mi is found in only two sources: BrnoAM 15/4 and JenaU 21 from the Electoral Library. For complete inventories of both BrnoAM 15/4 and 14/5, see Horyna and Maňas, ‘Two Mid-Sixteenth-Century Manuscripts’, pp. 564–73. Earlier scholarship on BudOS MS 8 focused on Isaac’s Mass Propers contained therein and proposed a date (after 1555) and provenance (Bavaria) based on the Nuremberg Choralis Constantinus print without considering the circulation of the Mass Propers in the Saxon region, where Stöckel studied; see K. Huncik, ‘A Liturgical-Repertorial Study of 16th-Century Polyphonic Music in Bártfa MS 8’ (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 2005), pp. 47–8; and Murányi, R., ‘Die Isaac-Offizien der Bartfelder Sammlung’, Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 17 (1975), pp. 315318 .

77 Contemporaneous Kirchenordnungen from Leipzig, Mecklenburg and Regensburg call for use of Latin Mass Ordinary movements during Sunday liturgies. The 1539 Kirchenordnung for Leipzig prescribed Latin for all Mass Ordinary sections except for the Credo, which was to be replaced with the chorale Wir glauben. The liturgy was revised the following year to include the Latin Credo followed by the German chorale (EK 1, p. 271). A revised Kirchenordnung for Mecklenburg ordered by Duke Johann Albrecht indicated the Ordinary texts could be performed in Latin, German or both (EK 5, pp. 198–9). The earliest Regensburg Kirchenordnung in 1542 permits all five Ordinary sections in Latin. The language of the Creed alternates between Latin and German in subsequent documents before a later Kirchenordnung created around 1560 called for flexibility with the Mass Ordinary language. This Kirchenordnung is found in EK 13, pp. 452–89 and the other Regensburg Kirchenordnungen are found in this volume as well.

78 Hoffman-Erbrecht, L., ‘Das Opus musicum des Jacob Praetorius von 1566’, Acta Musicologica, 28 (1956), pp. 96121 , at p. 97.

79 ‘Pro vostro templo’.

80 Additionally, BrnoAM 15/4 does not contain any preface responses, but its partner choirbook from St James, BrnoAM 14/5, does.

81 According to a dedicatory inscription, RosU 49 was compiled and copied in 1566 by Jacob Praetorius and dedicated to Duke Johann Albrecht I of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who, as mentioned above, possessed a copy of Missae tredecim. Hoffman-Erbrecht (‘Das Opus musicum’, 97) suggested that the duke might have ordered the manuscript from Praetorius, but believes it is more probable that Praetorius created the manuscript independently and presented it to the duke in the hope of receiving a monetary gift. Praetorius probably consulted a different Missae tredecim exemplar while working as an organist in Hamburg, but in case he was working closely with the duke and needed access to the print, the exemplar from the ducal library catalogue probably would have been available.

82 There is no pattern to the length of the omitted sections – they vary from two notes to several bars of music – and the sections are not consistent with each voice part. For instance, there are omissions in the Gloria, Pleni sunt and Hosanna sections of the Contratenor, while the Bassus has omissions near the end of the Kyrie I and the end of the Credo. Along with these errors in the Missa Pange lingua, there is inconsistent ordering of the two hundred pieces in LeipU 49/50 and several were copied into the partbooks twice. See L. Youens, ‘Music for the Lutheran Mass in Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, MS. Thomaskirche 49/50’ (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1978), pp. 323–5, for a list. LeipU 49/50 was copied in 1558, probably under the direction of Thomaskirche cantor Melchior Heger, and both the 1551 and 1564 music inventories indicate the Thomaskirche possessed a Missae tredecim copy.

83 The term resoluta comes from the work of music theorist Sebald Heyden, a fellow Nuremberg resident. Heyden defines resoluta in his 1540 treatise De Arte Canendi as the transcription of complex note values into another colloquial, more familiar form; see Heyden, De arte canendi, Monuments of Music and Music Literature in Facsimile, II/139 (New York, 1969), pp. vii and 18. For a more detailed description of the resoluta in RegB C 100, see F. Brusniak, ‘Der Kodex A.R. 773 (C 100) von Johann Buchmayer in der Proske-Bibliothek zu Regensburg: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Vokalpolyphonie in Deutschland um 1560’, Bericht über den Internationalen Musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress, Bayreuth 1981 (Kassel, 1984), pp. 290–2; and Haar, ‘Josquin as Interpreted by a Sixteenth-Century Musician’. Regarding the connection between RegB C 100 and Missae tredecim, Buechmaier previously worked as cantor at the Heilige Geist school in Nuremberg and was almost certainly familiar with Missae tredecim and the other Nuremberg prints. Regardless, the Gymnasium Poeticum possessed at least two copies of Missae tredecim (A.R. 91 and 92c) that Buechmaier could have consulted. The most detailed account of Buechmaier’s life is in Brennecke, W., Die Handschrift A.R. 940/41 der Proske-Bibliothek zu Regensburg (Kassel, 1953), pp. 104114 .

