Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-mwx4w Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-16T09:10:09.446Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

READING THE TEMPLE OF NABU AS A CODED SENSORY EXPERIENCE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 October 2018

Kiersten Neumann
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Archaeological evidence alongside textual sources allow for a deep reading of the meaningful encounters ancient peoples had with their built environments and the ways in which these spaces were connected to cultural values and priorities. This paper argues that the sensory affordances of the first-millennium b.c. temples of Nabu, the god of wisdom and writing, manifested the exclusive, specialised knowledge that was associated with this god in a manner that differentiated these built environments within the active, sensory landscape of the Neo-Assyrian royal citadel. This potential of the Nabu temples is best shown in the most well-preserved examples at the capital cities of Kalḫu (modern Nimrud) and Dur-Šarrukin (modern Khorsabad). These two temples of Nabu have the same combination of architectural features that produced this sensory experience, despite being in different cities and despite having different spatial layouts. These features include: (1) a sense of emphatic placement of the temples on the royal citadels and distinctive exterior features; (2) an indirect route towards the cult rooms of Nabu that passed through multiple courtyards, passage-chambers, and doorways with remarkable architectural programmes; (3) and akītu-suites, which were associated with the Assyrian akītu-festival and adê-ceremony. The appreciation of knowledge and of experts (Akk. ummânu) materialised in these built environments expresses developments in royal ideology and the preferences of Neo-Assyrian kings, in particular during the eighth and seventh centuries b.c. This examination of the temples of Nabu demonstrates the ways in which a sensory-oriented approach adds a unique perspective to previous archaeological and textual studies, as well as insight into the relationship between cultural and ideological values and complex sensory landscapes of past societies.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 80 , December 2018 , pp. 181 - 211
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Andrae, W. 1935. Die jüngeren Ischtar-Temple in Assur. Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft in Assur. A: Baudenkmäler aus Assyrischer Zeit V. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs.Google Scholar
Ataç, M.-A. 2010. The Mythology of Kingship in Neo-Assyrian Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Baker, H. D. 2013. “Beneath the stairs in the Rēš temple of Hellenistic Uruk: A study in cultic topography and spatial organization.” Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 6: 18–42.Google Scholar
Bell, C. M. 1992. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Benedikt, M. L. 1979. “To Take Hold of Space: Isovists and Isovist Fields.” Environment and Planning B 6: 47–65.Google Scholar
Bidmead, J. 2002. The Akītu Festival: Religious Continuity and Royal Legitimation in Mesopotamia. Near East Series 2. Piscataway: Gorgias Press.Google Scholar
Black, J. A. 1981. “The New Year Ceremonies in Ancient Babylon: ‘Taking Bel by the Hand’ and a Cultic Picnic.” Religion 11: 39–59.Google Scholar
Black, J. A., and Green, A.. 1992. Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Bomgenaar, A. C. V. M. 1997. The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar. Its administration and its prosopography. Leiden: Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te İstanbul.Google Scholar
Borger, R. 1996. Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals: Die Prismenklassen A, B, C = K, D, E, F, G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.Google Scholar
Cohen, M. E. 1993. The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. Bethesda, MD: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Cole, S. W., Machinist, P., and Parpola, S.. 1998. Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 13. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Curtis, J., and Reade, J.. 1995. Art and Empire: Treasures from Assyria in the British Museum. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Curtis, J., and Tallis, N., eds. 2008. The Balawat Gates of Ashurnasirpal II. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Dalley, S., and Postgate, J. N.. 1984. The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser. Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 3. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq.Google Scholar
Damerji, M. S. B. 1987. The Development of the Architecture of Doors and Gates in Ancient Mesopotamia. Tokyo: Institute for Cultural Studies of Ancient Iraq, Kokushikan University.Google Scholar
