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“MALHAMÉ–MALFAMÉ”: LEVANTINE ELITES AND TRANSIMPERIAL NETWORKS ON THE EVE OF THE YOUNG TURK REVOLUTION

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 January 2011

Jens Hanssen
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Abstract

This article examines the rise and fall of the Malhamé family at the court of Abdülhamit II. The point of departure is the flight and arrest of six Malhamé brothers and the accompanying outbursts of popular anger at them during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. The analysis locates the historical conditions that made the Malhamé phenomenon possible in the interstices between Levantine society, late Ottoman bureaucracy, and European diplomacy and capitalist expansion. In order to bring into conversation the hitherto unconnected literatures on the Levant and the Ottoman state, the Malhamé story is framed in the analytical concept of transimperialism. This concept shares affinities with wider transnational studies. But it is also grounded in the specific political, economic, and social processes of the Levant—both within the Ottoman Empire and among it and its British, French, German, and Italian imperial rivals at the height of the “Eastern Question.”

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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 43 , Issue 1 , February 2011 , pp. 25 - 48
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

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References

NOTES

Author's note: I am deeply indebted to the anonymous referees for IJMES and to its editor, Beth Baron, and managing editor, Sara Pursley, for their incisive comments. For their help at various stages of the project, I am grateful to Engin Akarlı, Isa Blumi, Edhem Eldem, Leila Fawaz, Amal Ghazal, James Gelvin, Andrea, Pierre, and Sacha Malhamé, Milena Methodieva, Mostafa Minawi, Nigel Morton, and, above all, Melanie Newton.

1 Arminius Vambéry, cited in Akarlı, Engin, “The Tangled Ends of Empire: Ottoman Encounters with the West and the Problem of Westernization,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 26 (2006): 363CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Kansu, Aykut, The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 135–38Google Scholar.

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4 Diamantopulo, Hercule, Le Réveil de la Turquié: Études croquis et historiques (Alexandria, Egypt: n.p., 1908), 109Google Scholar. Judging by its cover, this book was published to celebrate Greek–Young Turk friendship. Joseph Mouawad has kindly provided me with a copy of this rare source.

5 This line is an allusion to Salim's escape on the ship “Bosnia,” which was facilitated by the Italian ambassador.

6 This line satirizes ʿIzzat Pasha's Germanophilia.

7 This line is an allusion to ʿIzzat Pasha's scheme to build the Hijaz Railway with funds from private donors in exchange for the Hamidiye-Hijaz Demiryolu Medal of Honor.

8 For a detailed analysis of Young Turk caricatures, see Brummett, Palmira, Image & Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (Albany, N.Y.: City University of New York Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

9 The two representations of Salim as a Roman Catholic clergyman, which mock his escape to Italy, are peculiar exceptions. Çeviker, Turgut, İbret Albümü (Istanbul: Mataş Matbaacılık, 1991), 95–96Google Scholar.

10 For further caricatures, see Çeviker, Turgut, Meşrutiyet İmzazsız Karikatürler Antolojisi (Istanbul: Anadolu Yayıncılık, 1989), 28–29Google Scholar, 169–70, 175, 178, 184, 187. Other frequently caricatured palace favorites were Director of Police Ahmed Fehim, General Zeki, and Field Marshall Mehmed Rıza pashas.

11 This and many other images of ʿIzzat Pasha and of Salim, Najib, and Habib Malhamé were reproduced in Revue du Monde Muselman 5 and 6 (1908).

12 For a comparison with “the Jew as scapegoat” in European historiography, see Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, 1976 [1949]), 5–10Google Scholar.

13 All three have published their versions of events in memoirs: Pasha, Kamil, Hatırat-ı Sadr-i Esbak Kamil Paşa (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Ebul-Ziya, 1913/1329)Google Scholar; Pasha, Mehmet [Küçük] Said, Said Paşa'nin Hatıratı, 2 vols. (Istanbul: Sabah, 1911/1328)Google Scholar; Pasha, Tahsin, Abdülhamit: Yıldız Hatıraları (Istanbul: Ahmet Halit Kitaphanesi, 1931)Google Scholar.

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15 Brummett, Image & Imperialism, 323.

16 The Westfälische Archivamt in Münster, Germany, which administers the von Fürstenberg Family Foundation archive, contains the correspondence between Salim Malhamé and his son-in-law, Wilderich von Fürstenberg. It also holds Salim's desperate genealogical research, which Nazi authorities requested in 1934. I am grateful to its director, Dr. Konrad, for providing me access to the uncatalogued von Fürstenberg papers in 1999.

17 Most European publications use the Turkish transliteration “Melhame.” On his Banque Impériale Ottomane account card, Salim Pasha used Melhamé. I write the name the way today's descendents spell it.