84 BudOS MS 8 is the one exception; the mass in this manuscript lacks both a title and composer attribution whereas the five other manuscripts label the work as a mass based on Pange lingua by Josquin. See NJE 4, pp. 56–7 and Horyna and Maňas, ‘Two Mid-Sixteenth-Century Manuscripts’, p. 565, for the exact labelling in these manuscripts.

85 Rhau’s decision not to publish a complete version of the Missa Pange lingua was most likely related to business and marketing considerations rather than theological or stylistic objections. He was probably aware of Missae tredecim – he very well could have seen the surviving copy from the Electoral Library – and would not have wanted to violate the Imperial privilege Johannes Ott received for his thirteen masses. Moreover, any demand for a printed edition of the Missa Pange lingua (and the other twelve masses) had already been met. When Rhau published his own collection of masses in 1541 entitled Opus decem missarum, he selected works not found in either of the Nuremberg mass prints. For more information on Rhau’s biography and output as a printer, see chapter 3 of Schalk, C., Music in Early Lutheranism: Shaping the Tradition (1524–1672) (St. Louis, 2001); and chapter 5 of Mattfeld, V., Georg Rhaw’s Publications for Vespers (New York, 1966). There is also a modern edition of the Bicinia: Bicinia gallica, latina, germanica Tomus I, II, ed. B. Bellingham, Georg Rhau: Musikdrucke aus den Jahren 1538–1545 in praktischer Neuausgabe, 6 (St. Louis, 1980).

86 A modern edition of this print is available: Georg Rhau: Sacrorum Hymnorum Liber Primus, ed. R. Gerber, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 21, 25 (Lippstadt, 1961).

87 ‘Si qui igitur in hoc opere sunt Hymni de Sanctis ab harmonia sacrae scripturae dissonantes, eos meminerit Lector, suavis concentus et iuventutis in cantu’ (If, therefore, there are any Hymns of the Saints in this work that are dissonant from the harmony of sacred Scripture, the reader should recall [these hymns] and the sweet harmony of youth in song). Rhau, Sacrorum Hymnorum, preface. Translation mine.

88 In the preface to a hymnbook she published for Protestants in Strasbourg, Katharina Schütz Zell notes their desire to still observe the traditional Catholic feasts that they had grown up with and suggests that these feasts might be remembered through the singing of corresponding hymns; see Ann McKee, Elsie, ‘Reforming Popular Piety in Sixteenth-Century Strasbourg: Katharina Schütz Zell and her Hymnbook’, Studies in Reformed Theology and History, 2/4 (Fall 1994), esp. pp. 3435 .

89 RISM J 676, and the shelfmark for the bound volume is sig. gr. 2 Qt 31. The most significant study on the group of prints is Moser, H. J., ‘Eine Musikaliendruckerei auf einer deutschen Ritterburg’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 17 (1935), pp. 97102 . The prints were recently addressed in R. Gustavson, ‘Senfl in Print: The Einzeldrucke’, in S. Gasch and S. Tröster (eds.), Senfl-Studien II, Wiener Forum für Ältere Musikgeschichte, 7 (Tutzing, 2013), pp. 257–308, at pp. 290–7.

90 Nieß lists a ‘druckerei’ among an inventory of rooms in the castle from the sixteenth century, and Moser identified an invoice dated 26 November 1557 for glazing the windows in the print shop. See Nieß, P., Die Ronneburg: Eine Fürstlich Ysenburgische Burg und ihre Baugeschichte (Braubach am Rhein, 1936), p. 115 ; and Moser, ‘Eine Musikaliendruckerei’, p. 99.

91 For more on the Confessio Augustana edition, see Benzing, J., Eine unbekannte Ausgabe der Confessio Augustana vom Jahre 1557 (Wiesbaden, 1956). I am focusing on the seven mass prints in a forthcoming article.

