¹ On the history of the Bābī movement see: de Gobineau, J. A., Les Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale, 1st ed. (Paris, 1865), 10th ed. (Paris, 1957), pp. 131–319Google Scholar and Appendix; Browne, E. G., A Traveller's Narrative, written to illustrate the Episode of the Bāb (Cambridge, 1891);Google Scholaridem, The Tarīkh-i-Jadīd; or, New History of Mirza Alī Muhammad the Bāb (Cambridge, 1893); idem, Kitāb-i Nuqtatu 'l-Kaf (Leyden, 1910); Nicolas, A.-L.-M., Seyyèd Ali Mohammed dit le Bâb (Paris, 1905);Google ScholarNabīl's Narrative: The Dawn-Breakers, trans. ed. Effendi, Shoghi, (Wilmette, III., 1962);Google ScholarBalyuzi, H. M., The Bab (Oxford, 1973)Google Scholar; Momen, M., The Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions (1844–1944): Some Contemporary Western Accounts (Oxford, 1981).Google Scholar

² Regarding the Bāb's claims, see Momen, M., “The Trial of Mullā 'Alī Bastāmī: A combined Sunnī-Shī'ī fatwā against the Bāb,” Iran, 20, (1982), 140–142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Keddie, N., “Religion and Irreligion in early Iranian Nationalism,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 4 (1962), 274–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ lvanov, M. S., Babidski Vostanii i Irane (1848–1852) (Moscow, 1939);Google Scholaridem, “Babism” and “Babi Uprisings” in Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, (New York, 1973), p. 521. See also Minorsky, V., review of lvanov's Bbidski Vostanii, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 11, 4 (1946) 878–880.Google Scholar

⁵ Calculated from lssawi, C., The Economic History of Iran (1800–1914) (Chicago, 1971), pp. 90–91.Google Scholar

⁶ Calculated from India Office estimates made in 1836, quoted in Issawi, Economic History, p. 361. In considering the balance of trade, it is impossible, of course, to assess the amount of smuggling that occurred. Most authorities seem agreed that overall its effect on the balance of trade was in Iran's favour. However, this must be set against the large amount of money spent by Iranian pilgrims in 'Iraq, as well as the pious benefactions made to the Holy Shrines there.Google Scholar

⁷ Issawi, Economic History, p. 342.Google Scholar

⁸ Ivanov quoted in Minorsky's review, p. 878.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid., pp. 879–880.

¹⁰ Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings,” p. 521.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid.

¹² Keddie, “Religion and Irreligion,” pp. 268–270.Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid., p. 270.

¹⁴ Avery, P., Modern Iran (London, 1965), p. 53.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Kazemi, F., “Some Preliminary Observations on the Early Development of Babism,” Muslim World, 63 (1973), 119–122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid., p. 122.

¹⁷ See, for example, Hanbal, Ahmad ibn, Musnad vol. 5, (Cairo, 1313/1896),Google ScholarHadīth of Thawbān, p. 677.Google Scholar See also Nabīl's Narrative, p. 351.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lisānu'I-Mulk, Nāsikhu't-Tawārīkh, quoted in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 179.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See, for example, 'Abdu'l-Bahā in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 37;Google Scholar and Nabīl's Narrative, p. 354.Google Scholar

²⁰ Other estimates of the total number of Bābīs include those of Farrant, British Charge d'Affaires: about 500; Dolgoruki, Russian Minister: 1,500; Ferrier, French Agent: 1,200; Mackenzie, British Consul, Rasht: 400–500. For details see Momen, M., Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, pp. 91–99.Google Scholar

²¹ Lutf-'Alī Mīrzā Shīrāzī, Mīr Abū-Tālib Shahmīrzādī, and Hājī Nāşir Qazvīnī.Google Scholar

²² Nabīl's Narrative, based on the accounts of five survivors; and the Tārīkh-i-Mīmiyya by Siyyid Husayn Zavār'ī, Mahjūr, based on the accounts of three survivors.Google Scholar