18 Hourani, Albert, “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” in The Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East, ed. Polk, William and Chambers, Richard (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 41–68Google Scholar.

19 Fitzmaurice was the key British analyst of Hamidian palace politics. He graduated from the Levant Consular Service School in Ortaköy in 1888. But despite his flawless spoken Turkish and Arabic, the British FO blocked his career advances because he was a middle-class Catholic. See Berridge, G. R., Gerald Fitzmaurice (1865–1939): Chief Dragoman of the British Embassy in Turkey (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007)Google Scholar.

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24 Urquhart, David, Turkey and Its Resources (London: Saunders & Otley, 1833)Google Scholar; quoted in Schmitt, Levantiner, 70. British Arabophiles such as Mark Sykes and T. E. Lawrence considered “mongrel” Levantines with similar disdain. I thank James Gelvin for this comparison.

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27 A notice in Lisan al-Hal (Beirut), 27 February 1890, 2, represents anecdotally the Levant as a social space where Greeks, Arabs, Christians, Muslims, businessmen, and Ottoman bureaucrats mingled: “Katrin Numidis marries [Prof.] Elias Matar, and the wedding will be attended by the notables of Galata. Special guests are Beirut-born Subhi Bey, son of [Grand Vizier] Kamil Pasha, Joseph Mutran and Ahmad ʿIzzat Bey [al-ʿAbid] of the Department of Trade.”

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37 Makdisi, Ussama, “Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism,” and Thomas Kühn, “Ordering Urban Space in Ottoman Yemen,” in The Empire in the City: Arab Provincial Capitals in the Late Ottoman Empire, ed. Hanssen, Jens, Philipp, Thomas, and Weber, Stefan (Beirut: Orient Institute, 2002), 29–48Google Scholar, 329–48; and Deringil, Selim, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-colonial Debate,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45 (2003): 311–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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41 Georgeon, François, Abdulhamid II: Le sultan calife (Paris: Fayard, 2003), 130–32Google Scholar. For a Kafkaesque allegory of the Yıldız compound, see Kadare, Ismail, The Palace of Dreams (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1998)Google Scholar. For a contemporary dissection of the Mabeyn institution, see al-Muwaylihi, Ibrahim, Ma Hunalik, translated and introduced by Allen, Roger as Spies, Scandals, and Sultans: Istanbul in the Twilight of the Ottoman Empire (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), 29–71Google Scholar.

42 See, for example, İrtem, Süleyman Kani, Sultan Abdülhamid ve Yıldız Kamarillasi: Yıldız Sarayı’nda Paşalar, Beyler, Ağalar ve Şeyhler (Istanbul: Temel, 2003)Google Scholar.

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45 İnalcık, Halil, “Ottoman Galata, 1453–1553,” in Première rencontre internationale sur l'empire Ottoman et la Turquie moderne, ed. Eldem, Edhem (Istanbul: Institut Français d'Études Anatoliennes, 1991), 17–116Google Scholar.

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48 Al-Jarida (Beirut), 24 October 1964, 7.

49 Spagnolo, John, France and Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1914 (London: Ithaca, 1977), 78Google Scholar.

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51 Letter by Patriarch Pierre Arida, Beirut, 27 March 1934, Fürstenberg Family Foundation archive, Westfälisches Archivamt in Münster (hereafter FFA).

52 Diamantopulo, Le Réveil, 105.

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56 Archive of the Banque Impériale Ottomane (hereafter BIO), “Dossier d'Avances sur Garanties Diverses: S. E. Sélim Pacha Melhamé” (a.d. 003, 1287). Edhem Eldem kindly allowed me access to the BIO archive in 1999. See also Eldem, A 135-Year-Old Treasure, 176.

57 Cervati and Sargologo, L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain (1889–90, 1892, 1896–97, 1900–1908), provide the Malhamés’ addresses.

58 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 18.

59 Donald Quataert, “Ottoman Reform and Agriculture in Anatolia, 1876–1908” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1973), 73.

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61 Letters from Marie Malhamé to Wilderich von Fürstenberg, 20 July 1907 to 3 December 1908, FFA.

62 Letter from Salim to Wilderich, 11 September 1907, FFA; and Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

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69 Subhi Pasha was both an exceptional individual and a “textbook pasha” (no. 13 in Bouquet's list). He grew up at Mehmed ʿAli Pasha's court in Cairo. After the pasha's death in 1848 he moved to Istanbul and quickly rose in the Tanzimat bureaucracy to become a minister of awqāf before assuming the governorate of Syria in 1871. Later he was a minister of education, then of finance and trade. His residence was an intellectual center that hosted Ottoman and European men of letters. He was a noted scholar of Arab and Islamic history and numismatics and translated Ibn Khaldun's al-Muqaddima into Turkish. Babinger, Franz, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1927), 368–70Google Scholar.