92 It is unlikely that the Ronneburg printer would have supplemented an exemplar lacking the second Agnus with a bicinia collection in order to ensure that the mass was truly complete; therefore an exemplar must have been used that included the Agnus II along with the other sections. More detailed analysis of the Ronneburg reading also points to an exemplar that pre-dates Missae tredecim. Elders (NJE 4, p. 79) observes that Isenburg’s print provides a ‘remarkably faithful transmission’ in comparison to the earliest sources but does not commit to any direct relationships. Likewise, in the online Occo Codex edition, Theodor Dumitrescu postulates that the print descended from an earlier source because it shares variants with JenaU 21 and MunBS 510, despite being ‘slightly edited’. My own analysis of the sources corroborates these statements.

93 Benzing, Eine unbekannte Ausgabe, p. 10. Anton von Isenburg’s coat of arms is adjacent to the discantus voice. The letters stand for both his name (Anton von Ysenburg, Graf zu Büdingen) and his motto, ‘Poverty and abundance give timely sorrow’ (Armut vnd Yberflus gibt zeitlich Betrübnus). ‘1557’ refers to the year of publication.

94 Swans were sacred to Apollo and often associated with singing, particularly at the time of death. Although refuted by Pliny, the legend of a swan singing upon imminent death lived on through the centuries and came to be associated with the praise of God through song before dying; see Cohen, S., Animals Disguised as Symbols in Renaissance Art (Leiden, 2008), p. 48 ; Hulme, F. E., The History, Principles, and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art, 2nd edn (London, 1892), p. 192 ; and Impelluso, L., Nature and its Symbols, trans. S. Sartarelli (Los Angeles, 2004), p. 304 . Swans also possessed some negative connotations relevant to Lutherans and their perception of the Eucharist. Due to the contrast between its white plumage and underlying black flesh, as well as its limited flying abilities despite having beautiful wings, some medieval moralists associated the swan with hypocrisy, which is how Martin Luther described Corpus Christi processions in a 1523 letter to the Bohemian Brethren: as hypocritical (heuchley) and mocking (spott): ‘Tzuvor sollt man abethun die Sacrament heusser und die procession auss des heyligen leychnams tag, wehl der keyns nott noch nutze ist und groß heuchley und spott dem sacrament widderferet.’ WA 11, p. 445. The swan also came to represent Martin Luther himself due to the prophetic statement allegedly made by the Czech reformer Jan Hus before being executed for heresy on 6 July 1415: ‘Today you burn a goose [Hus means goose in Czech]; however, a hundred years from now, you will be able to hear a swan sing, you will not burn it, you will have to listen to him.’ As a result, the swan became associated with Luther in Reformation iconography. On Hus, see Fudge, T. A., Jan Hus: Religious Reform and Social Revolution in Bohemia (London, 2010), pp. 195199 .

95 I am grateful to Catherine Scallen and Rachel McNellis for their helpful comments on the material in this section.

96 For examples, see Frey, A. L., The Swan-knight Legend: Its Background, Early Development, and Treatment in the German Poems (George Peabody College for Teachers, 1931), p. 4 .

97 The earliest Germanic sources of this legend include a late thirteenth-century poem titled Der Schwan-Ritter by Konrad von Würzburg, and Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parsifal, which was expanded into longer romances by the thirteenth-century poet Nouhuwius and an anonymous poet in the fifteenth century. See Cramer, T., Lohengrin: Edition und Untersuchungen (Munich, 1971), esp. pp. 46129 ; Frey, The Swan-knight Legend; and Kinghorn, A. M., ‘The Swan in Legend and Literature’, Neophilologus, 78 (1994), pp. 509520 .

98 In JenaU 21 and VienNB 4809, the incipit ‘Pange lingua’ is written in red alongside the Kyrie text of each voice part, but that was probably a scribal attempt to identify the pre-existing material since the mass is labelled according to its function in these manuscripts, as no further hymn text is present. The incipits are not present in the Occo Codex, where the mass is labelled Missa Pange lingua.

99 Polytextual masses are typically found among the works of earlier composers such as Dufay, Regis and Ockeghem, all of whom composed a polytextual mass based on Ecce ancilla Domini. See Planchart, A. E., ‘Parts with Words and without Words: The Evidence for Multiple Texts in Fifteenth-Century Masses’, in Stanley Boorman (ed.), Studies in the Performance of Late-Medieval Music (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 242251 ; and Kirkman, The Cultural Life, pp. 136–7. For a description of the three Ecce ancilla domini masses, see D. J. Rothenberg, ‘Marian Feasts, Seasons, and Songs in Medieval Polyphony: Studies in Musical Symbolism’ (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2004), pp. 121–36. In the Alamire manuscripts, the name of the cantus firmus is often provided in red text in the tenor part, but no further text is given. The Missa Pange lingua, for example, contains the words ‘Pange lingua’ in the voice parts of the first Kyrie, but no additional hymn text.