²³ Malik-Khusravī-Nūrī, M. A., Tārīkh-i-Shuhadāy-i-Amr, 3 vols. (Tihrān, 130 B.E./ 1973).Google Scholar For list of sources relating to Tabarsī, Shaykh see vol. I, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

²⁴ I have compared Mahjūr's list in three sources: Mazandarānī, Fādil, Zuhūru'l-Haqq, vol. 3 (n.p., n.d.), p. 124n; manuscript (F28, Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library), p. 18; manuscript used by Malik-Khusravī, p. 18. There are no discrepancies in the numbers cited save that the third-named source gives the number of Zanjānīs as 13 rather than the 12 given in the other two sources. All three sources occasionally misspell names, e.g.. Siyāmī for Miyāmī, Rūmī for Urūmī, etc.Google Scholar

²⁵ Browne gives this name wrongly as Bahmīz, owing to a simple transposition of a dot. See Tārīkh-i-Jadīd, p. 67 and note, p. 364;Google Scholar and Nuqtatu'l-Kāf, p. 191.Google Scholar

²⁶ Browne gives these two names wrongly as Shah-Mirza and Dasak-sar. See Tarīkh-i-Jadīd, p. 104, and note I (which indicates how the mistake was made).Google Scholar

²⁷ Lovett, B., “Surveys on the road from Shiraz to Baum,” Journal Royal Geographical Society, 42 (1872), 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Ibid.

²⁹ Tihrān (130 B.E./1973).Google Scholar

³⁰ I am assuming that the history of Nayrīz listed as an anonymous work by Nicolas (Seyyèd Ali Mohammed, p. 51) is by Mīrzā Shafī' on account of the great similarity between Nabīl's and Nicolas' version of events in the first Nayrīz upheaval.Google Scholar

³¹ Lisānu'l-Mulk, Nāsikhu 't-Tawārīkh, quoted in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 183.Google Scholar

³² Busse, H. (trans.), History of Persia under Qāiār Rule (New York, 1972), pp. 291–92.Google Scholar

³³ Nicolas, Seyyèd Ali Mohammed, p. 398.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ibid., p. 422.

³⁵ Nabīl's Narrative, p. 644.Google Scholar

³⁶ This quarter is named variously as “Chinār-Sūkhta” by Nabīl, “Chinār-Shāhī” by Shafī'Ruhanī, and “Mahalla-yi-Bālā” by Lovett.Google Scholar

³⁷ Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 478–79.Google Scholar

³⁸ See note 27.Google Scholar

³⁹ Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 483–84.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid., p. 481.

⁴² Lisanu'l-Mulk, Nāsikhu't-Tawārīkh, quoted in Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 180.Google Scholar

⁴³ Nabīl's Narrative, p. 580.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., p. 573.

⁴⁵ Ibid., p. 569.

⁴⁶ Browne, E. G., “Personal Reminiscences of the Bābī Insurrection at Zanjan in 1850,” Journal Royal Asiatic Society, 19 (1897), 768.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., p. 809. Nabīl's Narrative p. 568, also reports some desertions.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Browne, “Personal Reminiscences,” p. 809.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings,” p. 521.Google ScholarNabīl's Narrative (p. 550), however, describes Zaynab, the Bārbī heroine of the episode as a village maiden. Also Ferrier, the French Agent, in his report states that there were 6,000 Bābīs in Zanjān and triple that number in the surrounding villages. Ferrier's sources of information were not, in general, very good. See Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, pp. 114–126.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Manuscript in private hands, p. 13.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 446–58.Google Scholar

⁵² I have assumed that the Mīrzā Muhammad Husayn Tabrīzī mentioned in Tarīkh-i-Jadīd (pp. 252, 255–56, and alternate reading in note on p. 256) is identical to Muhammad Husayn Marāghi'ī, mentioned in Nabīl's Narrative, p. 458.Google Scholar