Day, J., ed. 2013. Making Senses of the Past: Toward a Sensory Archaeology. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.Google Scholar
Donbaz, V., and Grayson, A. K.. 1984. Royal Inscriptions on Clay Cones from Ashur now in Istanbul. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Supplements 1. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Durkheim, É. 1912. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life: A Study in Religious Sociology. New York: Free Press.Google Scholar
Durkheim, É., and Mauss, M.. 1963. Primitive Classification. London: Cohen & West.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M. 2012a. “After Ta'yinat: The New Status of Esarhaddon's adê for Assyrian Political History.” Revue d'Assyriologie 106: 133–158.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M. 2012b. “The Eighth-Century Governors of Kalhu: A Reappraisal in Context” in Baker, H., Kaniuth, K. and Otto, A., eds, Stories of long ago. Festschrift für Michael D. Roaf. Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 117–139.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M., Postgate, J. N., and Reade, J. E.. 1992. Imperial Administrative Records, Part I: Palace and Temple Administration. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 7. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Finkel, I. L., and Reade, J. E.. 1996. “Assyrian Hieroglyphs.” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 86: 244–268.Google Scholar
Fox, J. 1978. “Playing with power: ballcourts and political ritual in Southern Mesoamerica.” Current Anthropology 37: 483–509.Google Scholar
Frahm, E. 2009. Historische und historisch-literaische Texte. Keilschriftexte aus Assur literaischen Inhalts 3 (WVDOG 121). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.Google Scholar
Frahm, E. 2011. “Keeping Company with Men of Learning: The King as Scholar” in Radner, K. and Robson, E., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 508–533.Google Scholar
Frame, G. 1995. Rulers of Babylonia: From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination (1157–612 BC). Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Babylonian Periods (RIMB) 2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Freestone, I. C. 1991. “Technical Examination of Neo-Assyrian Glazed Wall Plaques.” Iraq 53: 55–58.Google Scholar
Fuchs, A. 1994. Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad. Göttingen: Cuvillier.Google Scholar
George, A. R. 1986. “Sennacherib and the Tablet of Destinies.” Iraq 48: 133–146.Google Scholar
George, A. R. 1993. House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamian Civilizations 5. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Grayson, A. K. 1991. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC Part I (1114–859 BC). Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Assyrian Periods (RIMA) 2. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Grayson, A. K. 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC Part II (858–745 BC). Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Assyrian Periods (RIMA) 3. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Grayson, A. K., and Novotny, J. R.. 2012. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 bc), Part 1. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP) 3/1. Winona Lake, Ind.: EisenbraunsGoogle Scholar
Greenfield, J. C. 1999. “Apkallu” in van der Toorn, K., Becking, B. and van der Horst, P. W., eds, Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (DDD). Leiden; Boston; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Brill; Eerdmans, 72–74.Google Scholar
Guralnick, E. 2008. “Bronze Reliefs from Khorsabad” in Biggs, R. D., Myers, J. and Roth, M. T., eds, Proceedings of the 51st Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 389–404.Google Scholar
Hamilakis, Y. Archaeology of the Senses: Human Experience, Memory, and Affect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.Google Scholar
Harrison, T. P., and Osborne, J. F.. 2012. “Building XVI and the Neo-Assyrian Sacred Precinct at Tell Tayinat.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 64: 125–143.Google Scholar
Hedge, R. E. M., and Moorey, P. R. S.. 1975. “Pre-Islamic Ceramic Glazes at Kish and Nineveh.” Archaeometry 17: 25–43.Google Scholar
Heinrich, E. 1982. Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im alten Mesopotamien: Typologie, Morphologie und Geschichte. 2 vols. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Hunger, H. 1968. Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 2. Kevelaer; Neukirchen-Vloyn: Butzon u. Bercker; Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins.Google Scholar
Hunter-Crawley, H. 2013. “Embodying the Divine: The Sensational Experience of the Sixth-Century Eucharist” in Day, J., ed Making Senses of the Past: Toward a Sensory Archaeology. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 160–176.Google Scholar
Hussein, M. M. 1995. “Excavations and Restoration Work in the Temple of Nabu, Nimrud.” Sumer 47: 28–34 (Arabic section).Google Scholar