100 Jungmann, J. A., The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development, trans. F. A. Brunner, rev. C. K. Riepe, New Revised and Abridged Edition in One Volume (New York, 1961), p. 485 . For another example of the Agnus Dei emphasised in music, see Wright, C., ‘Dufay’s Motet Balsamus et munda cera and the Papal Ceremony of the Agnus Dei’, in J. Haines and R. Rosenfeld (eds.), Music and Medieval Manuscripts: Paleography and Performance (Burlington, Vt., 2004), pp. 325348 .

101 Jungmann, The Mass, p. 486.

102 It is possible that the text was present in the now-lost exemplar used to create the Ronneburg print, which descends from an earlier ‘Catholic’ source group, and the printer simply copied it along with the other notes and text.

103 Other sources of Lutheran Pange lingua settings from the later sixteenth century include RegB A.R. 844–848 and 863–870 from the Regensburg Gymnasium Poeticum, and RosU 71/2 from the Mecklenburg-Schwerin ducal court.

104 The term is a Greek word meaning ‘handbook’. For an overview of these hymnals and their purpose, see Herl, J., Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Centuries of Conflict (Oxford, 2004), pp. 9296 . German translations of Pange lingua date from before the Reformation; see Wackernagel, Philipp, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des XVII. Jahrhunderts, ii (Leipzig, 1867), pp. 433435 .

105 Breslau, Strassburg, Zwickau, Wittenberg, Rostock, Leipzig, Magdeburg, Lübeck, Parchim, Hamburg and Wesel were among the cities to print their own Enchiridion hymnals; Herl, Worship Wars, p. 96. Full titles of the two Erfurt Enchiridia and Hergott’s edition are as follows: Loersfelt, Enchiridion Geystliche gesenge vnd psalme[n] so man itzt (Got zu lob) yn[n] der kirchen singet, gezoge[n] auß d’heilige[n] schrift Gemehrt, gebessert vnd mit fleys corrigirt, mit eyner schönen vorrede Martini Luther (RISM 15256); Maler, Enchiridion Geystlicher Gesenge, So man ytzt (Got zu lob) in der kyrchen singt Gezogen auß der heyligen schryfft des waren vnd heyligen Euangelions, welchs ytzt von gottes gnaden wyder auffgangen ist, vnd mitt etzlichenn gesengen Gemehrtt, Gebessert, vnnd mitt fleyß Corrigyrt durch Doctor Martini Luther (RISM 15257); and Hergott, Enchiridion oder handbüchleyn geystlicher gesenge vn Psalmen einem yeglichen Christen fast nützlich bey sich zu habe[n] in steter übung vnd trachtung auffs new Corrigirt vnnd gebessert auch etliche geseng die bey den vorigen nicht gedruckt sind wie du hinde[n] jm Register dises buchleyns findest (RISM 15259). According to Herl (Worship Wars, p. 92), Hergott actually used an Erfurt hymnal published in 1524 (RISM 15245) as a model for his Enchiridion.

106 Butler, ‘Liturgical Music’, p. 360, n. 302.

107 Translation from One Hundred Latin Hymns: Ambrose to Aquinas, ed. and trans. P. G. Walsh with C. Husch (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 363–5. There are numerous translations of Pange lingua, but this translation is among the most recent and it provides the most accurate rendering of the original Latin, particularly in the fourth and final stanzas.

108 Grabmann, M., ‘Die Theologie der eucharistischen Hymnen des heiligen Thomas von Aquin’, in Der Katholik. Zeitschrift für katholische Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, 3, ed. J. M. Raich (Mainz, 1902), 392393 .

109 Butler, ‘Liturgical Music’, p. 360, n. 302.

110 For the evolution of Martin Luther’s Eucharistic theology in his writings and sermons see Lohse, B., Martin Luther’s Theology: Its Historical and Systematic Development, trans. and ed. R. A. Harrisville (Minneapolis, 1999), pp. 127136 , 169–77 and 306–13.

111 According to Robert Scribner, festivals were ‘one of the most common kinds of religious experience to which everyone, high and low, learned and unlearned, clerical and lay had access’; Scribner, R., ‘Ritual and Popular Religion in Catholic Germany at the Time of the Reformation’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 35 (1984), pp. 4777 , at p. 48.

