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The Real Struggle in South Africa: An Insider's View

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 September 2012

Abstract

The outsider, international approach to ending apartheid in South Africa tends to take an overly moral stance, one that ultimately ignores a complex political, economic and racial situation. Thus effective outside action and intervention fails to help remedy or improve what it finds offensive. Denis Worrall draws on 20th century South African history and his own experience as a South African to show some of the less obvious but extremely important facets of apartheid that bare directly on its dissemination.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs 1988

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References

2 Barzun, Jacques, “Is Democratic Theory for Export?Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 1 (1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Mission to South Africa: The Commonwealth Report (London: Penguin Books, 1986) p. 13Google Scholar.

4 The Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought (London: Fontana/Collins, 1980)Google Scholar describes apartheid as: “Afrikaans word meaning ‘apartness’ or ‘segregation,’ applied since 1948 by the dominant Afrikaner National Party in South Africa to policies governing relations between white and non-white (African, Indian, or mixed-race) inhabitants of South Africa. Apartheid implies the total separation of races socially, economically, and in the last resort territorially, but its full realization runs contrary to the economic need for a large laboring population in white inhabited areas and the refusal of whites to perform menial duties.”

5 Thompson, Kenneth W., Words and Deeds in Foreign Policy (New York: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 1986) p. 9Google Scholar.

6 Munger, Edwin S., Afrikaner and African Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

7 As quoted by Munger, op. cit., p. XIGoogle Scholar.

8 Ibid., pp. 106–14Google Scholar.

9 See Uhlig, Mark A., ed., Apartheid in Crisis (New York: Penguin, 1986)Google Scholar for an excerpt from President P.W. Botha's speech.

10 Ibid., p. 10Google Scholar.

11 Ibid., pp. 100103Google Scholar.

12 Kennan, George F., “Hazardous Courses in Southern Africa,” Foreign Affairs (January 1971) p. 220Google Scholar.

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17 Adam, and Moodley, , op. cit., pp. 248–49Google Scholar.

18 “All National Groups shall have Equal Rights! There shall be equal status in the bodies of the state, in the courts and in the schools for all the national groups and races; All national groups shall be protected by law against insults to their race and national pride; All people shall have equal rights to use their own language and to develop their folk culture and customs; The preaching and practice of national, race or colour discrimination and contempt shall be a punishable crime; All apartheid laws and practices shall be set aside.”—Freedom CharterGoogle Scholar.

19 Huntington, Samuel, “Reform and Stability in a Modernizing, Multi-Ethnic Society,” Political Science Association of South Africa Conference at RAU, September 17, 1981Google Scholar.

20 Aside from the practical failure of the policy of separate development (measured in terms of its own goals), the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa (which represents 38 percent of the white and 62 percent of the Afrikaner population) dealt the policy a blow when, in October 1986, it retracted the biblical justification for apartheid as upheld during the past 45 years. See Loubser, J. A., The Apartheid Bible: A Critical Review of Racial Theology in South Africa (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1987)Google Scholar for a detailed discussion of religion and race relations.

21 “It is wrong to interpret the basic problem in terms of a dichotomous Black/White conflict. Far from being homogeneous communities, the Black and White groups are each deeply divided into a number of ethnic groups. White South Africa, composed of the linguistically and culturally distinct Afrikaner and English-speaking segments, is just as much a plural society as ethnically divided Belgium, Canada, and Switzerland. Black South Africa is made up of Africans, Coloureds, and Asians, and the Africans are further divided into several ethnic groups, the largest of which are the Zulus and Xhosas. It is not easy to determine exactly which of these ought to be identified as the separate segments of a plural society, but there is no doubt that an exclusively black South Africa would be an ethnically plural society on a par with most of the black states in Africa. These ethnic cleavages are currently muted by the feelings of black solidarity in opposition to white minority rule, but they are bound to reassert themselves in a situation of universal suffrage and free electoral competition.” Lijphart, op. cit., pp. 1920Google Scholar.

22 “No-Name Policy,”Business Day (Johannesburg), January 7, 1987Google Scholar.

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24 “Needing a more skilled and mobile labour force to service South African industry as the economy has moved away from a simple dependence on mining and agriculture, business has called for increased spending on education, better housing and the abolition of influx control.”Mission to South Africa: The Commonwealth Report, op. cit., p. 44Google Scholar.

25 Keyes, Alan L., “Black Empowerment: The Key to Democratic Progress in South Africa” (Unpublished paper)Google Scholar.

26 Keyes, , op. cit., p. 14Google Scholar.