Hussein, M. M., and Black, J. A.. 1985–1986. “Recent Work in the Nabu Temple, Nimrud.” Sumer 44: 135–155 (Arabic section).Google Scholar
Jahn, B. 2005. Altbabylonische Wohnhäuser: Eine Gegenüberstellung Philologischer und Archäologischer Quellen. Orient-Archäologie 16. Rahden/Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf.Google Scholar
Kertai, D. 2015. The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Knappett, C. 2005. Thinking Through Material Culture: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.Google Scholar
Knudsen, E. E. 1967. “Fragments of Historical Texts from Nimrud: II.” Iraq 27: 49–69.Google Scholar
Küpers, W. 2013. “A phenomenology of embodies senses: The ‘making’ of sense in organisational culture.” International Journal of Work Organisation and Emotion 5.4: 325–341.Google Scholar
Lanfranchi, G. B. 1989. “Scholars and Scholarly Tradition in Neo-Assyrian Times: A Case Study.” State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 3.2: 99–114.Google Scholar
Lauinger, J. 2011. “Some Preliminary Thoughts on the Tablet Collection in Building XVI from Tell Tayinat.” Journal of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies 6: 5–14.Google Scholar
Lauinger, J. 2012. “Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty at Tell Tayinat: Text and Commentary.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 64: 87–123.Google Scholar
Lauinger, J. 2013. “The Neo-Assyrian adê: Treaty, Oath, or Something Else?” Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte 19: 99–115.Google Scholar
Lawrence, D. L., and Low, S. M.. 1990. “The Built Environment and Spatial Form.” Annual Review of Anthropology 19: 453–505.Google Scholar
Leichty, E. 2011. The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680–669 bc). Royal Inscritions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP) 4. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Lenzi, A. 2008. Secrecy and the Gods: Secret Knowledge in Ancient Mesopotamia and Biblical Israel. State Archives of Assyria Studies 19. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Lenzi, A. 2013. “Advertising secrecy, creating power in ancient Mesopotamia: How scholars used secrecy in scribal education to bolster and perpetuate their social prestige and power.” Antiguo Oriente 11: 13–42.Google Scholar
Linssen, M. J. H. 2004. The Cults of Uruk and Babylon: The Temple Ritual Texts as Evidence for Hellenistic Cult Practices. Leiden; Boston: Brill.Google Scholar
Livingstone, A. 1989. Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 3. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Livingstone, A. 2007. “Ashurbanipal: Literate or Not?” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 97: 98–118.Google Scholar
Loud, G. 1936. Khorsabad I: Excavations in the Palace and at a City Gate. Oriental Institute Publications 38. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Loud, G., and Altman, C. B.. 1938. Khorsabad II: The Citadel and the Town. Oriental Institute Publications 40. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
MacGinnis, J. 1991/1992. “Neo-Babylonian Prebend Texts from the British Museum.” Archiv für Orientforschung 38/39: 74–100.Google Scholar
Mahmud, M., and Black, J. A.. 1985–1986. “Recent Work on the Nabu Temple, Nimrud.” Sumer 44: 135–155.Google Scholar
Mallowan, M. E. L. 1966. Nimrud and Its Remains. 3 vols. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq.Google Scholar
Mallowan, M. E. L., and Davies, L. G.. 1970. Ivories in Assyrian Style: Commentary, Catalogue and Plates. Ivories from Nimrud II. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq.Google Scholar
Matsushima, E. 1987. “Le rituel hierogamique de Nabu.” Acta Sumerologica 9: 131–175.Google Scholar
Matsushima, E. 1988. “Les rituels du mariage divin dans les documents accadiens.” Acta Sumerologica 10: 94–128.Google Scholar
Mauss, M., and Beuchat, H.. 1979. Seasonal Variations of the Eskimo: A Study in Social Morphology. London; Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul.Google Scholar
McMahon, A. 2013. “Space, Sound, and Light: Toward a Sensory Experience of Ancient Monumental Architecture.” American Journal of Archaeology 117: 163–179.Google Scholar
Menzel, B. 1981. Assyrische Tempel. 2 vols. Studia Pohl, Series Maior 10. Rome: Biblical Institute Press.Google Scholar
Merleau-Ponty, M. 1962. The Phenomenology of Perception. London: Trans. C. Smith. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.Google Scholar
Millard, A. 1994. The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire 910–612 BC. State Archives of Assyria Studies 2. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Moore, J. D. 1996. Architecture and Power in the Ancient Andes: The Archaeology of Public Buildings. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Moore, J. D. 2004. “The Social Basis of Sacred Spaces in the Prehispanic Andes: Ritual Landscapes of the Dead in Chimú and Inka Societies.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 11.1: 83–124.Google Scholar