112 As discussed above, Luther spoke out against Corpus Christi processions in the early 1520s and Lutheran communities gradually ceased to observe the feast. Given this date, a person between thirty and forty years old in 1550 would still have experienced Corpus Christi as a child. Moreover, this does not take into consideration that the abolition of Corpus Christi did not happen instantaneously, and cities that adhered to Catholicism would have continued observing the feast.

113 See Herl, Worship Wars, pp. 95–6, for more information on the use and intention of the Enchirdion hymnals.

114 Fisher, A. J., Music, Piety, and Propaganda: The Soundscapes of Counter-Reformation Bavaria (Oxford, 2014), p. 249 . For more on the confessional implications of processions with an emphasis on Corpus Christi, see chapter 5 of Fisher’s other book, Music and Religious Identity in Counter-Reformation Augsburg, 1580–1630 (Burlington, Vt., 2004).

115 The single extant Catholic liturgical source of the mass from the later sixteenth century is ToleBC 16, copied in 1542 for the choir at the Toledo cathedral. Although a comprehensive investigation of late sixteenth-century Catholic repertorial tendencies is beyond the scope of the present study, a general explanation could be a turn towards the newer polyphonic style by composers affiliated with Catholic strongholds, namely Palestrina in Rome and Orlando di Lasso in Bavaria. Although Glarean’s Dodekachordon contains only the Pleni sunt section of the Missa Pange lingua and was not intended for liturgical use, it could have confessional implications as the work of a Catholic humanist living in Protestant Basel; see Fuller, S., ‘Defending the Dodecachordon: Ideological Currents in Glarean’s Modal Theory’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 49 (1996), pp. 191224 ; and Part III of Judd, C. C., Reading Renaissance Music Theory: Hearing with the Eyes (Cambridge, 2000).

116 Blume, F., Das Chorwerk, 1 (Wolfenbüttel, 1938). Kade’s edition is found in Ambros, A. W., Geschichte der Musik, v, ed. O. Kade (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 80124 . The New Josquin Edition was the primary modern edition consulted for this study.

117 F. Blume, ‘Josquin des Prez: The Man and the Music’, in Josquin des Prez: Proceedings, ed. Lowinsky, p. 18.

Portions of this study were presented at the 80th Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society in Milwaukee (November 2014), the Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference in Birmingham, UK (July 2014), at Case Western Reserve University, and at Masarykova univerzita (Brno, Czech Republic). Much of the research presented here also appears in my Ph.D. dissertation, ‘The Body of Christ Divided: Reception of Josquin’s Missa Pange lingua in Reformation Germany’ (Case Western Reserve University, 2015). For their crucial comments and feedback, I thank Peter Bennett, Franz Körndle, Susan McClary and Laura Youens. I also thank the two anonymous reviewers for Early Music History for their insight and helpful suggestions. Finally, I am especially grateful to David Rothenberg, who offered invaluable advice on this project from the earliest dissertation drafts to the present work.

Photographs by the author where noted. Other images are courtesy of the Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek (Jena, Figure 1), Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna, Figure 2), Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich, Figure 3), Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek RheinMain (Wiesbaden, Figures 8 and 9), and the Württembergische Landesbibliothek (Stuttgart, Figure 10).

Manuscript sigla are taken from C. Hamm and H. Kellman, Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88). RISM sigla are provided for printed sources.

The following abbreviations are also used:

BrnoAM Brno, archiv města fond V 2 Svatojakubská knihovna sign

BrusBR Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België

BudOS Országos Széchényi Könyvtár

ChiN Chicago, Newberry Library

DresSL Dresden, Sächische Landesbibliothek

EK Die Evangelische Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, ed. E. Sehling (Leipzig, 1902–)

ErlU Erlangen, Universitätsbibliothek

HerdF Herdringen, Schloss Fürstenberg, Bibliothek

JenaU Jena, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek

LeipU Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek

MunBS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

MunU Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität

NJE New Josquin Edition (Utrecht, 1987–) (all references are to the critical commentary volumes)

RegB Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek

RosU Rostock, Bibliothek der Wilhelm-Pieck-Universität

StuttL Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek

ToleBC Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana

VatG Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Giulia

VatP Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Palatini latini

VatS Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina

VatSM Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Santa Maria Maggiore

VienNB Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek

WA D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 4th ser. (Weimar, 1883–)

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Early Music History
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