⁵³ Browne, Traveller's Narrative, vol. 2, p. 216.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings,” p. 521.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Gobineau. Religions, p. 267.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Daily News (London) and Morning Post (London), 1 November 1852.Google Scholar This report was based on accounts published in Istanbul newspapers which in turn were based on news arriving from Tabrīz. See Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, pp. 12, 134.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Issue no. 82, 10 Dhu'l.Qa'da 1268 (27 August 1852), quoted in Malik-Khusravī, Tārīkh, vol. 3, pp. 56–65.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Thomson, , Parliamentary Papers, vol. 69 for 1867–1868, pp. 507–15.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Blau, E. O., Commerciale Zustande Persiens (Berlin, 1858), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Bayān, Persian (F12 and F13, Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library), Vāhid 6, Sūrih 12.Google Scholar Trans. Nicolas, , Le Béyan Persan, vol. 3 (Paris, 1913), p. 114–15.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Abbott to Shiel, 30 August 1850, enclosed in Shiel to Visc. Palmerston, 5 September 1850, FO 60 153, in Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions, p. 11.Google Scholar

⁶² Nabīl's Narrative, pp. 549–552.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ibid., p. 487.

⁶⁴ See Momen, M., “Relations between Christian Missionaries and the Bābī and Bahā'ī communities in the Middle East,” in Studies in Bāhī and Bahā'ī History, forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ At Nayrīz, there was a man who is just named as “Darvish” (Shafī'-Ruhanī, Lama'ātu'l Anwār, p. 293).Google Scholar Similarly, Nicolas records the name of a man called Darvīsh, Mashhadī (Seyyèd Ali Mohammed. p. 414).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Manuscript (F28. Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library). p. 12.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Bausani, A., The Persians (London, 1971), p. 166.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Pp. 145–53. See also Browne's comment on this passage, Tarīkh-i-Jadīd. pp. 356–57.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Minorsky's review. p. 880.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ibid.

⁷¹ Manuscript (F43. Browne Collection, Cambridge University Library); manuscripts (Or. 5110 and Or. 6256, Oriental Manuscripts, British Museum). F43 and Or. 5110 are the same work, which appears to be a series of discourses or possibly letters. Or 6256 is an incomplete copy of the same work.Google Scholar

⁷² See letters by her in Browne, Tarīkh-i-Jadīd. pp. 434–41;Google Scholar and in Mazandarānī, Fādil, Zuhūru'l-Haqq. vol. 3, pp. 484–532;Google Scholar and also her poetry in Browne, E. G., Materials for the Study of the Bāhī Religion (Cambridge. 1918). pp. 343–51.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings,” p. 521.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Keddie, N., Historical Obstacles to Agrarian Change (Claremont, 1950). pp. 4–7.Google Scholar Also quoted in Issawi, Economic History, pp. 54–57.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Indeed, there were disturbances in these towns completely unconnected with the Bābī movement. There were disturbances in Isfahān connected with Ahmad Mīrzā Safavī (see Algar, H.. Religion and State in Iran [Berkeley. 1969]. pp. 126–28); in Yazd, connected with Muhammad-'Abdu'llāh who only became a Bābī in the last few months of his life, having led an urban uprising that went on for several years; in Mashhad the Salar was in revolt against the Qājārs and was in receipt of considerable assistance from the townspeople; on the death of Muhammad Shāh there were disturbances in a number of urban centres including Shīrāt. Kirmānshāh, Tabrīz, and even Tihrān.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Kazemi, “Preliminary Observations,” pp. 130–31.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ivanov, “Babi Uprisings.” p. 521.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See dispatches of Shiel and Dolgoruki and other European sources quoted in Momen, Bābī and Bahā'ī Religions. pp. 4–8, 44–45.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ Keddie, “Religion and Irreligion,” pp. 268–69.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ The American Protestant missionaries who arrived in 1834 confined their work to the Nestorian Christian villages around Lake Urmiyya. They therefore had almost no impact on the Muslim majority until 1872 when the Tihran mission was set up and work among Muslims begun.Google Scholar