Moorey, P. R. S. 1994. Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: The Archaeological Evidence. Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Nadali, D. 2008. “Assyrian High-Relief Bricks from Nineveh and the Fragments of a Royal Name.” Iraq 70: 87–104.Google Scholar
Nadali, D. 2013. “When Ritual Meets Art: Rituals in the Visual Arts versus the Visual Arts in Rituals: The Case of Ancient Mesopotamia.” Rivista degli Studi Orientali Supplemento 2: 209–226.Google Scholar
Nadali, D., and Verderame, L.. 2013. “Experts at war: masters behind the ranks of the Assyrian army” in Neumann, H., Dittmann, R., Paulus, S., Neumann, G. and Schuster-Brandis, A., eds, Krieg und Frieden im Alten Vorderasien. 52e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale / International Congress of Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology, Münster, 17.–21. Juli 2006. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 553–566.Google Scholar
Neumann, K. 2017. “Gods Among Men: Fashioning the Divine Image in Assyria” In Cifarelli, M. and Gawlinski, L., eds, What Shall I Say of Clothes? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to Dress in Antiquity,. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 3–23.Google Scholar
Neumann, K. 2018. “Sensing the Sacred in the Neo-Assyrian Temple: The Presentation of Offerings to the Gods” in Hawthorn, A. and Rendu Loisel, A.-C., eds, Distant Impressions: The Senses in the Ancient Near East. Winona Lake, IL: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Novotny, J. R. 2005. “Classifying Assurbanipal Inscriptions: Prisms C, Kh (=CND), and G” in Biggs, R. D. and Roth, M. T., eds, Proceedings of the 51st Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Held at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago July 18–22, 2005. Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 127–135.Google Scholar
Novotny, J. R. 2014a. Selected Royal Inscriptions of Assurbanipal: L3, L4, LET, Prism I, Prism T, and Related Texts. State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts (SAACT) 10. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Novotny, J. R. 2014b. “The Sîn-šarra-iškun Stone Block Inscription in the Aššur Site Museum: A Revised Edition and Notes on the Nabû Temple at Aššur.” KASKAL 11: 159–169.Google Scholar
Novotny, J. R., and Jeffers, J.. 2015–2017. RINAP 5: The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, Aššur-etel-ilāni, and Sîn-šarra-iškun. The RINAP 5 sub-project of the RINAP Project. http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap5/corpus/.Google Scholar
Novotny, J. R., and Van Buylaere, G.. 2009. “Sîn-šarru-iškun and Ezida in Calah” in Galil, G., Geller, M. J. and Millard, A. R., eds, Homeland and Exile: Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Bustenay Oded. Leiden: Brill, 215–244.Google Scholar
Nunn, A. 1988. Die Wandmalerei und der glasierte Wandschmuck im Alten Orient. Handbuch der Orientalistik 7. Leiden; New York: Brill.Google Scholar
Nunn, A. 2006. “Kulttopographie und Kultabläufe in mesopotamischen Tempel: drei Beispiele” in Kratz, R. G. and Spieckermann, H., eds, Götterbilder, Gottesbilder, Weltbilder: Polytheismus und Monotheismus in der Welt der Antike. Band I: Ägypten, Mesopotamien, Persien, Kleinasien, Syrien, Palästina. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 167–195.Google Scholar
Oates, D. 1957. “Ezida: The Temple of Nabu.” Iraq 19: 26–39.Google Scholar
Oates, J., and Oates, D.. 2001. Nimrud: An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq.Google Scholar
Oppenheim, A. L. 1944. “The Mesopotamian Temple.” The Biblical Archaeologist 7: 54–63.Google Scholar
Osborne, R. 2004. “Hoards, Votives, Offerings: The Archaeology of the Dedicated Object.” World Archaeology 36 (1): 1–10.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 1986. “The Royal Archives of Nineveh” in Veenhof, K. R., ed Cuneiform Archives and Libraries: Papers Read at the 30e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 223–238.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 1987. S. The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 1. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 1993. Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 10. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Parpola, S., and Watanabe, K.. Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths. State Archives of Assyria (SAA) 2. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Place, V. 1867–1870. Ninive et l'Assyrie. 3 vols. Paris: Imprimerie impériale.Google Scholar
Pomponio, F. 1978. Nabû: Il culto e la figura di un dio del pantheon babilonese ed asiro. Studi Semitici 51. Roma: Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente, Università di Roma.Google Scholar
Pomponio, F. 1998–2001. “Nabû A” in Edzard, D. O., ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 16–24.Google Scholar
