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Can Presidentialism Work Like Parliamentarism?1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2014

Abstract

Inter-institutional cooperation between the congress and the presidency may be the best way to promote good governance in a regime of separation of powers. In order to evaluate the performance of different political institutions, especially the different frameworks associated with ‘presidentialism’ and ‘parliamentarism’, we adopt the criterion that policy outcomes coinciding with the median voter's preference can produce the highest satisfaction or social utility. From this perspective, proportional representation in congress can be very appropriate since it tends to establish a close correspondence between the median party's and the median voter's preferences. Likewise, cooperation – rather than conflict or mutual checks – between the median party in congress and the presidency for both legislative decisions and cabinet formation can favour socially efficient outcomes. A survey of some recent institutional reforms in democratic presidential regimes in Latin America shows that ‘parliamentarization’ of presidentialism is gaining acceptance, although intermediate formulae may be more conflictual than a global, more coherent institutional reform.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s) 2005.

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Footnotes

1

We are grateful for comments and suggestions on previous versions to John M. Carey, Barbara Geddes, William Keech, Fabrice Lehoucq, Juan Molinar, G. Bingham Powell and Arturo Valenzuela.

References

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3 For a discussion of these options, see Sundquist, ‘Needed, A Political Theory’, op. cit.; Shugart and Carey, Presidents and Assemblies, op. cit.; Mainwaring, ‘Presidentialism, Multipartism, and Democracy’, op. cit.; Jones, Electoral Laws and the Survival of Presidential Democracies, op. cit.; Mainwaring and Shugart, Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, op. cit.; Figueiredo, Argelina Chebub and Limongi, Fernado, ‘Presidential Power, Legislative Organization and Party Behavior in the Legislature’, Comparative Politics, 32 (2000), pp. 151–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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9 Gary Cox, Making Votes Count, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 1997.

10 Shugart and Carey, Presidents and Assemblies, op. cit.; Mainwaring, ‘Presidentialism, Multipartism, and Democracy’, op. cit.; Mainwaring and Shugart, Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, op. cit.

11 Powell, Elections as Instruments of Democracy, op. cit., pp. 240–3.

12 John Carey and Matthew S. Shugart (eds), Executive Decree Authority, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 1998; Gary Cox and Scott Morgenstern, ‘Epilogue: Latin America's Reactive Assemblies and Proactive Presidents’, in Scott Morgenstern and Benito Nacif (eds), Legislative Politics in Latin America, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 2002; Gary Cox and Matthew D. McCubbins,‘The Institutional Determinants of Economic Policy Outcomes’, in Stephan Haggard and Matthew D. McCubbins (eds), Presidents, Parliaments, and Policy, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 2001, pp. 21–63.

13 It should be noted, however, that urgency decrees might make a return to the status quo ante impossible because they enact policies with immediate force of law. On the rules that determine the reversionary outcome in the absence of approval of presidential proposals, see Negretto, Gabriel, ‘Government Capacities and Policy-Making by Decree in Latin America: The Cases of Brazil and Argentina’, Comparative Political Studies, 37: 5 (2004), pp. 531–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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16 Krehbiel, Keith, ‘Institutional and Partisan Sources of Gridlock: A Theory of Divided and Unified Government’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 8 (1996), pp. 740 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krehbiel, Pivotal Politics, op. cit.

17 Negretto, ‘Government Capacities and Policy-Making’, op. cit.

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