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74 “Acten betreffend den Libanon, Türkei, no. 177,” Beirut, 25 July 1892, Politisches Archiv des Auswärtiges Amt, R13793, Berlin.

75 On the intermarried Duhani-Kusa faction's governance of the mutaṣarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon, see Akarlı, , The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1860–1920 (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies and I. B. Tauris, 1993), 196–99Google Scholar; and Ismail, Adel, Documents Diplomatiques et consulaires relatifs a l'histoire du Liban, 20 vols. (Beirut: Editions des Oeuvres Politiques et Historiques, 1976), 17:174–75Google Scholar (29 July 1902). Franko Pasha Kusa (governor, 1868–73), his son Yusuf Pasha (1907–12), and Ohannes Kuyumcuyan (1912–15) all shared with the Malhamés Catholic ancestry in Aleppo.

76 Ismail, Documents Diplomatiques, 17:112 (12 March 1902).

77 Quataert, “Ottoman Reform,” 73. See also Thobie, Jacques, Intérêts et impérialisme français dans l'empire ottoman (1895–1914) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1977), 236–56Google Scholar.

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83 Crampton, Bulgaria, 143–58, 166–73.

84 BOA, A.MTZ, 04 73/23, 10 Kanun I, 1317/23 January 1902. Milena Methodieva kindly shared her Bulgarian documents.

85 BOA, A.MTZ, 54/55, 29 Muharram, 1327, 18 February 1909; see also Tanin, 7 August 1908, 3. Cited in Kansu, The Revolution, 138.

86 British intelligence reported that in “the position of supreme jurnalci [internal security agent], collecting and selecting all reports . . . he actually did well to expose the absurdity of many of these reports.” Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

87 This account is based on Tahsin Pasha, Hatıratı, 111–16, 213–23; and Sonyel, Salahi R., The Ottoman Armenians: Victims of Great Power Diplomacy (London: Rustem & Bro., 1987), 261–63Google Scholar, which is in turn based on British FO documents.

88 British intelligence generally suspected Najib Malhamé to act in the interests of France but here comments on his appointment approvingly: “That such powers should have been given to a Syrian Catholic [sic] is in itself enough to excite against the holder of them an enormous amount of ill-will and jealousy, and it is proof of considerable courage of the holder. Nor, as far as is known, have they been greatly abused. Compared to his predecessors, Najib's conduct has been marked by moderation and good sense and with the Europeans with whom he, like Salim, has unlimited access, there is apparent a desire and effort to live down to his past reputation.” Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

89 al-Dirani, Augustin al-Bustani, al-Kawkab al-Sayyar: fi Rihlat . . . Mari Ilyas Butrus al-Huwayyik . . . ila Rumiya wa-Baris wa-l-Ustana al-ʿAliya (Beirut: Matbaʿat al-Arz, 1906), 275Google Scholar.

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92 Akarlı, The Long Peace, 170–73. It should be mentioned in passing that the Malhamés were also patrons of the liberal Maronite opposition to the church's claims to temporal power over Mount Lebanon.

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98 Akarlı, Engin, “The Defence of the Libyan Provinces (1882–1902),” in Ottoman Diplomacy, ed. Sinan Kuneralp and S. Deringil, 5 vols. (Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1990), 5:75–85Google Scholar.

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101 Deringil, Selim, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1909 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1998), 139Google Scholar.

102 Cervati and Sargologo, L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain (1903), 73.

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115 BIO, OD-007, 10301. Salim's other banking relations are unclear.

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124 Berliner Tageblatt, 22 February 1901, 4. Around the same time, a Young Turk journalist in Bulgaria challenged Najib Malhame to a duel. Hanioğlu, Young Turks, 123.

125 Quoted in The Fortnightly Review 84 (1908): 565–67.

126 Diamantopulo, Le Réveil, 107.

127 BOA, DH.MKT, 76/2888 (1 August 1909).

128 On Habib's arrest, see the caricature reprinted in Revue du Monde Muselman, May–August, 1908, 727.

129 MAE, Nantes, Consulat Damas, carton 42, 8 July 1910; and MAE, Nantes, Consulat Beyrouth, carton 348, 18 April 1913.

130 BOA, DH.MKT, 49/2662, 18 November 1908; Y.PRK.AZJ., 17 December 1908.

131 Ismail, Documents diplomatiques, 19:255 (31 December 1912).

132 Ibid., 20:291–92 (2 August 1913).

133 Ibid., 19:170 (4 June 1913).

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