Pongratz-Leisten, B. 1994. Ina sulmi irub: Die Kulttopographische und Ideologische Programmatik der Akitu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im I. Jahrtausend V. Chr. Baghdader Forschungen 16. Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern.Google Scholar
Pongratz-Leisten, B. 1999. Herrschaftswissen in Mesopotamien: Formen der Kommunikation zwischen Gott und König im 2. und 1. Jarhtausend v. Chr. State Archives of Assyria Studies. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Porter, B. N. 1997. “What the Assyrians Thought the Babylonians Thought about the Relative Status of Nabû and Marduk in the Late Assyrian Period” in Parpola, S. and Whiting, R. M., eds, Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 253–260.Google Scholar
Postgate, J. N. 1974. “The bīt akīti in Neo-Assyrian Nabu temples.” Sumer 30: 51–74.Google Scholar
Potts, C. R. 2015. Religious Architecture in Latium and Etruria, c. 900–500 BC. Oxford Monographs on Classical Archaeology. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. still image.Google Scholar
Radner, K., ed. 1999. The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Volume 1, Part II: B-G (PNA 1/II). Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Radner, K. 2011. “Royal Decision-Making: Kings, Magnates, and Scholars” in Radner, K. and Robson, E., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 358–379.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 1979. “Assyrian Architectural Decoration: Techniques and Subject-Matter.” Baghdader Mitteilungen 10: 17–49.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 1995. “The Khorsabad Glazed Bricks and their Symbolism” in Caubet, A., ed Khorsabad, le palais de Sargon II, roi d'Assyrie: actes du colloque organisé au musée du Louvre par le Services culturel les 21 et 22 janvier 1994. Paris: La Documentation française, 225–251.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 1998–2001. “Ninive (Nineveh)” in Edzard, D. O., ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 388–433.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 2002. “The Ziggurat and Temples of Nimrud.” Iraq 64: 135–216.Google Scholar
Rendu Loisel, A.-C. 2016. Les Chants du monde: Le paysage sonore de l'ancienne Mésopotamie. Toulouse: Presses universitairs du Midi.Google Scholar
Richardson, S. 2017. “Messaging and the Gods in Mesopotamia: Signals and Systematic” in Talbert, R. and Naiden, F., eds, Mercury's Wings: Exploring Modes of Communication in the Ancient World. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 167–194.Google Scholar
Roaf, M., and Zgoll, A.. 2001. “Assyrian Astroglyphs: Lord Aberdeen's Black Stone and the Prisms of Esarhaddon.” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 91: 264–295.Google Scholar
Robson, E. 2011. “Empirical Scholarship in the Neo-Assyrian Court” in Selz, G. J. and Wagensonner, K., eds, The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies = Die empirische Dimension altorientalischer Forschungen. Berlin; London: Lit Verlag, 603–629.Google Scholar
Robson, E. 2013. “Reading the libraries of Assyria and Babylonia” in König, J., Oikonomopoulos, K. and Woolf, G., eds, Ancient Libraries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 38–56.Google Scholar
Robson, E. 2014. “Tracing Networks of Cuneiform Scholarship with Oracc, GKAB, and Google Earth” in Rutz, M. and Kersel, M., eds, Archaeologies of Text: Archaeology, Technology, and Ethics. Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books, 142–163.Google Scholar
Robson, E. 2015. “Nabu, god of wisdom.” The Nimrud Project at Oracc.org. http://oracc.iaas.upenn.edu/nimrud/ancientkalhu/thepeople/nabu/.Google Scholar
Rochberg, F. 2009. ““The Stars Their Likeness”: Perspectives on the Relation Between Celestial Bodies and Gods in Ancient Mesopotamia” in Porter, B. N., ed What Is a God? Anthropomorphic and Non-Anthropomorphic Aspects of Deity in Ancient Mesopotamia. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 41–91.Google Scholar
Sallaberger, W. 2011–2013. “Tempel. A. I. a. Philologisch. In Mesopotamien. 3. Jt. bis 612 v. Chr.” in Streck, M., ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 519–524.Google Scholar
Sallaberger, W., and Vulliet, F. H.. 2003–2005. “Priester. A. I. Mesopotamien” in Edzard, D. O. and Streck, M., eds, Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 10. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 617–640.Google Scholar
Schmitt, A. W. 2012. Die jüngeren Istar-Tempel und der Nabû-Tempel in Assur. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 137. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Google Scholar
Shepperson, M. 2017. Sunlight and Shade in the First Cities: A sensory archaeology of early Iraq. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.Google Scholar
Skeates, R. 2010. Towards an Archaeology of the Senses: Prehistoric Malta. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Sollberger, E. 1975. “The Temple in Babylonia” in Le temple et le culte: compte rendu de la vingtième Rencontre assyriologique Internationale: organisée à Leiden du 3 au 7 juillet 1972 sous les auspices du Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istambul, 31–34.Google Scholar
Streck, M. 1916. Assurbanipal und die Letzten Assyrischen Könige bis zum Untergange Niniveh's. 3 vols. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.Google Scholar
Tadmor, H., and Yamada, S.. 2011. The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP) 1. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Thomason, A. K. 2016. “The Sense-scapes of Neo-Assyrian Capital Cities: Royal Authority and Bodily Experience.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26 (2): 243–264.Google Scholar
Thompson, R. C., and Hutchinson, R. W.. 1929. A Century of Exploration at Nineveh. London: Luzac and Co.Google Scholar
Tilley, C. 1994. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths, and Monuments. Explorations in Anthropology. Oxford, UK; Providence, RI: Berg.Google Scholar
Tite, M. S., and Shortland, A. J.. 2008. Production Technology of Faience and Related Early Viteous Materials. Monograph 72. Oxford: Oxford University School of Archaeology.Google Scholar
Tomabechi, Y. 1980. “Wall Paintings and Color Pigments of Ancient Mesopotamia” Ph.D. Dissertation, Ancient History and Archaeology, University of California, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Turner, A., Doxa, M., O'Sullivan, D., and Penn, A.. 2001. “From Isovists to Visibility Graphs: A Methodology for the Analysis of Architectural Space.” Environment and Planning B 28: 103–121.Google Scholar
Verderame, L. 2004. “Il ruolo degli “esperti” (ummânu) nel periodo neo-assiro” Ph.D. Dissertation, Università di Roma La Sapienza.Google Scholar
Verderame, L. 2008. “La formazione dell'esperto (ummânu) nel periodo neo-assiro.” Historiae 5: 51–67.Google Scholar
Verderame, L. 2014. “A glimpse into the activities of experts (ummânu) at the Assyrian court” in Gaspa, S., Greco, A., Bonacossi, D. M., Ponchia, S. and Rollinger, R., eds, From Source to History: Studies on Ancient Near Eastern Worlds and Beyond, Dedicated to Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 713–728.Google Scholar
Villard, P. 1995. “Les derniers rapports des devins néo-assyriens.” Revue d'Assyriologie 89: 97–107.Google Scholar
Vivante, A. 1994. “The Sacrificial Altar in Assyrian Temples: A Suggested New Interpretation of the Term maškittu.” Revue d'Assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 88 (2): 163–168.Google Scholar
Waerzeggers, C. 2008. “On the Initiation of Babylonian Priests.” Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte 14: 1–38.Google Scholar
Waerzeggers, C. 2010. The Ezida Temple of Borsippa: Priesthood, Cult, Archives. Achaemenid History 15. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.Google Scholar
Waerzeggers, C. 2011. “The Babylonian Priesthood in the Long Sixth Century BC.” Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54: 59–70.Google Scholar
Watanabe, C. 2014. “Esarhaddon's Succession Oath Documents Reconsidered in Light of the Tayinat Version.” Orient 49: 145–170.Google Scholar
Weidner, E. 1939–1941. “Assurbânipal in Assur.” Archiv für Orientforschung 13: 204–218.Google Scholar
Whyte, A., Muros, V., and Barack, S.. 2004. ““Brick By Brick”: Piecing Together an 8th century b.c. Facade from Iraq.” AIC Objects Speciality Group Postprints 11.Google Scholar
Wiggermann, F. A. M. 1992. Mesopotamian Protective Spirits: The Ritual Texts. Cuneiform Monographs I. Groningen: STYX & PP Publications.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 1993. ““Seat of Kingship”/“A Wonder to Behold”: The Palace as Construct in the Ancient Near East.” Ars Orientalis 23: 27–55.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 1994. “Radiance as an Aesthetic Value in the Art of Mesopotamia” in Saraswati, B., Vatsayayan, K., Malik, S. C. and Khanna, M., eds, Art: The Integral Vision. A Volume of Essays in Felicitation of Kapila Vatsyayan. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld, 123–132.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 1995. “Aesthetics in Ancient Mesopotamian Art” in Sasson, J. M., ed Civilizations of the Ancient Near East III & IV. New York: Scribner, 2569–2580.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 2002. “Defining “Aesthetics” for Non-Western Studies: The Case of Ancient Mesopotamia” in Holly, M. A. and Moxey, K., eds, Art History, Aesthetics, Visual Studies. Williamstown, Massachusetts: Francine Clark Art Institute, 3–28.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 2003. ““Surpassing Work”: Mastery of Materials and the Value of Skilled Production in Ancient Sumer” in Potts, T., Roaf, M. and Stein, D., eds, Culture through Objects: Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of P. R. S. Moorey. Oxford: Griffith Institute, 403–421.Google Scholar
Wiseman, D. J. 1958. “Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon.” Iraq 20: 1–99, plates 1–53.Google Scholar